CHAPTER III.

AFTER MANASSAS.

After the action at Manassas, the summer and winter of 1861 wore away

without movements of special note in our quarter, excepting the defeat

of the Federals at Ball's Bluff, on the Potomac, by a detached brigade

of Confederates, commanded by General Evans of South Carolina, a

West-Pointer enjoying the sobriquet of _Shanks_ from the thinness of his

legs.

In the organization of our army, my regiment was brigaded with the 6th,

7th, and 8th regiments of the Louisiana infantry, and placed under

General William H.T. Walker of Georgia. Graduated from West Point in the

summer of 1837, this officer joined the 6th United States infantry

operating against the Seminoles in Florida. On Christmas day following

was fought the battle of Okeechobee, the severest fight of that Indian

war. The savages were posted on a thickly jungled island in the lake,

through the waters of which, breast-high, the troops advanced several

hundred yards to the attack. The loss on our side was heavy, but the

Indians were so completely routed as to break their spirit. Colonel

Zachary Taylor commanded, and there won his yellow sash and grade.

Walker was desperately wounded, and the medical people gave him up; but

he laughed at their predictions and recovered. In the war with Mexico,

assaulting Molino del Rey, he received several wounds, all pronounced

fatal, and science thought itself avenged. Again he got well, as he

said, to spite the doctors. Always a martyr to asthma, he rarely enjoyed

sleep but in a sitting posture; yet he was as cheerful and full of

restless activity as the celebrated Earl of Peterborough. Peace with

Mexico established, Walker became commandant of cadets at West Point.

His ability as an instructor, and his lofty, martial bearing, deeply

impressed his new brigade and prepared it for stern work. Subsequently

Walker died on the field near Atlanta, defending the soil of his native

State--a death of all others he would have chosen. I have dwelt somewhat

on his character, because it was one of the strangest I have met. No

enterprise was too rash to awaken his ardor, if it necessitated daring

courage and self-devotion. Truly, he might have come forth from the

pages of old Froissart. It is with unaffected feeling that I recall his

memory and hang before it my humble wreath of immortelles.

In camp our army experienced much suffering and loss of strength. Drawn

almost exclusively from rural districts, where families lived isolated,

the men were scourged with mumps, whooping-cough, and measles, diseases

readily overcome by childhood in urban populations. Measles proved as

virulent as smallpox or cholera. Sudden changes of temperature drove the

eruption from the surface to the internal organs, and fevers, lung and

typhoid, and dysenteries followed. My regiment was fearfully smitten,

and I passed days in hospital, nursing the sick and trying to comfort

the last moments of many poor lads, dying so far from home and friends.

Time and frequent changes of camp brought improvement, but my own health

gave way. A persistent low fever sapped my strength and impaired the use

of my limbs. General Johnston kindly ordered me off to the Fauquier

springs, sulphur waters, some twenty miles to the south. There I was

joined and carefully nursed by a devoted sister, and after some weeks

slowly regained health.

On the eve of returning to the army, I learned of my promotion to

brigadier, to relieve General Walker, transferred to a brigade of

Georgians. This promotion seriously embarrassed me. Of the four colonels

whose regiments constituted the brigade, I was the junior in commission,

and the other three had been present and "won their spurs" at the recent

battle, so far the only important one of the war. Besides, my known

friendship for President Davis, with whom I was connected by his first

marriage with my elder sister, would justify the opinion that my

promotion was due to favoritism. Arrived at headquarters, I obtained

leave to go to Richmond, where, after an affectionate reception, the

President listened to the story of my feelings, the reasons on which

they were based, and the request that the promotion should be revoked.

He replied that he would take a day for reflection before deciding the

matter. The following day I was told that the answer to my appeal would

be forwarded to the army, to which I immediately returned. The President

had employed the delay in writing a letter to the senior officers of the

brigade, in which he began by stating that promotions to the grade of

general officer were by law intrusted to him, and were made for

considerations of public good, of which he alone was judge. He then, out

of abundant kindness for me, went on to soothe the feelings of these

officers with a tenderness and delicacy of touch worthy a woman's hand,

and so effectually as to secure me their hearty support. No wonder that

all who enjoy the friendship of Jefferson Davis love him as Jonathan did

David.

Several weeks without notable incident were devoted to instruction,

especially in marching, the only military quality for which Southern

troops had no aptitude. Owing to the good traditions left by my

predecessor, Walker, and the zeal of officers and men, the brigade made

great progress.

With the army at this time was a battalion of three companies from

Louisiana, commanded by Major Wheat. These detached companies had been

thrown together previous to the fight at Manassas, where Wheat was

severely wounded. The strongest of the three, and giving character to

all, was called the "Tigers." Recruited on the levee and in the alleys

of New Orleans, the men might have come out of "Alsatia," where they

would have been worthy subjects of that illustrious potentate, "Duke

Hildebrod." The captain, who had succeeded to the immediate command of

these worthies on the advancement of Wheat, enjoying the luxury of many

aliases, called himself White, perhaps out of respect for the purity of

the patriotic garb lately assumed. So villainous was the reputation of

this battalion that every commander desired to be rid of it; and

General Johnston assigned it to me, despite my efforts to decline the

honor of such society. He promised, however, to sustain me in any

measures to enforce discipline, and but a few hours elapsed before the

fulfillment of the promise was exacted. For some disorder after tattoo,

several "Tigers" were arrested and placed in charge of the brigade

guard. Their comrades attempted to force the guard and release them. The

attempt failed, and two ringleaders were captured and put in irons for

the night. On the ensuing morning an order for a general court-martial

was obtained from army headquarters, and the court met at 10 A.M. The

prisoners were found guilty, and sentenced to be shot at sunset. I

ordered the "firing party" to be detailed from their own company; but

Wheat and his officers begged to be spared this hard duty, fearing that

the "Tigers" would refuse to fire on their comrades. I insisted for the

sake of the example, and pointed out the serious consequences of

disobedience by their men. The brigade, under arms, was marched out; and

as the news had spread, many thousands from other commands flocked to

witness the scene. The firing party, ten "Tigers," was drawn up fifteen

paces from the prisoners, the brigade provost gave the command to fire,

and the unhappy men fell dead without a struggle. This account is given

because it was the first military execution in the Army of Northern

Virginia; and punishment, so closely following offense, produced a

marked effect. But Major "Bob" Wheat deserves an extended notice.

In the early summer of 1846, after the victories of Palo Alto and Resaca

de la Palma, the United States Army under General Zachary Taylor lay

near the town of Matamoros. Visiting the hospital of a recently joined

volunteer corps from the States, I remarked a bright-eyed youth of some

nineteen years, wan with disease, but cheery withal. The interest he

inspired led to his removal to army headquarters, where he soon

recovered health and became a pet. This was Bob Wheat, son of an

Episcopal clergyman, who had left school to come to the war. He next

went to Cuba with Lopez, was wounded and captured, but escaped the

garrote to follow Walker to Nicaragua. Exhausting the capacities of

South American patriots to _pronounce_, he quitted their society in

disgust, and joined Garibaldi in Italy, whence his keen scent of combat

summoned him home in convenient time to receive a bullet at Manassas.

The most complete Dugald Dalgetty possible, he had "all the defects of

the good qualities" of that doughty warrior.

Some months after the time of which I am writing, a body of Federal

horse was captured in the valley of Virginia. The colonel commanding,

who had been dismounted in the fray, approached me. A stalwart man, with

huge mustaches, cavalry boots adorned with spurs worthy of a

_caballero_, slouched hat, and plume, he strode along with the

nonchalant air of one who had wooed Dame Fortune too long to be cast

down by her frowns. Suddenly Major Wheat, near by, sprang from his horse

with a cry of "Percy! old boy!" "Why, Bob!" was echoed back, and a warm

embrace was exchanged. Colonel Percy Wyndham, an Englishman in the

Federal service, had last parted from Wheat in Italy, or some other

country where the pleasant business of killing was going on, and now

fraternized with his friend in the manner described.

Poor Wheat! A month later, and he slept his last sleep on the bloody

field of Cold Harbor. He lies there in a soldier's grave. Gallant

spirit! let us hope that his readiness to die for his cause has made

"the scarlet of his sins like unto wool."

As the autumn of the year 1861 passed away, the question of army

organization pressed for solution, while divergent opinions were held by

the Government at Richmond and General Johnston. The latter sent me to

President Davis to explain his views and urge their adoption. My mission

met with no success; but in discharging it, I was made aware of the

estrangement growing up between these eminent persons, which

subsequently became "the spring of woes unnumbered." An earnest effort

made by me to remove the cloud, then "no greater than a man's hand,"

failed; though the elevation of character of the two men, which made

them listen patiently to my appeals, justified hope. Time but served to

widen the breach. Without the knowledge and despite the wishes of

General Johnston, the descendants of the ancient dwellers in the cave

of Adullam gathered themselves behind his shield, and shot their arrows

at President Davis and his advisers, weakening the influence of the head

of the cause for which all were struggling.

Immediately after the birth of the Confederacy, a resolution was adopted

by the "Provisional Congress" declaring that military and naval

officers, resigning the service of the United States Government to enter

that of the Confederate, would preserve their relative rank. Later on,

the President was authorized to make five appointments to the grade of

general. These appointments were announced after the battle of Manassas,

and in the following order of seniority: Samuel Cooper, Albert Sidney

Johnston, Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnston, and G.T. Beauregard.

Near the close of President Buchanan's administration, in 1860, died

General Jesup, Quartermaster-General of the United States army; and

Joseph E. Johnston, then lieutenant-colonel of cavalry, was appointed to

the vacancy. Now the Quartermaster-General had the rank, pay, and

emoluments of a brigadier-general; but the rank was staff, and by law

this officer could not exercise command over troops unless by special

assignment. When, in the spring of 1861, the officers in question

entered the service of the Confederacy, Cooper had been Adjutant-General

of the United States Army, with the rank of colonel; Albert Sidney

Johnston, colonel and brigadier-general by brevet, and on duty as such;

Lee, lieutenant-colonel of cavalry, senior to Joseph E. Johnston in the

line before the latter's appointment above mentioned; Beauregard, major

of engineers. In arranging the order of seniority of generals, President

Davis held to the superiority of line to staff rank, while Joseph E.

Johnston took the opposite view, and sincerely believed that injustice

was done him.

After the grave and wondrous scenes through which we have passed, all

this seems like "a tempest in a tea-pot;" but it had much influence and

deserves attention.

General Beauregard, who about this time was transferred to the army in

the West, commanded by Albert Sidney Johnston, was also known to have

grievances. Whatever their source, it could not have been _rank_; but it

is due to this General--a gentleman of taste--to say that no utterances

came from him. Indiscreet persons at Richmond, claiming the privilege

and discharging the duty of friendship, gave tongue to loud and frequent

plaints, and increased the confusion of the hour.

As the year 1862 opened, and the time for active movements drew near,

weighty cares attended the commander of the Army of Northern Virginia.

The folly of accepting regiments for the short period of twelve months,

to which allusion has been made, was now apparent. Having taken service

in the spring of 1861, the time of many of the troops would expire just

as the Federal host in their front might be expected to advance. A large

majority of the men were willing to reenlist, provided that they could

first go home to arrange private affairs; and fortunately, the fearful

condition of the country permitted the granting of furloughs on a large

scale. Except on a few pikes, movements were impossible, and an army

could no more have marched across country than across Chesapeake bay.

Closet warriors in cozy studies, with smooth macadamized roadways before

their doors, sneer at the idea of military movements being arrested by

mud. I apprehend that these gentlemen have never served in a bad country

during the rainy season, and are ignorant of the fact that, in his

Russian campaign, the elements proved too strong for the genius of

Napoleon.

General Johnston met the difficulties of his position with great

coolness, tact, and judgment; but his burden was by no means lightened

by the interference of certain politicians at Richmond. These were

perhaps inflamed by the success that had attended the tactical efforts

of their Washington peers. At all events, they now threw themselves upon

military questions with much ardor. Their leader was Alexander H.

Stephens of Georgia, Vice-President of the Confederacy, who is entitled

to a place by himself.

Like the celebrated John Randolph of Roanoke, Mr. Stephens has an acute

intellect attached to a frail and meagre body. As was said by the witty

Canon of St. Paul's of Francis Jeffrey, his mind is in a state of

indecent exposure. A trained and skillful politician, he was for many

years before the war returned to the United States House of

Representatives from the district in which he resides, and his "device"

seems always to have been, "Fiat justitia, ruat coelum." When, in

December, 1849, the Congress assembled, there was a Whig administration,

and the same party had a small majority in the lower House, of which Mr.

Stephens, an ardent Whig, was a member; but he could not see his way to

support his party's candidate for Speaker, and this inability to find a

road, plain mayhap to weaker organs, secured the control of the House to

his political adversaries. During the exciting period preceding

"secession" Mr. Stephens held and avowed moderate opinions; but, swept

along by the resistless torrent surrounding him, he discovered and

proclaimed that "slavery was the corner-stone of the confederacy." In

the strong vernacular of the West, this was "rather piling the agony" on

the humanitarians, whose sympathies were not much quickened toward us

thereby. As the struggle progressed, Mr. Stephens, with all the

impartiality of an equity judge, marked many of the virtues of the

Government north of the Potomac, and all the vices of that on his own

side of the river. Regarding the military questions in hand he

entertained and publicly expressed original opinions, which I will

attempt to convey as accurately as possible. The war was for principles

and rights, and it was in defense of these, as well as of their

property, that the people had taken up arms. They could always be relied

on when a battle was imminent; but, when no fighting was to be done,

they had best be at home attending to their families and interests. As

their intelligence was equal to their patriotism, they were as capable

of judging of the necessity of their presence with the colors as the

commanders of armies, who were but professional soldiers fighting for

rank and pay, and most of them without property in the South. It may be

observed that such opinions are more comfortably cherished by political

gentlemen, two hundred miles away, than by commanders immediately in

front of the enemy.

In July, 1865, two months after the close of the great war, I visited

Washington in the hope of effecting some change in the condition of

Jefferson Davis, then ill and a prisoner at Fortress Monroe; and this

visit was protracted to November before its object was accomplished. In

the latter part of October of the same year Mr. Stephens came to

Washington, where he was the object of much attention on the part of

people controlling the Congress and the country. Desiring his

cooeperation in behalf of Mr. Davis, I sought and found him sitting near

a fire (for he is of a chilly nature), smoking his pipe. He heard me in

severe politeness, and, without unnecessary expenditure of enthusiasm,

promised his assistance. Since the war Mr. Stephens has again found a

seat in the Congress, where, unlike the rebel brigadiers, his presence

is not a rock of offense to the loyal mind.[1]

[Footnote 1: The foregoing sketch of Mr. Stephens appeared substantially

in the "North American Review," but the date of the interview in

Washington was not stated. Thereupon Mr. Stephens, in print, seized on

July, and declared that, as he was a prisoner in Fort Warren during that

month, the interview was a "Munchausenism." He also disputes the

correctness of the opinions concerning military matters ascribed to him,

although scores of his associates at Richmond will attest it. Again, he

assumes the non-existence of twelve-months' regiments because some took

service for the war, etc.

Like other ills, feeble health has its compensations, especially for

those who unite restless vanity and ambition to a feminine desire for

sympathy. It has been much the habit of Mr. Stephens to date

controversial epistles from "a sick chamber," as do ladies in a delicate

situation. A diplomatist of the last century, the Chevalier D'Eon, by

usurping the privileges of the opposite sex, inspired grave doubts

concerning his own.]

Destruction and Reconstruction: Personal Experiences of the Late War · 第 3 / 17 章