F. _Sovereignty and the general will._

80. Hence it may be asked, (1) Is any actual sovereignty founded on

the 'general will'? (2) Can sovereignty _de jure_ be truly said to be

founded on it? (3) If so, must it be expressed through the vote of a

sovereign people?

81. (1) According to (e.g.) Austin's definition of sovereignty, we

should answer this question in the negative

82. (Observe that from Austin's definition it would follow that,

while every 'law' implies a 'sovereign,' a 'sovereign's' commands

need not be 'laws')

83. That definition directly contradicts that of Rousseau, in _(a)_

placing sovereignty in _determinate_ persons, _(b)_ making its

essence lie in power to compel obedience

84. Actual sovereignty combines both definitions; the habitual

obedience of subjects to the sovereign is due to the sense that by

obeying they secure certain ends

85. So far as Austin means that a fully developed state implies a

_determinate_ supreme source of law, he is right as against Rousseau

86. But if sovereign power = the aggregate influences which really

make the people obedient, it must be sought in the 'general will'

87. Such power need not be 'sovereign' in the narrower sense, and may

coexist with a separate coercive power which is 'sovereign'

88. This has been the case in ancient despotisms, and in the modern

empires of the East

89. So in states under foreign dominion, which retain a national

life, the technical sovereign is not the law-making and

law-maintaining power

90. Under the Roman Empire, in British India, in Russia, where the

technical is also the real sovereign, its strength rests in different

degrees on the general will

91. Thus the answer to question (1) depends on the sense of

'sovereign.' If it = a power which guarantees equal rights, it is

implied in every 'political' society

92. But _(a)_ it _need_ not be the supreme coercive power, and _(b)_

if it is so, it is not _because_ it is so that it commands habitual

obedience

93. Thus (retaining the technical use of 'sovereign') it is true that

if the sovereign is to be so _really_, it must express and maintain a

general will

94. Though this is compatible with the fact that some of the laws of

the sovereign conflict with the general will

95. Thus as to question (2) (above, sec. 80), if sovereignty is said

to rest on the general will 'de jure,' either 'sovereign' or 'jus' is

not used in the strict sense

96. An antithesis between sovereign 'de jure' and 'de facto' can only

arise from a confusion between 'sovereign' as = the source of law and

'sovereign' as = the 'general will'

97. Though there are cases in which (in a different sense) a

sovereign may be conveniently described as 'de facto,' not 'de jure,'

or _vice versa_

98. Similarly, to say that the people is 'sovereign de jure' is to

confuse the general will with the coercive power of the majority

99. Rousseau's confusion is due to the theory of 'natural rights'

(that the individual is not bound by anything which he has not

individually approved)

100. The individual must indeed judge for himself whether a law is

for the common good; but though he judge it not to be, he ought as a

rule to obey it

Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet · 第 19 / 48 题