CHAPTER II.

FIRST SCENES OF THE WAR.

I was drawn from my retreat by an invitation from General Bragg, a

particular friend, to visit Pensacola, where he commanded the southern

forces, composed of volunteers from the adjacent States. Full of

enthusiasm for their cause, and of the best material, officers and men

were, with few exceptions, without instruction, and the number of

educated officers was, as in all the southern armies, too limited to

satisfy the imperious demands of the staff, much less those of the

drill-master. Besides, the vicious system of election of officers struck

at the very root of that stern discipline without which raw men cannot

be converted into soldiers.

The Confederate Government, then seated at Montgomery, weakly receded

from its determination to accept no volunteers for short terms of

service, and took regiments for twelve months. The same blindness smote

the question of finance. Instead of laying taxes, which the general

enthusiasm would have cheerfully endured, the Confederate authorities

pledged their credit, and that too for an amount which might have

implied a pact with Mr. Seward that, should war unhappily break out, its

duration was to be strictly limited to sixty days. The effect of these

errors was felt throughout the struggle.

General Bragg occupied Pensacola, the United States navy yard, and Fort

Barrancas on the mainland; while Fort Pickens, on Santa Rosa island, was

held by Federal troops, with several war vessels anchored outside the

harbor. There was an understanding that no hostile movement would be

made by either side without notice. Consequently, Bragg worked at his

batteries bearing on Pickens, while Major Brown, the Federal commander,

strengthened with sand bags and earth the weak landward curtain of his

fort; and time was pleasantly passed by both parties in watching each

other's occupation.

Some months before this period, when Florida enforced her assumed right

to control all points within her limits, a small company of United

States artillery, under Lieutenant Slemmer, was stationed at Barrancas,

where it was helpless. After much manoeuvring, the State forces of

Florida induced Slemmer to retire from Barrancas to Pickens, then

_garrisoned_ by one ordnance sergeant, and at the mercy of a corporal's

guard in a rowboat. Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, was in a similar

condition before Anderson retired to it with his company. The early

seizure of these two fortresses would have spared the Confederates many

serious embarrassments; but such small details were neglected at that

time.

My visit to Pensacola was brought to a close by information from the

Governor of Louisiana of my appointment to the colonelcy of the 9th

Louisiana infantry, a regiment just formed at camp on the railway some

miles north of New Orleans, and under orders for Richmond. Accepting the

appointment, I hastened to the camp, inspected the command, ordered the

Lieutenant Colonel--Randolph, a well-instructed officer for the time--to

move by rail to Richmond as rapidly as transportation was furnished, and

went on to New Orleans, as well to procure equipment, in which the

regiment was deficient, as to give some hours to private affairs. It was

known that there was a scarcity of small-arm ammunition in Virginia,

owing to the rapid concentration of troops; and I was fortunate in

obtaining from the Louisiana authorities a hundred thousand rounds, with

which, together with some field equipment, I proceeded by express to

Richmond, where I found my command, about a thousand strong, just

arrived and preparing to go into camp. The town was filled with rumor of

battle away north at Manassas, where Beauregard commanded the

Confederate forces. A multitude of wild reports, all equally inflamed,

reached my ears while looking after the transportation of my ammunition,

of which I did not wish to lose sight. Reaching camp, I paraded the

regiment, and stated the necessity for prompt action, and my purpose to

make application to be sent to the front immediately. Officers and men

were delighted with the prospect of active service, and largely supplied

want of experience by zeal. Ammunition was served out, three days'

rations were ordered for haversacks, and all camp equipage not

absolutely essential was stored.

These details attended to, at 5 P.M. I visited the war office, presided

over by General Pope Walker of Alabama. When the object of my visit was

stated, the Secretary expressed much pleasure, as he was anxious to send

troops forward, but had few in readiness to move, owing to the lack of

ammunition, etc. As I had been in Richmond but a few hours, my desire to

move and adequate state of preparation gained me some "red-letter" marks

at the war office. The Secretary thought that a train would be in

readiness at 9 o'clock that night. Accordingly, the regiment was marched

to the station, where we remained several weary hours. At length, long

after midnight, our train made its appearance. As the usual time to

Manassas was some six hours, we confidently expected to arrive in the

early forenoon; but this expectation our engine brought to grief. It

proved a machine of the most wheezy and helpless character, creeping

snail-like on levels, and requiring the men to leave the carriages to

help it up grades. As the morning wore on, the sound of guns, reechoed

from the Blue Ridge mountains on our left, became loud and constant. At

every halt of the wretched engine the noise of battle grew more and more

intense, as did our impatience. I hope the attention of the recording

angel was engrossed that day in other directions. Later we met men,

single or in squads, some with arms and some without, moving south, in

which quarter they all appeared to have pressing engagements.

At dusk we gained Manassas Junction, near the field where, on that day,

the battle of first "Manassas" had been fought and won. Bivouacking the

men by the roadside, I sought through the darkness the headquarters of

General Beauregard, to whom I was instructed to report. With much

difficulty and delay the place was found, and a staff officer told me

that orders would be sent the following morning. By these I was directed

to select a suitable camp, thus indicating that no immediate movement

was contemplated.

The confusion that reigned about our camps for the next few days was

extreme. Regiments seemed to have lost their colonels, colonels their

regiments. Men of all arms and all commands were mixed in the wildest

way. A constant fusillade of small arms and singing of bullets were kept

up, indicative of a superfluity of disorder, if not of ammunition. One

of my men was severely wounded in camp by a "stray," and derived no

consolation from my suggestion that it was a delicate attention of our

comrades to mitigate the disappointment of missing the battle. The

elation of our people at their success was natural. They had achieved

all, and more than all, that could have been expected of raw troops; and

some commands had emulated veterans by their steadiness under fire.

Settled to the routine of camp duty, I found many opportunities to go

over the adjacent battle field with those who had shared the action,

then fresh in their memories. Once I had the privilege of so doing in

company with Generals Johnston and Beauregard; and I will now give my

opinion of this, as I purpose doing of such subsequent actions, and

commanders therein, as came within the range of my personal experience

during the war.

Although since the days of Nimrod war has been the constant occupation

of men, the fingers of one hand suffice to number the great commanders.

The "unlearned" hardly think of usurping Tyndall's place in the lecture

room, or of taking his cuneiform bricks from Rawlinson; yet the world

has been much more prolific of learned scientists and philologers than

of able generals. Notwithstanding, the average American (and, judging

from the dictatorship of Maitre Gambetta, the Frenchman) would not have

hesitated to supersede Napoleon at Austerlitz or Nelson at Trafalgar.

True, Cleon captured the Spartan garrison, and Narses gained victories,

and Bunyan wrote the "Pilgrim's Progress;" but pestilent demagogues and

mutilated guardians of Eastern zenanas have not always been successful

in war, nor the great and useful profession of tinkers written allegory.

As men without knowledge have at all times usurped the right to

criticise campaigns and commanders, they will doubtless continue to do

so despite the protests of professional soldiers, who discharge this

duty in a reverent spirit, knowing that the greatest is he who commits

the fewest blunders.

General McDowell, the Federal commander at Manassas, and a trained

soldier of unusual acquirement, was so hounded and worried by ignorant,

impatient politicians and newspapers as to be scarcely responsible for

his acts. This may be said of all the commanders in the beginning of the

war, and notably of Albert Sidney Johnston, whose early fall on the

field of Shiloh was irreparable, and mayhap determined the fate of the

South. McDowell's plan of battle was excellent, and its execution by his

mob no worse than might have been confidently expected. The late

Governor Andrew of Massachusetts observed that his men thought they were

going to a town meeting, and this is exhaustive criticism. With soldiers

at his disposal, McDowell would have succeeded in turning and

overwhelming Beauregard's left, driving him from his rail communications

with Richmond, and preventing the junction of Johnston from the valley.

It appears that Beauregard was to some extent surprised by the attack,

contemplating movements by his own centre and right. His exposed and

weak left stubbornly resisted the shock of attacking masses, while he,

with coolness and personal daring most inspiriting to his men, brought

up assistance from centre and right; and the ground was held until

Johnston, who had skillfully eluded Patterson, arrived and began feeding

our line, when the affair was soon decided.

There can be little question that with a strong brigade of soldiers

Johnston could have gone to Washington and Baltimore. Whether, with his

means, he should have advanced, has been too much and angrily discussed

already. Napoleon held that, no matter how great the confusion and

exhaustion of a victorious army might be, a defeated one must be a

hundred-fold worse, and action should be based on this. Assuredly, if

there be justification in disregarding an axiom of Napoleon, the wild

confusion of the Confederates after Manassas afforded it.

The first skirmishes and actions of the war proved that the Southron,

untrained, was a better fighter than the Northerner--not because of more

courage, but of the social and economic conditions by which he was

surrounded. Devoted to agriculture in a sparsely populated country, the

Southron was self-reliant, a practiced horseman, and skilled in the use

of arms. The dense population of the North, the habit of association for

commercial and manufacturing purposes, weakened individuality of

character, and horsemanship and the use of arms were exceptional

accomplishments. The rapid development of railways and manufactures in

the West had assimilated the people of that region to their eastern

neighbors, and the old race of frontier riflemen had wandered to the far

interior of the continent. Instruction and discipline soon equalized

differences, and battles were decided by generalship and numbers; and

this was the experience of our kinsmen in their great civil war. The

country squires who followed the banners of Newcastle and Rupert at

first swept the eastern-counties yeomanry and the London train-bands

from the field; but fiery and impetuous valor was at last overmatched by

the disciplined purpose and stubborn constancy of Cromwell's Ironsides.

The value of the "initiative" in war cannot be overstated. It surpasses

in power mere accession of numbers, as it requires neither transport nor

commissariat. Holding it, a commander lays his plans deliberately, and

executes them at his own appointed time and in his own way. The

"defensive" is weak, lowering the morale of the army reduced to it,

enforcing constant watchfulness lest threatened attacks become real, and

keeping commander and troops in a state of anxious tension. These

truisms would not deserve mention did not the public mind ignore the

fact that their application is limited to trained soldiers, and often

become impatient for the employment of proved ability to sustain sieges

and hold lines in offensive movements. A collection of untrained men is

neither more nor less than a mob, in which individual courage goes for

nothing. In movement each person finds his liberty of action merged in a

crowd, ignorant and incapable of direction. Every obstacle creates

confusion, speedily converted into panic by opposition. The heroic

defenders of Saragossa could not for a moment have faced a battalion of

French infantry in the open field. Osman's solitary attempt to operate

outside of Plevna met with no success; and the recent defeat of Moukhtar

may be ascribed to incaution in taking position too far from his line of

defense, where, when attacked, manoeuvres of which his people were

incapable became necessary.

Destruction and Reconstruction: Personal Experiences of the Late War · 第 2 / 17 章