THE ORIGIN OF THE MOVEMENT.
Having failed in their constitutional attempts to secure a reasonable
voice in the government, or any redress of their grievances, there
came the time when men's thoughts naturally turned to the last
expedient--force. Up to and so late as the Volksraad Session of 1895
a constitutional agitation for rights had been carried on by the
Transvaal National Union, a body representing the unenfranchised
portion of the population. Of its members but few belonged to the
class of wealthy mine and land owners: they had so far abstained from
taking any part in a political organization which was viewed with
dislike and suspicion by the Government and the great majority of the
Boers. It has been asserted by a few Progressive members of the Raad
that many of the Boers were themselves opposed to the policy adopted
towards the newcomers; but, whilst this may be to some extent true,
it is more than questionable whether any of the burghers were willing
to concede a share in the power of government, although it is certain
that great numbers would not have taken active steps against the
Uitlanders but for the invasion by a foreign force. Any extending of
the franchise means to the great majority of the Boers a
proportionate loss of independence.
When the matter of the Independence of the Republic is discussed it
must not be forgotten that independence conveys something to the
Boers which is radically different from what it means to anyone else.
That the State should continue for ever to be independent and
prosperous--a true republic--would be mockery heaped on injury if the
absolute domination by the Boer party should cease; and when the
parrot-like cry of 'The Independence of the State is threatened' is
raised again and again _à propos_ of the most trivial measures and
incidents, this idea is the one that prompts it. Instances
innumerable could be quoted seemingly illustrating the Boer
legislators' inability to distinguish between simple measures of
reform and justice, and measures aimed at undermining the State's
stability and independence. It is not stupidity! It is that the Boer
realizes at least one of the inevitable consequences of reform--that
the ignorant and incapable must go under. Reform is the death-knell
of his oligarchy, and therefore a danger to the independence of the
State--as he sees it. Until the European people who have lately
become so deeply concerned in Transvaal affairs realize how widely
divergent are the two interpretations of 'Independence,' they will
not have begun to understand the Transvaal Question.
The National Union did not represent any particular class in the
Uitlander community. It was formed of men drawn from all classes who
felt that the conditions of life were becoming intolerable, and that
something would have to be done by the community to bring about
reforms which the legislature showed no signs of voluntarily
introducing.
When it is said that it consisted of men drawn from all classes, the
qualification should be made that the richer classes, that is to say,
the capitalists of the country, were very meagrely if at all
represented. Many efforts had been made to enlist the sympathies of
the capitalists, and to draw them into the movement, but the 'big
firms,' as they were styled, for a very long time refused to take any
part whatever, preferring to abstain entirely rather than associate
themselves with a definite agitation. They pleaded, and no doubt
fairly, that in case of failure they with their vested interests
would be the ones to suffer, while in the event of success they would
not benefit in a greater degree than the individuals who had little
or no material stake. One by one however they were drawn into the
political movement to the extent of supplying funds for carrying on
the reform agitation, or of giving monetary support to those who were
stimulating and organizing the Progressive party among the Boers.
There can be no doubt that prior to 1895 the wealthier men without
exception refused to consider the possibility of violent measures.
It was only when they realized that the Boer party were determinedly
hostile--organizing very large encroachments upon the privileges of
the Uitlanders and designing fresh burdens to be borne by them--and
when it became clear that the dangers threatening as a result of
their own supine attitude were worse than any disfavour with which
they might be viewed on account of political action, that they began
to take an active part with others in the agitation for reform. It
was not until the Volksraad in the Session of 1895 revealed their
real policy and their fixed determination to effect no reform that
men began to talk of the possibility of revolutionary measures
becoming necessary. The subject once mooted was frequently discussed,
and once discussed became familiar; and the thing which a few months
before had been regarded as out of the bounds of possibility came to
be looked upon as a very probable contingency. The extraordinary boom
in shares, land, and all kinds of property, which lasted throughout
the year, no doubt operated against the maturing of this feeling, but
it nevertheless continued to grow. The most dissatisfied section of
the Rand was, naturally enough, that one which included the South
African Uitlander. These men, born in South Africa, or having spent
the best years of their lives there, felt extremely bitter against
the Boer Government, and were moved by feelings which were not in any
way connected with considerations of material gain. With them were
closely associated men of all nationalities who had determined to
make their homes in the Transvaal, and these formed the class which
has been disparagingly referred to as 'the political element,' but
which the experience of every country shows to be the backbone of a
nation. They were in fact the men who meant to have a hand in the
future of South Africa. After them came the much larger class whose
interest in the reforms was based mainly upon the fact that they
suffered from the abuses and over-taxation of the Government.
For several years a very strong feeling against the capitalists had
ruled in Johannesburg. Men who thoroughly knew the Boer had
prophesied and continued throughout to prophesy that absolutely
nothing would be done to improve the conditions, and that the
capitalists might as well throw in their lot with the general public
early in the day as be forced to do so later, after spending their
thousands in fruitless efforts for reform, and after committing
themselves to a policy which would be regarded as selfish,
pusillanimous, and foolish. The moneyed men no doubt occupied a very
prominent and powerful position. They were constantly besought by
the Reform leaders to side with them; they were looked to by the
Progressive Party in the Boer camp to aid reform by peaceful measures
only, to exercise all their influence towards preventing rash or
violent measures being taken by the more excited party, and to trust
to time and patience to achieve those results which they were all
honestly desirous of bringing about; and they were approached, as has
been stated, by the President and his party when moments of danger
arrived, and when it was felt that their influence could be used
towards the preservation of peace,--as witness the Loch incident.
'It is no crime to be a capitalist,' said one commentator on the late
events, and neither is it necessary to attribute to this section of
the community motives of patriotism to justify their association with
the Reform movement. It is not intended to suggest that the men who
did associate themselves eventually with it were not moved by any
higher consideration than that of protecting their interests--in many
cases a far larger view than this was taken; but it may be
asked,--assuming that the capitalists were not moved by higher
considerations,--What is there in their position which should debar
them from endeavouring to introduce the reforms which would benefit
them only equally with every other honest man in the community?
Most of the wealthy houses in the Transvaal are either offshoots of
or have supporting connections with firms in England or on the
Continent. Between them and their principals much correspondence had
taken place on the political situation. As far as these houses were
concerned, it was impossible for them to enter upon any movement
without the consent of their European associates. For this reason the
Reform movement, as it eventually took place, has in some ways
the appearance of and has very frequently been stigmatized as an
organization planned and promoted outside the Transvaal. The fact is
that Mr. Alfred Beit, of the firm of Wernher, Beit and Co., London,
and Mr. Cecil Rhodes, managing director of the Consolidated
Goldfields, may be regarded as the chiefs to whom the ultimate
decision as to whether it was necessary from the capitalistic point
of view to resort to extreme measures was necessarily left. Each of
these gentlemen controls in person and through his business
associates many millions of money invested in the Transvaal; each of
them was, of course, a heavy sufferer under the existing conditions
affecting the mining industry, and each, as a business man, must
have been desirous of reform in the administration. Mr. Beit acted
in concert with Mr. Lionel Phillips, of H. Eckstein and Co., the
Johannesburg representatives of Wernher, Beit and Co. Mr. Rhodes was
represented by his brother, Colonel Francis Rhodes, and Mr. J.H.
Hammond, of the Consolidated Goldfields Company in Johannesburg. Mr.
George Farrar, another very large mine-owner, who joined a little
later than the others, with the gentlemen above named, may be
considered to have represented the capitalist element in the earlier
stages of the Reform movement. The other elements were represented by
Mr. Charles Leonard, the chairman of the National Union, and one or
two other prominent members of that body.
It is impossible to say with whom the idea of the movement, including
the arrangement with Dr. Jameson, originated. Perhaps it germinated
when Dr. Jameson read the life of Clive! Probably it was the result
of discussion, and no one man's idea. At any rate arms and ammunition
were purchased, and arrangements were made by which they should be
smuggled into the country concealed in machinery or gold-mining
appliances. During the month of November Messrs. Leonard and Phillips
went to Capetown to see Mr. Rhodes, in order to assure themselves
finally as to the course which was to be pursued. The position of Mr.
Rhodes in the matter was recognised by them to be a difficult one.
Whilst as the managing director of the Consolidated Goldfields he
had as much right as any other man interested in the Transvaal
would have to concern himself in a movement of this nature, his right
to act in his capacity of managing director of the Chartered Company
would depend entirely on the nature of the part which he professed
to play; but his position as Prime Minister of the Colony made the
already difficult position much more complicated. Realizing this,
Messrs. Leonard and Phillips acting on behalf of the others
determined to have a perfectly clear understanding and to ascertain
from Mr. Rhodes definitely what were his objects in associating
himself with the movement. The matter was discussed at Mr. Rhodes'
house, and the report given by the two deputies to their colleagues
on their return was that Mr. Rhodes frankly admitted that he had two
objects in view: one was to obtain an amelioration of the conditions
such as he was entitled to claim as representing an enormous amount
of capital invested in the Transvaal; the other object is best
described by Mr. Leonard. 'We read to him,' said that gentleman when
reporting to his comrades the result of his visit, 'the draft of our
declaration of rights. He was leaning against the mantelpiece smoking
a cigarette, and when it came to that part of the document in which
we refer to Free Trade in South African products he turned round
suddenly, and said: "That is what I want. That is all I ask of you.
The rest will come in time. We must have a beginning, and that will
be the beginning. If you people get your rights, the Customs Union,
Railway Convention, and other things will all come in time." He then
added that we must take our own time about this movement, and that he
would keep Jameson on the frontier as long as it was necessary as a
moral support, and also to come to our assistance should we get
ourselves into a tight place. We asked him how he hoped to recoup
himself for his share of the expense in keeping Jameson's force on
the border, which should be borne by us jointly. He said that seeing
the extent of his interests in the country, he would be amply repaid
by the improvement in the conditions which it was intended to
effect.'
It has since been suggested that the object of the movement was to
'steal the country' and to annex it to Rhodesia, in order to
rehabilitate the Chartered Company. The suggestion is too ludicrous
for serious discussion. It must be obvious to anyone that the
persons most concerned in the movement, and whose interests lay in
the Rand, would be the very last to consent to any such scheme. There
appears to be no conceivable basis upon which such an arrangement
could have been entered into, and it is quite clear that no sensible
business man having interests in a rich country in a comparatively
advanced state of development would consent to share that certainty
with a new country such as Rhodesia, the value of which, however
promising, has still to be proved. Notwithstanding the ludicrous
nature of the charge, it is quite certain that the Boers have a
deep-rooted conviction of its truth.
The arrangements with Dr. Jameson were made with him in person.
During the month of September he visited Johannesburg, and it was
then agreed that he should maintain a force of some 1,500 mounted men
fully equipped, a number of Maxims, and some field artillery; that he
was, in addition to this, to have with him 1,500 spare rifles and a
quantity of spare ammunition; and that about 5,000 rifles, three
Maxim guns, and 1,000,000 rounds of ammunition were to be smuggled
into Johannesburg. It was calculated that in the town itself there
would be, perhaps, 1,000 rifles privately owned. Thus, in the event
of a junction of forces being effected, Johannesburg would be able to
command about 9,000 armed men, with a fair equipment of machine-guns
and cannon. Nor was this all, for on the original plan it was
intended to seize the fort and magazines at Pretoria. And
circumstances favoured the plans of the Johannesburg men. The
surrounding wall of the fort, a mere barrack, had been removed on one
side in order to effect some additions; there were only about 100 men
stationed there, and all except half a dozen could be counted on as
being asleep after 9 p.m. There never was a simpler sensational task
in the world than that of seizing the Pretoria fort--fifty men could
have done it. But there was more to be done than the mere taking. In
the fort there were known to be some 10,000 rifles, ten or twelve
field-pieces, and 12,000,000 rounds of small-arm ammunition; and it
was designed to seize the fort and the railway on the night of the
outbreak and, by means of one or two trains, to carry off as much of
the material as possible and destroy the rest.
Association with Dr. Jameson as the leader of an invading force is
the one portion of their programme which the Reform leaders find it
extremely difficult to justify. As long as the movement was confined
to the Uitlanders resident in the Transvaal the sympathy of South
Africa and indeed of the world was with them. It was the alliance
with the foreign invader which forfeited that sympathy. That the
eventual intention of the Reformers was only to call upon Dr. Jameson
in case they found themselves attacked by and unable to cope with the
Boers is a fact, but it is only fair to Dr. Jameson to note that this
was a modification of the original arrangement by which both forces
were to act simultaneously and in concert,--when the signal should be
given from Johannesburg.
On the occasion of Dr. Jameson's second visit to Johannesburg,
towards the end of November, the following letter of invitation was
written and handed to him:
_To Dr. Jameson._
JOHANNESBURG.{19}
DEAR SIR,
The position of matters in this State has become so critical that we
are assured that at no distant period there will be a conflict
between the Government and the Uitlander population. It is scarcely
necessary for us to recapitulate what is now matter of history;
suffice it to say that the position of thousands of Englishmen and
others is rapidly becoming intolerable. Not satisfied with making the
Uitlander population pay virtually the whole of the revenue of the
country while denying them representation, the policy of the
Government has been steadily to encroach upon the liberty of the
subject, and to undermine the security for property to such an extent
as to cause a very deep-seated sense of discontent and danger. A
foreign corporation of Hollanders is to a considerable extent
controlling our destinies, and in conjunction with the Boer leaders
endeavouring to cast them in a mould which is wholly foreign to the
genius of the people. Every public act betrays the most positive
hostility, not only to everything English, but to the neighbouring
States.
Well in short the internal policy of the Government is such as to
have roused into antagonism to it, not only practically the whole
body of Uitlanders but a large number of the Boers; while its
external policy has exasperated the neighbouring States, causing the
possibility of great danger to the peace and independence of this
Republic. Public feeling is in a condition of smouldering discontent.
All the petitions of the people have been refused with a greater or
less degree of contempt; and in the debate on the Franchise petition,
signed by nearly 40,000 people, one member challenged the
Uitlanders to fight for the rights they asked for, and not a single
member spoke against him. Not to go into details, we may say that the
Government has called into existence all the elements necessary for
armed conflict. The one desire of the people here is for fair play,
the maintenance of their independence, and the preservation of
those public liberties without which life is not worth living. The
Government denies these things, and violates the national sense of
Englishmen at every turn.
What we have to consider is, What will be the condition of things
here in the event of a conflict? Thousands of unarmed men, women and
children of our race will be at the mercy of well-armed Boers, while
property of enormous value will be in the greatest peril. We cannot
contemplate the future without the gravest apprehensions. All feel
that we are justified in taking any steps to prevent the shedding of
blood, and to insure the protection of our rights.
It is under these circumstances that we feel constrained to call upon
you to come to our aid,{20} should a disturbance arise here. The
circumstances are so extreme that we cannot but believe that you and
the men under you will not fail to come to the rescue of people who
will be so situated. We guarantee any expense that may reasonably be
incurred by you in helping us, and ask you to believe that nothing
but the sternest necessity has prompted this appeal.
CHARLES LEONARD.
LIONEL PHILLIPS.
FRANCIS RHODES.
JOHN HAYS HAMMOND.
GEORGE FARRAR.
The letter was drafted by Mr. Charles Leonard, and was signed then by
four out of the five signatories, the fifth signature being added
some weeks later in Cape Town. It was not dated, and was to be used
only privately and in case of necessity for the purpose of excusing
Dr. Jameson to the directors of the Chartered Company and the
Imperial authorities in the course which it was intended to take.
Various plans were discussed, and even dates were provisionally
arranged. The first arrangement agreed to was that Dr. Jameson should
start two days before the intended outbreak in Johannesburg. This
was agreed to for the time being, but subsequent discussion convinced
the leaders that there were the gravest objections to such a course,
and it was therefore decided that Dr. Jameson should be notified
to start from his camp on the same night as the outbreak in
Johannesburg. The dates of December 28 and January 4 were in turn
provisionally decided upon, but the primary condition of these
arrangements was that under no circumstances should Dr. Jameson move
without receiving the word from the Johannesburg party.
With reference to the question of going out to meet Dr. Jameson or
giving him assistance, the only thing that was discussed was that an
officers' patrol should be sent out to meet him, to escort him to his
camp. There was no doubt entertained as to the ability of Dr. Jameson
and the force which it was believed he would command to come in
without assistance or the arrangement would never have been made. The
idea of the association with him was, of course, that he should
assist the Reformers--not they assist him; and the proposal regarding
the officers' patrol was one to which he only consented after
scouting the notion of any co-operation.
During the weeks which followed the conclusion of the arrangement
considerable dissatisfaction was felt at the very slow progress made
in obtaining arms. The number originally agreed to was deemed to be
sufficient but no more; and when it was first found that it would not
be possible to obtain this number but that a few hundreds less would
have to be accepted, doubts were freely expressed as to the wisdom of
proceeding until a sufficient supply had been obtained. When on two
subsequent occasions it was again notified that still a few hundred
less would have to be accepted, some members of the Reform Party were
very emphatic in their objections to proceeding any further until
they should be satisfied that the undertakings upon the strength of
which they had entered upon the arrangement would be faithfully
adhered to. On the occasion of Dr. Jameson's last visit it had been
extracted from him that instead of 1,500 men he would probably start
with from 800 to 1,000. These discrepancies and alterations caused
the liveliest dissatisfaction in the minds of those who realized
that they were entering upon a very serious undertaking; but although
the equipment seemed poor, reliance was always placed on the taking
of Pretoria Fort. That at any rate was a certainty, and it would
settle the whole thing without a blow; for Johannesburg would have
everything, and the Boers would have rifles, but neither ammunition
nor field-guns. Without doubt the Pretoria arsenal was the key of the
position, and it is admitted by Boer and alien alike that it lay
there unguarded, ready to be picked up, and that nothing in the world
could have saved it--except what did!
On or about December 19, Messrs. Woolls-Sampson and A. Bailey, two
Johannesburg men concerned in the movement, who had been in
communication with Mr. Rhodes and others in Cape Town, arrived in
Johannesburg, and indicated clearly that the question as to which
flag was to be raised was either deemed to be a relatively
unimportant one or one concerning which some of the parties had not
clearly and honestly expressed their intentions. In simple truth, it
appeared to be the case that Dr. Jameson either thought that the
Johannesburg reformers were quite indifferent on the subject of the
flag, or assumed that the provisions for the maintenance of the
Transvaal flag were merely talk, and that the Union Jack would be
hoisted at once. Nothing was further from the truth. The Reform Party
in Johannesburg included men to whom the Union Jack is as dear as
their own heart's blood, but it also included many others to whom
that flag does not appeal--men of other nationalities and other
associations and other sympathies. It included--perhaps the strongest
element of all--those men whose sympathies were naturally and most
strongly all for British rule, which they believed to be the best in
the world, but whose judgment showed them that to proclaim that rule
would be to defeat the very objects they honestly had in view, and
who would have regarded the change of flag at the last moment as an
unprincipled deception of those comrades who had been induced to
co-operate for reform and not for annexation. It had been repeatedly
and emphatically stated that the object was not to deprive the Boer
of his independence or the State of its autonomy, but to alter the
system of government in such a way as, first to obtain betterment of
the economic conditions which affect everyone, and afterwards to
induce a policy more in accordance with the general South African
sentiment--in fact to get the Transvaal into line with the other
South African States, in the same way for instance as the Free State
had shown itself disposed to go. It is but poor work explaining
failure, yet it must surely be permissible that something should
be said for those who alone have had no hearing yet. And it is in
the minds of the Reformers that the professions of their 'real
intentions' regarding the flag made by Dr. Jameson and Mr. Rhodes
might appropriately have been made before the raid, instead of
afterwards when all was over. The regard for definite pledges, which
in the Reformers was described as merely an excuse for backing out,
would, if it had been observed by all, have made a sickening fiasco
impossible.
No sooner had a doubt been raised on the subject of the flag than a
trusted emissary was despatched to inquire from Mr. Rhodes the
meaning of this tampering with one of the fundamental conditions of
the agreement. The messenger returned on Christmas morning, and at a
largely-attended meeting of the ringleaders stated that he had seen
Mr. Rhodes, and had received from him the assurance that it was all
right about the flag: no question or doubt had been raised on the
subject. In returning to Capetown however in company with Dr.
Rutherfoord Harris, he learned from that gentleman that it was by no
means all right, and gathered that it was assumed that the provision
about maintaining the Transvaal flag was so much talk necessary to
secure the adhesion of some doubtful people. The announcement was
received with the gravest dissatisfaction. Several of the leading men
stated emphatically that nothing would induce them to take part in
the movement unless the original arrangement was loyally adhered to.
In consequence of this it was resolved to despatch Messrs. Charles
Leonard and F.H. Hamilton to see Mr. Rhodes and to obtain from him a
definite guarantee that in the event of their availing themselves of
Dr. Jameson's help under any conditions the latter would abide by the
arrangements agreed upon.
It was then thought that a week would be sufficient time in which to
clear up the flag question and complete preparations. It was
decided to call a big public meeting for the night of Monday, January
6, not with the intention of holding the meeting, but as a blind to
cover the simultaneous rising in Johannesburg and seizing of the
arsenal in Pretoria on the night of Saturday, January 4. With this in
mind it was arranged to publish, in the form of a manifesto,{21} the
address which Mr. Charles Leonard had prepared for the meeting.
Among the Reformers there had always been a considerable section who
regarded the alliance or arrangement with Dr. Jameson as a very
doubtful advantage. It was this section which strongly and
successfully opposed the suggestion that he should start before an
actual outbreak. The difference of opinion was not such as to cause
division in the ranks, but yet sufficient to keep alive discussion as
to how the common aim could be achieved without risk of the
complications which external aid in the initial stages would be sure
to cause. To this feeling of doubt was added a sense of distrust when
Dr. Jameson's importunity and impatience became known; and when the
question of the flag was raised there were few, if any, among those
concerned in the movement who did not feel that the tail was trying
to wag the dog. The feeling was so strong that many were prepared to
abandon the whole scheme and start _de novo_ rather than continue an
undertaking in which it looked as though they were being fooled.
Hence the despatch of Messrs. Leonard and Hamilton on Christmas Day.
Confidence in their power to control Dr. Jameson and direct the
movement, as they considered they had the right and ability to do,
had been so shaken in the reformers that as soon as Messrs. Leonard
and Hamilton had been sent they began to discuss a complete change of
plans, and awaited only the reply from Capetown before taking the
first steps in the prosecution of the new programme. The plan most
favoured was that the importation and distribution of arms should be
continued as speedily and as secretly as possible, that, instead of
an invading force, as many armed and trained men as could be obtained
should be brought in, nominally as mechanics or men seeking
employment on the mines, that the public meeting called for
January 6 should be held and made as large and demonstrative as
possible, and a demand made to the Volksraad to grant the redress of
the grievances complained of, and, failing reasonable concessions,
that they should rise in arms and at the same time appeal to England,
as the paramount Power, or to the other South African Governments,
to mediate and so avert civil war. It was believed, and with much
reason, that the Boers, knowing, as they then inevitably would, that
a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition had been smuggled in,
and knowing also that the sentiment of South Africa, including the
Free State, was all in favour of considerable concessions to the
Uitlanders, would have hesitated to take the initiative against
Johannesburg, and would either have yielded to the pressure of the
general South African opinion and have accepted the mediation of the
High Commissioner, or would have offered considerable reforms. The
Kruger party, it was well known, would proceed to any extreme rather
than concede anything to the Uitlanders; but at that time the
majority of the Boers were opposed to the Kruger policy of favouring
the Hollanders and Germans to the exclusion of all other Uitlanders,
and this majority would not have consented to measures calculated to
embroil them with the people who had made their country prosperous,
and even to imperil the very existence of the State, whilst an
alternative course so easy as the one presented lay open to them.
On the day following the despatch of Messrs. Leonard and Hamilton to
Capetown it was decided to send messengers to Dr. Jameson to
emphatically prohibit any movement on his part, also to explain to
him the position of affairs in Johannesburg with reference to the
flag, and above all to impress upon him the condition of
unpreparedness. Major Heany was sent by train viâ Kimberley, and in
order to facilitate his travelling a telegram was sent to Mr. Rhodes
in Capetown asking him to arrange for a special train, and
acquainting him with the purpose of the trip. Captain Holden was sent
on horseback across country to Pitsani. Both gentlemen carried the
most definite instructions to Dr. Jameson on no account to move. Both
gentlemen have since stated that they delivered the messages in
word and in spirit absolutely as they were given to them in
Johannesburg, and that they carried no private messages whatever from
any individual member of the Committee in any way conflicting with
the purport of the official message with which they were charged.
On the Thursday, Friday, and Saturday telegrams and messages were
received from Dr. Jameson, all revealing impatience and a desire if
not an intention to disregard the wishes of the Johannesburg people.
Replies were sent to him and to the Capetown agents protesting
against the tone adopted, urging him to desist from the endeavour to
rush the Johannesburg people as they were pushing matters on to the
best of their ability and hoped for a successful issue without
recourse to violent measures, and stating emphatically that the
decision must be left entirely in the hands of Johannesburg as
agreed, otherwise there would be certain disaster. Besides what would
be regarded as the official expressions and messages of the
Johannesburg people, several individual members of the party
telegraphed to Dr. Jameson informing him of the position and adding
their personal advice and testimony. The probability of achieving
success without firing a shot was referred to in the sense of a most
satisfactory prospect. It did not occur to any one among the
Johannesburg party that it was this prospect that moved Dr. Jameson
to start. That idea is of later birth.
On Sunday morning, at about ten o'clock, two telegrams of importance
were received. The first was from Messrs. Hamilton and Leonard, to
the following effect: 'We have received perfectly satisfactory
assurance from Cecil Rhodes, but a misunderstanding undoubtedly
exists elsewhere. In our opinion, continue preparations, but
carefully, and without any sort of hurry, as entirely fresh departure
will be necessary. In view of changed condition Jameson has been
advised accordingly.' Portions of this message were in code. It left
Capetown at 2.20 p.m. on Saturday, the 28th, and was received on
Sunday at about ten o'clock. The second telegram was one from Dr.
Jameson to his brother, Mr. S.W. Jameson, and had been despatched at
about the same time. It was in the Bedford-McNeil Code, and was much
mutilated--so much so that it was thought to have been purposely
done in the telegraph office in order to obscure the meaning. One
expression was clear, however, and that was: 'I shall start without
fail to-morrow night.' It concluded with the words: 'Inform Dr.
Wolff--distant cutting. He will understand.'
The words 'distant cutting' did not occur in any code-book. Dr.
Jameson states that they were words privately agreed upon between him
and Dr. Wolff. The telegram was shown to Dr. Wolff as soon as he
could be found, but he declared himself unable to throw any light
whatever upon it. It was however clear from the message that on
Saturday afternoon it had been Dr. Jameson's intention to disregard
the wishes of the Committee, and to start on Sunday night, and the
telegram impressed the recipients more than ever with the wisdom of
their action in sending the messengers to Capetown and to Pitsani to
insist upon no further steps being taken. It is of little consequence
what the words 'distant cutting' really meant, or whether they were,
or should have been, understood by any of the parties. Major Heany
and Captain Holden, it was known, could not have reached Dr. Jameson
at the time the message was despatched, and therefore no more
importance was attached to this than to the other impatient
telegrams.
It was assumed that, on receiving the emphatic messages sent through
Major Heany and Captain Holden, Dr. Jameson would realize the
seriousness of the position, and would, in fact, abide by the
arrangements made with him. Nor was this all. It was also clear that
the telegram of Mr. Rhodes to which it was inferred reference was
made in the concluding words of Messrs. Hamilton's and Leonard's
wire--'Jameson has been advised accordingly'--could not have reached
Dr. Jameson at the time his telegram to his brother was despatched.
It was part of the instructions to Messrs. Hamilton and Leonard that
any communications which they might desire to make to Dr. Jameson
should pass through Mr. Cecil Rhodes in order to ensure due regard
being paid to them. There was therefore no doubt in the minds of the
Johannesburg men that during Saturday afternoon--that is to say, more
than twenty-four hours before he proposed moving--he must have
received a wire forbidding him to move.
The facts here given were sufficient to warrant the belief that all
that was necessary had been done to prevent any movement. But more
reassuring than all precautions was the conviction that Dr. Jameson,
no matter how much he might 'bluff' in order to force immediate
action, would never be guilty of so gross a breach of faith as to
start in defiance of the wishes of the Johannesburg people. Extreme
dissatisfaction of course prevailed in the minds of a good many when
they learned of the efforts made by him to force their hands, and
this feeling was intensified by the report brought in by Dr. Wolff,
who had just returned from seeing Dr. Jameson at Pitsani. Dr. Wolff
had arrived at Pitsani on the previous Tuesday, and was then greeted
by Dr. Jameson with the remark that he had 'as nearly as possible
started for Pretoria last night.' It was felt that this might appear
to be a very fine and dashing thing for a party of men well armed and
trained and able to take care of themselves, but that it betrayed
great indifference to his pledges, as well as to the fate of his
associates, who as he knew perfectly well had not even the arms to
defend themselves from the consequences of any precipitate action on
his part, and who had moreover the responsibility for the control and
protection of unarmed Johannesburg.
The feeling among the Reformers on Sunday, the 29th, was one of
considerable relief at having found out in time the intention of
their reckless colleague, and at having taken the necessary steps to
control him. Secure in the belief that the messages from Capetown had
duly reached Dr. Jameson, and that either Major Heany or Captain
Holden had by that time also reached him, and that in the future the
management of their affairs would be left in their own hands, they
continued during Sunday and Monday, the 29th and 30th, to arrange
plans on the basis before indicated, awaiting in the meantime further
communications from Messrs. Hamilton and Leonard.
In the meanwhile it became generally known in Johannesburg that some
movement was afoot, and suppressed excitement and expectancy became
everywhere manifest. On Saturday, December 28, the President returned
from his annual tour through certain of the outlying districts. On
his journey he was met by a number of burghers at Bronkhorst
Spruit, the scene of the battle in the War of Independence, about
twenty miles from Pretoria. One of the burghers, an old Boer named
Hans Botha, who was the opponent of Mr. Woolls-Sampson in the 'duel'
at the battle of Zwartkoppies, in addressing the President, said that
he had heard that there was some talk of a rising in Johannesburg,
and added that although he had many bullets in him (It is stated that
he still has five!), he could find room for more if it was a question
of tackling the Britishers. The President replied that he had heard
of the threatened rising, and did not believe it: he could not say
what was likely to happen, but they must remember this--if they
wanted to kill a tortoise they must wait until he put his head out of
the shell.
In an interview with a representative of the press immediately after
this the President said that the position was full of gravity and
might lead to disagreeable consequences, especially to the mining
industry and commercial enterprise generally; but he was still
confident that common-sense would prevail in Johannesburg, and
expressed the conviction that the law-abiding portion of the
community, which included the greater part of the English and other
nationalities, would support all measures for the preservation of law
and order. He said that his endeavours hitherto to secure concessions
for the Uitlander population had been frustrated by the public
utterances and actions of irresponsible and unscrupulous agitators
whose methods had often a detrimental effect on the Volksraad and on
the burghers throughout the Republic. The first commotion created was
by the flag incident some years before (1890), which caused a great
shock to confidence; another sinister incident was the refusal of a
portion of the British community to serve their adopted country in
the Malaboch War, when the union of Boer and Briton against the
common enemy was nearly brought about. 'If wiser counsels
unfortunately should not prevail,' the President continued, 'then let
the storm arise, and the wind thereof will separate the chaff from
the grain. The Government will give every opportunity for free speech
and free ventilation of grievances, but it is fully prepared to put a
stop to any movement made for the upsetting of law and order.'
On the same day the President was interviewed by a deputation of
Americans from Johannesburg. They were men of the highest position
and influence in the community and were earnestly desirous of
securing reforms, but they were impressed with the idea that peaceful
means had not yet been exhausted and that the President and his
Executive would listen to reason if they were convinced that serious
consequences would follow the neglect to reform. The President
received them civilly, as he often does when he has a strong hand to
play: it is generally when his cards are poor that he gives way to
the paroxysms of rage and indulges in the personal abuse and violent
behaviour which have earned for him so unenviable a reputation. He
listened to all that had been advanced by the deputation, and then
said that 'it was no time to talk when danger was at hand. That was
the time for action.' The deputation represented to him that there
was no danger at hand unless the President by his own act
precipitated matters and caused the trouble himself, that matters
were completely in his hands, and that if he would deal with the
people in a liberal and statesmanlike way and grant the reforms which
were universally acknowledged to be necessary there would not be
anywhere in the world a more law-abiding and loyal community than
that of Johannesburg. The President answered merely by the question:
'If a crisis should occur, on which side shall I find the Americans?'
The answer was, 'On the side of liberty and good government.' The
President replied, 'You are all alike, tarred with the same brush;
you are British in your hearts.'
In reply to another deputation, representing a section of the
community which was not by any means at one with the reformers, but
the leading members of which still urged the necessity for reforms,
the President said, 'Either you are with me in the last extremity or
you are with the enemy; choose which course you will adopt. Call a
meeting to repudiate the Manifesto in its entirety, or there is final
rupture between us.' The gentlemen addressed declared emphatically
that on the Manifesto there could be no retreat. On that Johannesburg
was absolutely at one. The President replied, 'Then, I shall know how
to deal with Johannesburg,' and left the room.
The various business associations of Johannesburg and Pretoria
approached the President at different hours in these threatening
times, and did all that was possible to induce him to make reasonable
concessions. Although numbers of his followers and counsellors were
strongly in favour of doing something to avert the coming storm, the
President himself seemed inclined to fight until the last ditch was
reached rather than concede anything. In reply to the Mercantile
Association he said that he was quite willing to give the franchise,
but that it would be to those who were really worthy of it--those for
instance who rallied round the Government in this crisis and took
no part in the mischievous agitation and clamouring for so-called
reforms: all malcontents should be excluded. In fact he made it
perfectly plain that the franchise would be treated as a huge bribery
fund; and he himself was introducing the thin end of the wedge in
the suggestion made to the Association with a view to splitting
up the Reform Party in Johannesburg. He however added that the
special duties on food-stuffs would be immediately removed pending
confirmation by the Volksraad, that equal subsidies would be granted
to Dutch and English schools alike, and that the Netherlands Railway
Company would be approached with a view to having the tariffs
reduced. The effect of this was however slightly marred by the
concluding sentence in which he stated that 'as he had kept his
former promises, so he would do his best to keep this.'
In reply to a second deputation of Americans, the President in a
moment of irritation said that it was impossible to grant the
franchise to the Uitlander--American, British, or other; he would
lose his power if he did; the Government would no longer be his. A
member of the deputation said, 'Surely, if we take the oath of
allegiance, you will trust us?' The President hesitated for a moment,
and then said, 'This is no time to talk about these things; I can
promise you nothing.'
Footnotes for Chapter III
{19} The date of 20th December, 1895, was filled in by Dr. Jameson
when he decided to start and to publish the letter.
{20} When this letter was published by Dr. Jameson and cabled to
the London _Times_ the sense of it was very gravely--but doubtless
unintentionally--altered by terminating this sentence with the word
'aid' and carrying the remaining words into the next sentence.
(July, 1899.) At the Westminster inquiry it transpired that on
December 20 Mr. Rhodes instructed Dr. Harris to wire for a copy of
the letter. Dr. Jameson forwarded it after filling in that day's
date. On December 30, Dr. Harris, again acting on Mr. Rhodes'
instructions, telegraphed the letter to the _Times_, having altered
the date to 28th, and prefaced it with the statement that the letter
had been 'sent on Saturday (28) to Dr. Jameson, Mafeking.'
{21} See Appendix I. for the full text of Manifesto.