THE REFORM COMMITTEE.
On Monday morning Mr. S.W. Jameson (a brother of Dr. Jameson, who,
although suffering acutely from rheumatic fever, insisted on taking
his share of the work and worry during the days that followed)
received a telegram addressed to Dr. Wolff, in his care. The latter
being away on Monday Mr. Jameson translated the telegram and showed
it at once to as many of his comrades as he could find. It was from
Dr. Jameson, despatched from Pitsani at 9.5 a.m. on Sunday, and ran
as follows: 'Meet me as arranged before you left on Tuesday night
which will enable us to decide which is best destination. Make
Advocate Leonard speak--make cutting to-night without fail.'
Every effort was made to find Dr. Wolff, but he--in common with
others--believing that there would be no move for a week, was away.
This telegram was, to say the least of it, disquieting. It showed, so
it was thought, that as late as Sunday morning Dr. Jameson could not
have received the countermands by Messrs. Heany and Holden, and it
indicated that it must have been a near thing stopping him before he
actually crossed the border. As a matter of fact Major Heany reached
Dr. Jameson at noon on Sunday; but Capt. Holden had arrived the night
before.
Shortly after noon Mr. Abe Bailey received and showed to others a
telegram purporting to come from 'Godolphin,' Capetown, to the
following effect: 'The veterinary surgeon says the horses are now all
right; he started with them last night; will reach you on Wednesday;
he says he can back himself for seven hundred.' By the light of
subsequent events the telegram is easily interpreted, but as Mr.
Bailey said he could not even guess who 'Godolphin' might be, the
message remained a puzzle. That it had some reference to Dr. Jameson
was at once guessed, indeed Mr. Bailey would not have shown it to
others concerned in the movement did he not himself think so. The
importance and significance of the message entirely depended upon who
'Godolphin' was, and it afterwards transpired that the sender was Dr.
Rutherfoord Harris, who states that he took the first and safest
means of conveying the news that Dr. Jameson had actually started in
spite of all. Mysterious and unintelligible as it was the telegram
caused the greatest uneasiness among the few who saw it, for it
seemed to show that an unknown someone in Capetown was under the
impression that Dr. Jameson had started. The Reformers however still
rejected the idea that he would do anything so mad and preposterous,
and above all they were convinced that had he started they would not
be left to gather the fact from the ambiguous phrases of an unknown
person.
All doubts however were set at rest when between four and half-past
four on Monday afternoon Mr. A.L. Lawley came hurriedly into the room
where several of the leaders were met, saying, 'It is all up, boys.
He has started in spite of everything. Read this!' and at the same
time throwing on the table the following telegram from Mafeking: 'The
contractor has started on the earthworks with seven hundred boys;
hopes to reach terminus on Wednesday.'
The Reformers realized perfectly well the full significance of Dr.
Jameson's action; they realized that even if he succeeded in reaching
Johannesburg, he, by taking the initiative, seriously impaired the
justice of the Uitlanders' cause--indeed, put them hopelessly in the
wrong. Apart from the moral or political aspects of the question
there was the fact that, either through mistake or by fatuous
impulse, Dr. Jameson had plunged them into a crisis for which as he
knew they were insufficiently provided and prepared, and at the same
time destroyed the one chance--the one certainty--on which they had
always counted for arms and ammunition; by starting first he knocked
out the foundation of the whole scheme--he made the taking of the
Pretoria arsenal impossible. For a few minutes it was hoped that
the chance of taking the arsenal still remained; but while discussion
was still proceeding and several of those present were protesting
that the news could not be true (among them Mr. S.W. Jameson, who
stoutly maintained that his brother would never start in defiance of
his pledges), authentic news of the invasion was received from the
Government offices; and this was supplemented a few minutes later by
the information that the Government had known it at an early hour in
the morning, and that Pretoria was then full of armed burghers. The
position then appeared fairly desperate.
It is worth noting that even when Dr. Jameson decided to start in
opposition to the Committee's wishes it was not deemed necessary to
treat them with the candour which they were entitled to expect from a
comrade. It is well known that Dr. Jameson never had 700 men, and
that he started with less than 500, and yet the Reformers were led to
understand from the telegrams above quoted that he was starting with
700, and not 800 as last promised. They were at first under the
impression that the 700 men did not include the Bechuanaland Border
Police who were to join him after starting, so that it was still
thought that he had over 800 men.
Before five o'clock messengers had been sent out in all directions to
call together those who had interested themselves in the movement, or
as many of them as possible, for several prominent men knowing only
of the steps taken to prevent any movement on the part of Dr.
Jameson, were not at hand. As many as possible however gathered
together, and it was decided to take instant steps to put the town in
a state of defence. In order that the subsequent actions and attitude
of the Reform Committee may be properly understood it is necessary to
explain somewhat fully the position of affairs on this Monday
evening.
As soon as it was realized that the news was beyond all doubt true
the bitterest censure was expressed upon Dr. Jameson's action, and it
was at first stated by many that either Dr. Jameson or Mr. Rhodes or
both had deliberately and for the furtherance of their personal aims
disregarded in treacherous and heartless fashion all their
agreements. Soon however a calmer view was taken, and a consideration
of all the circumstances induced the Reformers to believe that Dr.
Jameson had started in good faith, but under some misapprehension.
They recalled the various reports that had been in circulation in the
press about conflicts between the Boers and Uitlanders at the Simmer
and Jack and Jumpers mines, the reported arrest of Mr. Lionel
Phillips and the demand of £80,000 bail--rumours which had been
treated by those on the spot as too ridiculous to gain credence
anywhere, but which they nevertheless thought might have reached Dr.
Jameson in such guise as to induce him to take the step which he had
taken. It was assumed that the telegrams sent from Johannesburg and
Capetown to stop him had not reached him, and that Messrs. Heany and
Holden had also failed to catch him before he started. Opinions
however were still divided as to whether he had simply lost patience
and come in regardless of all consequences, or had been really misled
and had dashed in to the assistance of Johannesburg. The position was
at best one of horrible uncertainty, and divided as the Committee
were in their opinions as to his motive they could only give him the
benefit of the doubt and assume that there was behind his action no
personal aim and no deliberate disregard of his undertakings. In
order to realize the perplexity of the position it must be understood
that only the few who happened to meet on Sunday and Monday morning
knew of the telegrams which had passed during the previous
twenty-four hours, many did not know of them until Pretoria prison
gave them time to compare notes; to some they may be news even now.
There was no time to argue then!
Knowing the poorness of the equipment of Johannesburg and the
unpreparedness of the place and its inhabitants the more logical and
cold-blooded course would have been to repudiate Dr. Jameson
instantly and to have left him to his fate; but against this was
firstly, the fact publicly admitted that he had remained on the
border by arrangement with the leaders in order to help them should
the necessity arise; next, that if he gave heed to the reports which
were being circulated he might have thought that the necessity had
arisen; and finally, that the leaders had taken such steps in the
smuggling in of arms and the arming of men as would warrant the
Boers, and indeed anybody else, in associating them with Dr. Jameson,
so that they might confidently expect to be attacked as accomplices
before the true facts could become known. They realized quite well
that they had a big responsibility to the unarmed population of
Johannesburg, and it was with the object of fulfilling that
obligation that they decided to arm as many men as possible and to
fortify and defend the place if attacked, but, in view of the
impossibility of aggressive measures being successful, to take no
initiative against the Boers. It would in any case have been entirely
useless to suggest the repudiation of Dr. Jameson at that moment. The
Johannesburg people would never have listened to such a suggestion,
nor could anyone have been found to make it.
In view of the fact that the Reform Committee have been charged with
the crime of plunging the country into civil war with a miserable
equipment of less than 3,000 rifles, it is only fair to give some
heed to the conditions as they were at the time and to consider
whether any other course would have been practicable, and if
practicable, whether it would have been in the interests of any
considerable section of the community. To the Committee the course to
be taken seemed perfectly clear. They determined to defend and hold
the town. They threw off all disguise, got in all the arms they
possibly could, organized the various military corps, and made
arrangements for the maintenance of order in the town and on the
mines. Throughout Monday night all were engaged in getting in arms
and ammunition and doing all that could be done to enable the town to
hold its own against possible attack.
During Monday night the Reform Committee came into existence. Those
who had so far taken a prominent part in the agitation had been for
convenience utilizing Colonel Rhodes' office in the Consolidated
Goldfields Company's building. Many prominent men came forward
voluntarily to associate themselves with the movement, and as the
numbers increased and work had to be apportioned it became evident
that some organization would be necessary. Those who had already
taken part in the movement formed themselves into a committee, and
many other prominent men joined immediately. The movement being an
entirely public one it was open for anyone to join provided he
could secure the approval of the already elected members. The body so
constituted was then called the Reform Committee.
The following is the first notice of the Reform Committee as
published in the _Johannesburg Star_; and it indicates the position
taken up:
Notice is hereby given that this Committee adheres to the National
Union manifesto, and reiterates its desire to maintain the
independence of the Republic. The fact that rumours are in course of
circulation to the effect that a force has crossed the Bechuanaland
border renders it necessary to take active steps for the defence of
Johannesburg and the preservation of order. The Committee earnestly
desires that the inhabitants should refrain from taking any action
which can be considered as an overt act of hostility against the
Government.
Telegrams were sent to the High Commissioner and to the Premier of
Cape Colony informing them that owing to the starting of Dr. Jameson
with an armed force into the Transvaal Johannesburg had been placed
in a position of extreme peril which they were utterly unprepared to
guard against, and urging the High Commissioner to proceed
immediately to Johannesburg in order to settle matters and prevent a
civil war.
Sub-committees were at once appointed, partly chosen from members of
the Reform Committee and partly from others who had interested
themselves in the movement and had come forward to take part but had
not actually joined the controlling body. The matters to be dealt
with were: The policing of the town; the control of the natives
thrown out of employment by the closing of the mines; the
arrangements for the defence of the town; the commissariat for the
men bearing arms and for others who were flocking into the town; the
providing for the women and children who had been brought in from the
mines and had neither food nor shelter. These matters were taken in
hand on Tuesday morning, and before nightfall some 2,000 men had been
supplied with arms; the Maxims had been brought in and placed in
position on the hills surrounding the town; various corps had been
formed; a commencement had been made in the throwing-up of earthworks
around the town; and food-supplies and such field equipment as could
be got together had been provided for the men. As regards the town,
the Government police having disappeared, it was necessary to take
energetic steps to prevent actual chaos reigning. Ex-Chief Detective
Trimble was appointed to organize a police force, and the work was
admirably done. Before nightfall the Reform Committee's police had
taken entire charge of the town, and from this time until the
withdrawal of the Committee's police after the laying down of arms,
perfect order was maintained--indeed, the town has never before or
since been so efficiently controlled as during this period.
Numbers of the mines stopped work. In some cases the miners remained
to protect the companies' property; in other cases the men came in
and volunteered to carry arms in defence of the town. One of the most
serious difficulties with which the Committee had to deal was that of
supplying arms. There were under 3,000 rifles, and during the few
days when the excitement was at its highest no less than 20,000 men
came forward as volunteers and demanded to be armed. Not unnaturally
a great deal of feeling was roused among these men against the
Committee on account of their inability to arm them. It was believed
for a long time that the Committee was wholly responsible for the
incursion by Dr. Jameson; that they had precipitated matters without
regard to the safety of the unarmed population, and had actually
courted civil war with a paltry equipment of some 3,000 rifles. For
several days a huge crowd surrounded the Committee's offices
clamouring for guns. It is difficult to say what the feeling would
have been and what would have been done had it been known then that
there were less than 3,000 rifles. Not more than a dozen men knew the
actual number, and they decided to take the responsibility of
withholding this information, for they realized that panic and riot
might ensue if it were known, whilst the only hope for a successful
issue now lay in Johannesburg presenting a bold, confident, and
united front.
All the well-known medical men in the town came forward at once, and
organized and equipped an ambulance corps which within the day was in
perfect working order.
Perhaps the most arduous task of all was that of the Commissariat
Department, who were called upon to supply at a few hours' notice the
men bearing arms in various positions outside the town and the
various depots within the town which were organized for the relief
of those who had flocked in unprovided for. It would have been
impossible, except in a community where the great majority of men had
been trained by the nature of their own business in the habit of
organization, to cope with the difficulties which here presented
themselves, and it is impossible to pay too high tribute to those who
organized the relief of the women and children from the surrounding
districts. Not less than 2,000 women and children were housed and fed
on Tuesday night; offices were taken possession of in different parts
of the town and converted into barracks, where sleeping accommodation
was provided under excellent sanitary conditions; and abundance of
food, as good as could be expected at an ordinary hotel, was supplied
to these people who had come in expecting to sleep in the streets.
In order to carry into effect the scheme of relief above referred to
it was found necessary to form what was called the Relief Committee.
A fund was opened to provide this Committee with the necessary means,
and members of the Reform Committee subscribed upwards of £80,000
within a few minutes of the opening of the lists.
The native liquor question also called for prompt and determined
handling. A deputation from the Committee called upon the Landdrost,
the official head of the Licensing Board, and requested the
co-operation of the Government in dealing with this matter, and an
order was obtained from him compulsorily closing the canteens until
further notice. Armed with this the officials appointed by the
Committee visited the various liquor-houses along the mines and gave
due notice, with the further warning that if any breach of the new
regulation took place it would be followed by the confiscation of the
entire stock of liquor. The measure generally had a very salutary
effect, but in the lowest quarters it was not sufficient. The
Committee had realized in the very beginning that nothing but the
removal of the liquor would prevent the Kaffir canteen-keepers from
supplying the natives with drink, and patrols were accordingly sent
out to seize the entire stock in those drinking-hells, to pay
compensation at value agreed upon, and to destroy the liquor. The
step was no doubt a high-handed one, and before it was taken notice
was given to the Government officials of the intention. The Committee
were warned that this action could not be authorized by Government,
as it was both high-handed and illegal, but they decided to take the
responsibility upon themselves. It is not too much to say that there
were fewer cases of drunkenness or violence reported during the
period of trouble than during any other fortnight in the history of
the place.
The following proclamation had been issued by the President at a very
late hour on Monday night in Pretoria, and was received in
Johannesburg on Tuesday morning:
PROCLAMATION BY HIS HONOUR THE STATE PRESIDENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN
REPUBLIC.
Whereas it has appeared to the Government of the South African
Republic that there are rumours in circulation to the effect that
earnest endeavours are being made to endanger the public safety of
Johannesburg, and whereas the Government is convinced that, in case
such rumours may contain any truth, such endeavours can only emanate
from a small portion of the inhabitants, and that the greater portion
of the Johannesburg inhabitants are peaceful, and are prepared to
support the Government in its endeavours to maintain law and order,
Now, know you that I, Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, State
President of the South African Republic, with the advice and consent
of the Executive Council, according to Article 913 of its
minutes, dated the 30th of December, 1895, do hereby warn those
evil-intentioned persons (as I do hereby urge all such persons to do)
to remain within the pale of the law, and all such persons not
heeding this warning shall do so on their own responsibility; and I
do further make known that life and property shall be protected
against which attempts may be made, and that every peaceful
inhabitant of Johannesburg, of whatsoever nationality he may be, is
called upon to support me herein, and to assist the officials charged
therewith; and further be it made known that the Government is still
prepared to take into consideration all grievances that may be laid
before it in a proper manner, and to submit the same to the people of
the land without delay for treatment.
The Government in Pretoria were no doubt perfectly well aware of all
that was going on; the Committee could not possibly observe any
secrecy, nor did it appear desirable, since the position taken up and
maintained by them to the end was that they were not responsible for
Dr. Jameson's incursion and were simply prepared to defend the town
against attack.
During the four or five days preceding this the evidences of
excitement in Johannesburg had been unmistakable, and on Saturday
the 28th, the day before Dr. Jameson started, several prominent
officials and two or three members of the Volksraad visited
Johannesburg from Pretoria and openly discussed the seriousness
of the position. At that time they were strongly of opinion that
the Government had brought the trouble on themselves by their
wrong-headed and corrupt action. The visitors were men who although
officially associated with the Government were not at all in sympathy
with the policy of the Krugerite party, and they were sincerely
anxious for a peaceful settlement and desirous of liberal reforms,
but their influence with the Government was nil. Unfortunately it has
always been the case that intelligent and upright men associated with
the Pretoria Government (and there are some as bright examples as can
be found in any country) never have, and never will have, any weight
with the party now dominating the State. Their services are not used
as they might be, and their counsels are not regarded as they should
be in times when they would be of value; in fact, it would seem that
they are only used when it appears to Mr. Kruger and his party that
they present opportunities for playing upon the credulity of the
Uitlanders with whose progressive notions they are known to be in
sympathy. It is unnecessary to say that these gentlemen do not
consciously take part in the deception which is practised, but it is
nevertheless a fact that whenever the Pretoria clique desire to trail
the red herring they do it by the employment in seeming good faith of
one or other of those gentlemen whose character and sympathies
entitle them to the respect and confidence of the Uitlander.
On Tuesday Mr. Eugene Marais, the editor of the leading Dutch paper
_Land en Volk_, a gentleman who has worked consistently and
honourably both for his people, the Transvaal Dutch, and for the
cause of pure and enlightened government, visited Johannesburg, being
convinced that there was serious trouble in store for the country
unless prompt and decisive steps were taken to remedy the conditions
under which the Rand community were suffering. No one in the country
has fought harder against the abuses which exist in Pretoria nor has
anyone risked more, nor yet is there a more loyal champion of the
Boer; and Mr. Marais, having on his own initiative investigated the
condition of affairs in Johannesburg and reported the result to some
of the leading members of the Government, telegraphed to a member
of the Committee on Tuesday morning beseeching that body to make a
strenuous effort to avert bloodshed, using the words, 'For God's
sake, let us meet and settle things like men!' and further stating
that he and Mr. Malan, son-in-law of General Joubert, were bringing
over a message from the Government, and that he hoped the Committee
would meet them in a reasonable spirit.
A full meeting of the Committee was at once called to receive the two
delegates. The meeting took place at 9 p.m. and lasted until 12 p.m.
on Tuesday night. Mr. Marais's evidence during the course of the
trial detailed the events which led up to this meeting. He stated
that in consequence of what he had observed in Johannesburg on Monday
and Tuesday he returned to Pretoria, convinced that unless something
was done by Government to relieve the position there would most
inevitably be a civil war. He reported the condition of things to
General Joubert, who deemed it of sufficient importance to have the
matter brought before the Executive. Messrs. Marais and Malan were
thereupon received by the Executive and authorized to meet the Reform
Committee on behalf of the Government. With reference to the now
famous 'olive branch' phrase, Mr. Marais states that the expression
was first used by a member of the Committee in Johannesburg on
Tuesday morning. The condition of things was being discussed and this
member commented severely upon the action of the Government. Mr.
Marais urged that things were not so bad as to justify a determined
attempt to provoke civil war, and stated that he believed that the
excitement prevailing would convince the Government that they had now
gone too far and that when they realized the seriousness of the
position they would be willing to make proper concessions, and he
said in conclusion that the people of Johannesburg, if they were as
good as their professions and desired reform and not revolution,
would even at the eleventh hour be willing to meet the Government.
The member of the Reform Committee replied that this was undoubtedly
the attitude of the Johannesburg people, but that it was
absolutely useless to keep on patiently waiting for the fulfilment of
promises which were only made to be broken; that if Johannesburg had
any evidence that the Government meant honestly by them they would of
course treat and endeavour to avert bloodshed; that the Uitlanders
had so far always offered the olive branch and sought to establish
harmony. That however was all over, and let the Government now take
the first steps if they were in earnest.
Mr. Marais reported the whole of this conversation to the Executive
Council and, upon his making use of the expression 'olive branch,'
the President exclaimed excitedly, 'What are they talking about? What
is an olive branch?' When this was explained to him he nodded and
said, 'Yes, that is what we will do,' and Mr. Wolmarans another
member of the Executive exclaimed, 'Go back to the Johannesburg
people and tell them that we have already offered the olive branch by
voluntarily withdrawing our police from the town in order to avoid
conflict, thus leaving them in entire possession. It is for them to
say whether they will accept it.'
The meeting at which Messrs. Marais and Malan were commissioned to
negotiate with the Johannesburg people was, with the exception of
General Smit (then dying and since dead), attended by every member of
the Executive Council, and there is no truth in the suggestion made
on behalf of the Government that it was an informal meeting of a few
men who were not acting on behalf of the State, nor is there any
justification for the statement made by Judge Ameshof in the
witness-box that Messrs. Marais and Malan were not officially
authorized to negotiate with the Reform Committee.
Messrs. Marais and Malan met the Reform Committee in the general
committee-room, and both gentlemen addressed the meeting several
times, going fully into the grievances complained of by the
Uitlanders and explaining very fully the position of the Government
and their attitude during the meeting of the Executive Council which
they had been called upon to attend. They stated that they had been
sent by a full meeting of the Executive to ask the Reform Committee
to send a deputation to Pretoria in order to meet a Commission to
be appointed by Government with a view to effecting a peaceful
settlement and the redress of grievances; that the Commission would
consist of Chief Justice Kotzé, Judge Ameshof, and another, probably
a member of the Executive Council; that the Government were willing
to consider and redress the grievances, and were, above all things,
anxious to avoid conflict with their own subjects.
Then came the much-quoted expression: 'We come in fact to offer you
the olive branch; it is for you to say if you will take it; if you
are sincere in your professions, you will.' A great deal of
discussion took place, many members of the Committee maintaining
that, although they placed full confidence in the gentlemen who had
been sent by Government, they were nevertheless convinced that there
was treachery at the bottom of it, and they stated in plain language
what has become more or less an article of faith with the Uitlander:
'Whenever the Government are earnestly intent upon deceiving us they
select emissaries in whose character and good faith we have complete
trust, and by deceiving them ensure that we shall be misled.' Both
gentlemen repeatedly assured the meeting that the Government were
most anxious to remove the causes of discontent, and stated moreover
that Johannesburg would get practically all that was asked for in the
Manifesto. When asked what was meant by 'practically all,' they
explained that there would be some minor points of course on which
Johannesburg would have to give way in order to meet the Government,
as their position was also a very difficult one, and there were in
particular two matters on which there would be some difficulty, but
by no means insurmountable. When asked if the two matters were the
removal of religious disabilities and the franchise, one of the two
gentlemen replied that he had been told that there would be some
difficulty on these two points, but that they were quite open to
discussion as to the details and he was convinced that there would
surely be a means of coming to an understanding by compromise even on
these two. Messrs. Marais and Malan also informed the meeting that
the High Commissioner had issued a proclamation calling upon Dr.
Jameson to desist from the invasion and to return to British
territory at once; that the proclamation had been duly forwarded
to him from several points; and that there was no doubt that he would
turn back. Messrs. Marais and Malan both stated that they were
themselves proceeding with the commando against Dr. Jameson should he
fail to obey the High Commissioner's mandate, and stated also that
although they were making every effort that was humanly possible to
avert conflict it must be clearly understood that if from the
unreasonable action of Johannesburg fighting took place between the
Government forces and a revolutionary force from Johannesburg, they
as in duty bound would fight for their Government, and that in the
Government ranks would be found those men who had been the most
arduous workers in the cause of reform. They were assured that there
was no such feeling as desire for revenge actuating the people who
had taken up arms, that it was simply a desire for fair treatment and
decent government, that the present demand was what had been already
detailed in the Manifesto, and that the Committee stood by that
document, but would nevertheless accept as sufficient for the time
being any reasonable proportion of the redress demanded.
In spite of differences as to the motives of the Government in
holding out the olive branch it was decided unanimously that the
request as conveyed by Messrs. Marais and Malan should be complied
with, and that a deputation should be sent over early on the
following morning to meet the Government Commission. Under the
circumstances it was quite useless to discuss whether the Government
designed these negotiations merely as a ruse in order to gain time,
or whether they were actually dealing with the Committee in good
faith and intending to effect the redress promised. At that time
Johannesburg itself had not been protected by earthworks, and the
unpacking of the Maxims and rifles had only just been completed.
Throughout Tuesday night and Wednesday earthworks were being thrown
up, and every effort was being directed towards placing the town in a
state of defence.