(1806.)
ON the suggestion of M. Portalis, the Minister of Public Worship, the
Emperor issued a decree appointing his birthday to be kept on the Feast
of the Assumption, the 15th of August, which was also the anniversary of
the conclusion of the Concordat. The first Sunday of each December was
also set apart as a holiday, in commemoration of Austerlitz.
On the 30th of March there was an important session of the Senate, which
gave rise to much and various comment. The Emperor communicated to the
Senators a long list of decrees, which were destined to affect Europe
from one end to the other. It will not be amiss to give some details of
these, as well as an extract from the speech of Cambacérès, the
Arch-Chancellor, which affords an example of the obsequious skill with
which the sudden resolves of a master who kept all things, even men’s
minds, in unceasing ferment, could be clothed in specious phrases.
“Gentlemen,” said Cambacérès, “at the time when France, animated by the
same spirit as ourselves, secured alike her happiness and her glory by
an oath of obedience to our august sovereign, you foresaw in your wisdom
the necessity of coördinating the system of hereditary government in all
its parts, and likewise of strengthening it by institutions analogous to
its nature.
“Your wishes have been partly fulfilled; they will be still further
accomplished by the various enactments which his Majesty the Emperor and
King orders me to lay before you. You will receive with gratitude these
fresh proofs of his confidence in the Senate, and his love for the
people, and you will hasten, in conformity with his Majesty’s intention,
to inscribe them on your registers.
“The first of these decrees is a statute to regulate all things relating
to the civil status of the Imperial family, and it also defines the
duties of the princes and princesses toward the Emperor.
“The second decree unites the states of Venice to the kingdom of Italy.
“The third confers the throne of Naples on Prince Joseph.” (Here follows
an elaborate panegyric of the virtues of the new King, and of the
measure, by which he retains the title of Grand Dignitary of the
Empire.)
“The fourth contains the cession of the duchy of Cleves and the duchy of
Berg to Prince Murat.” (Similar panegyric.)
“The fifth bestows the principality of Guastalla on the Princess
Borghese and her husband.” (Praises of both.)
“The sixth transfers to Marshal Berthier the principality of
Neufchâtel.” (He is complimented like the rest. This touching proof of
the solicitude of the Emperor for his companion in arms, for his brave
and intelligent fellow soldier, will not fail to touch every loyal
heart, and to gladden every loyal spirit.)
“The seventh erects in the states of Parma and Piacenza three great
titles, which will be suitably supported by considerable sums to be
raised in those states by order of his Majesty.
“By similar provisions, contained in decrees relating to the states of
Venice, the kingdom of Naples, and the principality of Lucca, his
Majesty has created rewards worthy of himself for several of his
subjects who have performed great services in war, or who, in the
discharge of important functions, have contributed in a signal manner to
the welfare of the state. These dignities and titles become the property
of those invested with them, and will descend in the male line to their
legitimate heirs. This grand conception, while it proclaims to Europe
the price attached by his Majesty to acts of valor in his soldiers, and
to faithfulness in those employed by him in important affairs, is also
of political advantage. The brilliant position of eminent men gives to
their example and their counsels an influence with the people which a
monarch may sometimes substitute, with advantage, for the authority of
public officials. At the same time, such men are intercessors between
the people and the throne.”
It must be admitted that a good deal of progress had been made since the
still recent time when the decrees of the Government were dated “Year 14
of the Republic.”
“It is, therefore, on these bases that the Emperor wishes to build the
great political system with the idea of which Providence has inspired
him, and by which he increases the love and admiration for his person
which you share with all the French nation.”
After this speech, the various decrees were read aloud. The following
are the most important articles:
By the decree regulating the civil status of the Imperial family, the
princes and princesses could not marry without the consent of the
Emperor. Children born of a marriage contracted without his consent
would have no claim to the privileges which in certain countries attach
to morganatic marriages.
Divorce was forbidden to the Imperial family, but separation, if
authorized by the Emperor, was allowed.
The guardians of Imperial children were to be named by him.
Members of the Imperial family could not adopt children without his
permission.
The Arch-Chancellor of the Empire was to fulfill toward the Imperial
family all the functions assigned by law to the officers of the civil
status. A Secretary for the status of the Imperial family was to be
chosen among the Ministers or from among the State councilors.
The ceremonial for marriages and births was arranged.
The Arch-Chancellor was to receive the will of the Emperor, as dictated
by him to the Secretary of the Imperial Family, in presence of two
witnesses. The will was to be placed in the keeping of the Senate.
The Emperor was to regulate everything concerning the education of the
princes and princesses of his family, appointing or removing those who
had it in charge. All princes born in the order of succession were to be
brought up together in a palace not more than twenty leagues from the
residence of the Emperor.
The education of the princes was to begin at the age of seven, and end
at that of sixteen. Children of certain persons distinguished by their
services might be admitted by the Emperor to share in the advantages of
this education.
If a prince in the order of succession should ascend a foreign throne,
he would be bound, on his sons attaining the age of seven, to send them
to the aforesaid palace.
The princes and princesses could not leave France, nor remove beyond a
radius of thirty leagues, without permission of the Emperor.
If a member of the Imperial family were to misconduct himself,
forgetting his high position and his duties, the Emperor might, for a
space of time not exceeding one year, place him under arrest, forbid him
his presence, or send him into exile. He might forbid any intercourse
between members of his family and persons who seemed to him of doubtful
character. In serious cases, he might order two years’ seclusion in a
state prison. This was to be done in the presence of the Arch-Chancellor
and of a family council presided over by himself; the Secretary of the
Imperial Family to be in attendance.
The great dignitaries and the dukes of the Empire were subject to the
provisions of these latter articles.
After this first decree came the following:
“We have established and we establish as duchies and great fiefs
of our Empire the provinces hereinafter to be named:
Dalmatia, Tréviso,
Istria, Feltre,
Friuli, Bassano,
Cadore, Vicenza,
Belluno, Padua,
Conegliano, Rovigo.
“We reserve to ourselves the investiture of the said fiefs, to
descend in succession to male issue. In the event of extinction,
the said fiefs shall revert to the Imperial Crown.
“It is our intention that a fifteenth part of the revenue that
our kingdom of Italy draws, or may draw, from the said provinces
shall be an appanage to the said fiefs, and be possessed by
those whom we shall have invested with them. We reserve to
ourselves for the same purpose the disposal of thirty millions
of francs from national property situate in the said provinces.
_Le Mont Napoléon_ shall be charged with twelve hundred thousand
francs as Government annuities, in favor of those generals,
officers, and soldiers who have done good service to the country
and to our Crown, but on the express condition that they shall
not alienate the same within ten years, without our permission.
“Until the kingdom of Italy shall have an army, we grant to the
said kingdom a French contingent, to be maintained by our
Imperial Treasury. To this end, our Royal Treasury of Italy
shall pay monthly to our Imperial Treasury the sum of two
million five hundred thousand francs during the time that our
army shall sojourn in Italy, that is, during six years. The heir
presumptive of Italy shall be entitled Prince of Venice.
“The tranquillity of Europe requires that we should secure the
safety of the peoples of Naples and Sicily, who have fallen into
our power by the right of conquest, and who are part of the
Grand Empire; we therefore declare our brother Joseph Napoleon,
Grand Elector of France, King of Naples and Sicily. The crown
shall be hereditary in the male line; failing this, we appoint
it to our own legitimate children in the male line, and failing
these, to the children of our brother Louis Napoleon; reserving
to ourselves, in the event of our brother Joseph’s dying without
male children, the right of naming as successor to the said
crown a prince of our own family, or an adopted son, according
as we may deem it desirable in the interests of our people, and
of that great system which Divine Providence has destined us to
found.
“Six great fiefs are established in the said kingdom, with the
title of duchy, and the same prerogatives as the others, to be
in perpetuity appointed by us and our successors.
“We reserve to ourselves a revenue of one million on the kingdom
of Naples, for distribution among the generals, officers, and
privates of our army, on the same conditions as those set forth
in the case of _le Mont Napoléon_.
“The King of Naples shall be in perpetuity a grand dignitary of
the Empire, we reserving to ourselves the right of creating him
a Prince instead of Grand Elector.
“We declare that the crown of Naples, which we place on the head
of Prince Joseph and his heirs, shall in no way bar their right
to the succession to the throne of France. But it is our will
also that the crowns of France, Italy, and Naples and Sicily
shall never be united on the same head.
“We give the duchies of Cleves and of Berg to our brother-in-law
Prince Joachim, and to his heirs male; failing whom, they shall
devolve on our brother Joseph, and if he have no male issue, on
our brother Louis; but they are never to be united to the crown
of France. The Duke of Cleves and Berg will continue to be Grand
Admiral, and we shall have power to create a Vice-Admiral.”
Lastly, the principality of Guastalla was bestowed on Princess Borghese.
The Prince was to bear the title of Prince of Guastalla. Should they
have no issue, the Emperor was to dispose of the principality at his
pleasure. The same conditions were to hold good in the case of the
principality of Neufchâtel.
The principality of Lucca was augmented by the addition of some lands
detached from the kingdom of Italy, and in return was to pay an annual
sum of two hundred thousand francs, which was likewise destined for
military rewards. A portion of the national property situate in the
duchies of Parma and Piacenza was reserved for the same object.
I have deemed it well to give almost the entire text of the different
decrees which seem to me to call for comment. This act of Bonaparte’s
revealed to some extent the preponderance which he intended to give the
French Empire over the conquered states of Europe, and also that which
he reserved to himself personally. It may easily be conceived that these
decrees excited such disquiet throughout Europe as forbade us to cherish
the hope of a long peace. It is also plain from them that Italy, which
had been eager to seize on the independence which unity of government
seemed to promise her, soon found her hopes betrayed by the secondary
position in which she was placed by the bonds which subjected her to the
Emperor.
No matter how careful Prince Eugène was, or how mild and just his
government, the Italians soon perceived that conquest had placed them in
the power of a master, who made use of the resources of their beautiful
land for his own advantage only. They maintained on their territory, and
at their cost, a foreign army. The largest part of their revenue served
to enrich Frenchmen. In everything that was exacted of them, much less
regard was paid to their interests than to the advantage of the Grand
Empire, and this soon became synonymous with the ambitious projects of
one man, who did not hesitate to claim from Italy sacrifices he would
scarcely have dared to ask of France. The Viceroy endeavored to obtain
some alleviation for the Italians, but in vain. They learned, however,
to do justice to the character of Eugène, and to distinguish between him
and the rigorous measures which he was forced to carry out; they were
grateful to him for what he tried to do, and for his good intentions.
This, however, did not last; the too much oppressed people lost the
power of being just, and included all Frenchmen, Prince Eugène at their
head, in the hatred they bore to the Emperor.
The Viceroy himself, who was a faithful servant to Bonaparte, though he
was under no delusion regarding him, told his mother in my presence that
the Emperor, jealous of the affection Eugène had won, had imposed
useless and oppressive measures upon him, in order to alienate the good
will of the Italians.
The Vice-Queen contributed also, at first, to the popularity of her
husband. She was beautiful, very kind-hearted, pious, and benevolent,
and she charmed every one who approached her. Toward Bonaparte her
manner was dignified and cold. He disliked to hear her praised. She
never passed much time in Paris.
Several of the articles of these decrees were never carried out. Change
of circumstances led to change of purpose; new passions brought forth
new fancies, or sudden suspicion altered former resolves. In many
respects the government of Bonaparte resembled the Palace of the
Legislature, in which the Chamber of Deputies is now installed. The
former building remains unaltered; but, in order to render it more
imposing, a façade has been erected, which seen from the river-side is
undoubtedly a grand object, but, if we walk round the building, we find
that it does not harmonize with the architecture of the front. Bonaparte
frequently erected façades only, political, legislative, or
administrative.
After the reception of these messages the Senate passed a vote of thanks
to the Emperor, and deputations were sent to the new Queen of Naples,
who received them with her usual simple grace, and to the two
princesses. Murat had already departed to take possession of his duchy.
The newspapers assured us he was received with acclamations, and gave a
similar account of the delight of the Neapolitans; but from private
letters we learned that the war was to be continued, and that Calabria
would make a stout resistance. Joseph has a mild disposition, and in no
place has he made himself personally disliked; but he is wanting in
tact, and he has always shown himself unequal to the position in which
he was placed. To tell the truth, the business of kingship, as
established by Bonaparte, has been a difficult one.
Having settled these important points, the Emperor turned to occupations
of a lighter kind. On the 7th of April the betrothal of the young couple
of whom I have already spoken in a preceding chapter took place at the
Tuileries. The ceremony was performed in the Diana Gallery in the
evening; there was a numerous and brilliant Court. The bride elect wore
a silver-embroidered gown ornamented with roses. The witnesses on her
side were MM. de Talleyrand, de Champagny, and de Ségur; and for the
bridegroom, the Hereditary Prince of Bavaria, the Grand Chamberlain of
the Elector of Baden, and Baron Dalberg, Minister Plenipotentiary of
Baden.
On the following evening the marriage was celebrated in state. The
Tuileries were illuminated; fireworks were exhibited on the Place Louis
XV., then called Place de la Concorde.
The Court displayed a special splendor for the occasion, even beyond its
usual extravagant luxury. The Empress wore a gown entirely covered with
gold embroidery of different shades, and wore, besides the Imperial
crown, pearls in her hair to the value of a million francs. Princess
Borghese shone with all the Borghese diamonds added to her own, which
were priceless; Mme. Murat wore rubies; Mme. Louis was almost covered
with turquoises set in brilliants; the new Queen of Naples, slight and
delicate-looking, seemed to bend beneath the weight of precious stones.
I remember that I had a Court dress made for the occasion, although I
was not usually among the most brilliantly dressed ladies of the Court.
It was of pink crape, spangled with silver, and looped up with wreaths
of jasmine; on my hair was a crown of jasmine and diamond wheat-ears. My
jewels were worth from forty thousand to fifty thousand francs—far less
than those of most of our Court ladies.
Princess Stéphanie had received magnificent gifts from her husband, and
still more splendid ones from the Emperor. She wore a circlet of
diamonds surmounted with orange-blossom. Her court dress was of white
tulle, with silver stars and sprays of orange-blossom. She approached
the altar with much gracefulness, and made her deep courtesies so as to
charm the Emperor and every one else. Her father, who stood among the
Senators, was moved to tears. His position in this ceremony was curious,
and his feelings must have been rather complex. The Order of Baden was
conferred on him.
The Cardinal Legate, Caprara, solemnized the marriage. At the conclusion
of the ceremony, we returned from the chapel to the state apartments in
the same order as that in which we had come down: the princes and
princesses heading the procession, the Empress followed by all her
ladies, with the Prince of Baden at her side, and the Emperor leading
the bride. He wore his state costume. I have already said that it became
him well. Nothing was wanting to the pageantry of the procession but a
more deliberate step; but Bonaparte always would walk fast, and he
hurried us more than was dignified or desirable.
The trains of the princesses and queens and that of the Empress were
borne by pages. As for the rest of us, although letting our trains fall
would have greatly improved our appearance, we were obliged to carry
them over one arm, because their excessive length would have caused far
too much delay for the Emperor’s quick pace.
It frequently happened in state ceremonials, and rendered them less
imposing, that the chamberlains preceding him would repeat in a low
tone, as they trod on our heels, “Now then, ladies, please to get on.”
The Countess d’Arberg, who had been at the Court of the Archduchess in
the Netherlands, and was accustomed to German etiquette, was always so
visibly annoyed by this intimation, that we who were used to it could
not but laugh at her. She used to say, with some humor, that we ought to
be called “postillions-in-waiting,” and that we had better have had
short skirts given to us than the long train, which was of no use.
M. de Talleyrand also was much annoyed by this habit, as, in his
capacity of Grand Chamberlain, he had to precede the Emperor, and he, on
account of a weakness of the lower limbs, found even slow walking
difficult. The aides-de-camp used to be amused at his vexation. As for
the Empress, this was one of the points on which she would not yield to
her husband. She had a very graceful manner of walking, and was averse
to hiding any of her accomplishments; therefore nothing could induce her
to hurry. The pressure began among those who were following her.
When we were starting for the chapel, I recollect that the Emperor, who
was little used to giving his hand to ladies, was puzzled, not knowing
whether to offer his right or his left hand to the bride. It was she who
had to make the decision.
A great reception was held that day in the state apartments; there was a
concert, then a ballet and supper, as I have before described. The Queen
of Naples having passed next after the Empress, Bonaparte placed his
adopted daughter at his right hand, above his mother. On that evening
again Mme. Murat had to endure the great mortification of passing
through the doorways after the young Princess of Baden.
The Court removed next day to Malmaison, and shortly afterward to Saint
Cloud. I have already related what occurred there. On the 20th we came
back to Paris, to be present at a splendid fête given in honor of the
marriage.
The Emperor, wishing to display his Court to the Parisians, allowed a
considerable number of invitations to be sent to men and women of every
class. The state apartments were filled by an immense crowd. Two
quadrilles were danced. One, in which I took part, was Mme. Louis
Bonaparte’s, and was performed with dance-steps in the Salle des
Maréchaux. Sixteen ladies, in groups of four, dressed in white, their
heads wreathed with flowers of different colors, their dresses
ornamented with flowers, and with diamond wheat-ears in their hair,
danced with sixteen gentlemen wearing white satin coats, and scarfs
corresponding in color to their partners’ flowers. When our dance was
concluded, the Empress and the Imperial family entered the Diana
Gallery, where Mme. Murat was at the head of another quadrille—the
persons composing it being costumed as Spaniards, with hats and
feathers.
After this, every one was allowed to dance—city and Court together.
Ices and refreshments were distributed in profusion. The Emperor
returned to Saint Cloud, having remained about an hour, and spoken to a
great number of persons; that is to say, having asked each one his or
her name. Dancing was kept up after his departure until morning.
Perhaps I have lingered too long on these details, but they are a relief
from the serious narrative I have undertaken, and of which my woman’s
pen becomes at times a little weary.
While making and unmaking kings, according to the expression of M. de
Fontanes, while giving his adopted daughter in marriage, and joining in
the festivities of which I have spoken, the Emperor assiduously attended
the state councils, hastened on their work, and forwarded daily a great
number of laws to the Legislature. State Councilor Treilhard was the
bearer of the code of procedure, completed during this year; many
regulations were agreed to concerning trade, and the session was closed
by a statement which conveyed grand ideas of the flourishing state of
our finances. Not an extra sou was demanded from the nation; public
works had been accomplished, and others were in contemplation; there was
a formidable army, as was well known, and only a fixed debt of
48,000,000; a civil list of 35,000,000 against 8,000,000 of revenue.
Meanwhile the Emperor’s resentment against the English Government was
growing deeper. The Cabinet, which, however changed in its individual
members, had not changed in its policy toward us, declared war on the
King of Prussia, to punish him for his neutrality in the last war, and
for his conquest of Hanover, which he had just taken.
A long article on European politics appeared in the “Moniteur.” The
author tried to prove that by this rupture England would accelerate the
policy which must close the northern ports against her (the ports of the
south being already closed), and that she would strengthen the union
between France and the Continent. The position of Holland was next fully
discussed. The Grand Pensionary Schimmelpenninck had, it was reported,
become blind. What would be the course taken by the Dutch? It was known
that the Emperor had not directly authorized the recent changes in the
organization of that country, and that he had said on the occasion that
“the prosperity and liberty of nations could only be assured by one of
two systems of government—a constitutional monarchy or a republic,
constituted according to the principles of liberty. In Holland the Grand
Pensionary exercises an important influence on the elections of the
representatives of the legislative body; this is a radical vice in the
Constitution. Nevertheless all nations can not with impunity leave the
choice of their representatives to the public, and, when there is danger
to be apprehended from assembling the people, recourse must be had to
the principles of a good and wise monarchy. This, perhaps, is what will
occur to the Dutch. It is for them to appreciate their situation, and to
choose between the two systems that one which is most likely to
establish public prosperity and public liberty on a solid basis.” These
words were sufficiently indicative of what was in store for Holland. The
writer next pointed out the advantages which must result to France from
the duchies of Cleves and Berg being occupied by a Frenchman, inasmuch
as our relations with Holland would be better, and that all the
countries on the right bank of the Rhine would be occupied by allies of
the Imperial family.
The Prince of Neufchâtel was about to close Switzerland against English
traders. The Emperor of Austria was said to be engaged in tending his
wounds, and resolved on a long peace. The Russians, still agitated by
English policy, had had fresh contests in Dalmatia, being unwilling to
give up the country situated near the mouth of the Cattaro, which was in
their occupation; but the presence of the Grand Army, whose return had
been suspended, had compelled them at length to fulfill the conditions
of the last treaty.
The Pope was dismissing from Rome all persons, whether English,
Russians, or Sardinians, suspected of intriguing, and whose presence
gave umbrage to the French Government.
The kingdom of Naples was almost entirely subjugated; Sicily was
defended by a mere handful of English. France was in close alliance with
the Porte; the Turkish Government was less mercenary and less ignorant
than had been supposed, and understood that the presence of the French
in Dalmatia might be most useful in protecting Turkey from Russian
invasion. Lastly, our army was more formidable than ever, and well able
to resist the attacks of a fourth coalition, to form which, after all,
Europe was not disposed.
This sketch of our position with regard to Europe could only be
reassuring to those who took plausible phrases emanating from the
highest quarters in their literal sense. It was easy enough for any one
who read them without absolute credulity to perceive that the
populations were not so docile as we tried to make out; that we were
beginning to sacrifice their interests to our own policy; that England,
angered by failure, was bent on raising up new enemies for us; that the
King of Prussia was selling us his friendship; and that Russia was still
threatening us. Men no longer believed in the pacific intentions which
the Emperor announced in all his speeches. But there was something so
impressive in his plans, his military talent was so abundantly proved,
he bestowed such greatness on France, that, duped by her own glory,
forced as she was to bend beneath the yoke, she consented also to be
beguiled by the enchanter. Moreover, the internal prosperity of the
country had apparently increased; there was no augmentation of taxes;
everything contributed to dazzle us, and not one of us, acted upon as we
were by the impulsion which Bonaparte had given us all, had either the
leisure or the will for serious reflection. The Emperor used to say,
“Luxury and glory have never failed to turn the heads of the French.”
Shortly after, we were told that a great council had been held at the
Hague by the representatives of the Batavian people, at which affairs of
the highest importance had been discussed; and a rumor was allowed to
spread that a new Dutch monarchy was about to be founded.
Meanwhile, the English newspapers were full of criticisms on the
progress which the Imperial power was making in Europe. “If Bonaparte,”
they said, “succeeds in accomplishing his system of a Federal Empire,
France will become the sovereign arbiter of almost the whole continent.”
He was delighted at this prediction, and resolutely strove to realize
it.
M. de Talleyrand, at that time in great repute, used his influence in
Europe to gain over the foreign Ministers. He asked for and obtained
from the sovereigns exactly those ambassadors whom he knew he could make
amenable. For instance, he obtained from Prussia the Marquis de
Lucchesini, who subsequently acted in the French interest, against his
own master. He was a clever man, of a somewhat scheming disposition. He
was born at Lucca, but a taste for traveling took him in his youth to
Berlin, where he was received by Frederick the Great, who, liking his
conversation and his philosophical principles, kept him near his own
person, gave him a place at Court, and founded his fortunes. He was
subsequently intrusted with Prussian affairs, became a person of
importance, and had sufficient luck and ability to remain long in high
repute. He married a Prussian lady, and both he and his wife, when they
came to France, devoted themselves to M. de Talleyrand, who made use of
them to further his own ends. It was long before the King of Prussia
found out that his ambassador had joined in the plots against him, and
Lucchesini did not fall into disgrace until some years later. The
Marquis then repaired to Italy, and found a fresh field for his ambition
in the influence he obtained over the sovereign of Lucca, who had become
Grand Duchess of Tuscany. The events of 1814 caused his downfall to
follow on that of his mistress. The Marchesa de Lucchesini, who was
rather addicted to coquetry, was while in Paris one of the most
obsequious of Madame de Talleyrand’s friends.
On the 5th of June the Emperor received an Ambassador Extraordinary from
the Porte, with messages of congratulation and friendship from the
Sultan. These messages were accompanied by magnificent presents of
diamonds, a pearl necklace worth eighty thousand francs, perfumes,
innumerable shawls, and Arab horses, with housings adorned with precious
stones. The Emperor gave the necklace to his wife, and distributed the
diamonds and the shawls among the ladies-in-waiting. Some were given
also to the wives of ministers and marshals, and to a few others. The
Empress reserved the finest for herself, and there yet remained enough
to be used afterward for the decoration of a boudoir at Compiègne, which
Josephine had arranged for herself with special care, but which was
never used except by the Empress Marie Louise.
On the same day the Envoy from Holland came to announce that it had been
decided at the Hague, upon mature deliberation, that a constitutional
monarchy was the only form of government that would thenceforth be
suitable for Holland, because such a monarchy would harmonize with the
principles now spreading in Europe; and that, in order to consolidate
it, they solicited Louis Napoleon, the Emperor’s brother, to become
their first King.
Bonaparte replied that such a monarchy would doubtless be profitable to
the general policy of Europe, and that, by removing anxieties of his
own, it would enable him to deliver important places into the hands of
the Dutch, which hitherto he had felt it his duty to retain. Then,
turning toward his brother, he enjoined him to have a care of the people
intrusted to him.
This scene was well acted. Louis made a fitting reply. On the audience
coming to an end, the doors were flung open, as on the occasion when
Louis XIV. accepted the succession to Spain, and the new King of Holland
was announced to the assembled Court.
Immediately on this, the Arch-Chancellor carried to the Senate,
according to custom, the new Imperial message, and made the usual
speech.
The Emperor guaranteed to his brother the integrity of his states, and
that his children should succeed him; but the crowns of France and of
Holland were never to be united on one head.
In the case of a minority, the Queen was to be regent, and failing her,
the Emperor of the French, in right of his position as perpetual head of
the Imperial family, was to appoint a regent, whom he was to select from
among the princes of the royal family or among the Dutch nation.
The King of Holland was to remain Constable of the Empire, a
Vice-Constable to be created at the Emperor’s pleasure.
The message also contained an announcement to the Senate that the
Arch-Chancellor of the German Empire had asked of the Pope that Cardinal
Fesch might be designated as his coadjutor and successor; and that his
Holiness had informed the Emperor of this request, who had approved of
it.
“Lastly, the duchies of Benevento and of Ponte Corvo being a subject of
litigation between the Courts of Naples and Rome, in order to put an end
to these difficulties, and reserving to ourselves the indemnification of
these Courts, we erect them,” says the decree, “into duchies and fiefs
of the Empire, and we bestow them on our Grand Chamberlain Talleyrand,
and on our cousin Marshal Bernadotte, to reward them for services
rendered to the country. They will bear the titles of these duchies,
they will take an oath to serve us as faithful and loyal subjects, and,
if their issue should fail, we reserve to ourselves the right of
disposing of those principalities.” Bonaparte had no great liking for
Marshal Bernadotte; he probably felt bound to promote him because he had
married the sister of Joseph Bonaparte’s wife, and it seemed fitting
that the sister of a Queen should be at least a Princess.
It is unnecessary for me to add that the Senate approved of all these
proceedings.
On the day following the ceremonial which introduced another King into
Bonaparte’s family circle, we were at breakfast with the Empress, when
her husband entered the room, looking extremely pleased, and holding
little Napoleon by the hand. He addressed us all in these terms:
“Mesdames, here is a little boy who is going to recite to you one of La
Fontaine’s fables. I made him learn it this morning, and you shall hear
how well he knows it.” On this the child began to repeat the fable of
the frogs who asked for a king, and the Emperor laughed loudly at each
allusion that seemed applicable to the circumstances. He stood behind
Mme. Louis’s arm-chair—she was seated at table opposite her mother—and
pinched her ears as he asked her over and over again, “What do you say
to that, Hortense?” No one said much in reply. I was smiling to myself
as I ate my breakfast, and the Emperor, in high good humor, said to me,
laughing also, “I see that Mme. de Rémusat thinks I am giving Napoleon a
good education.”
Louis’s acquisition of a kingdom revealed to his brother the deplorable
state of his domestic affairs. Mme. Louis could not contemplate her
accession to a throne without bitter weeping. The ungenial climate to
which she was about to remove, which must needs aggravate the wretched
state of her health; the dread she felt of living alone with her
tyrannical husband; his increasing dislike of her, which did not lessen
his jealousy, although it deprived it of rational excuse—all these
things made her resolve to open her heart to the Emperor. She confided
her sorrows to him, and prepared him for the fresh troubles that no
doubt awaited her. She entreated his protection in the future, and
exacted from him a promise never to judge her unheard. She went so far
as to tell him that, foreseeing the persecution she would have to endure
in the isolation to which she would be subjected, her mind was made up
that when she should have endured up to a certain point she would leave
the world and retire to a convent, relinquishing a crown of which she
could already feel the thorns.
The Emperor entreated her to have courage and patience; he promised to
protect her, and directed her to advise with him before taking any
decisive step.
I can bear witness that this unhappy lady ascended the throne in the
spirit of a victim resigning herself to sacrifice.