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DESTRUCTION AND RECONSTRUCTION:
Personal Experiences of the Late War.
by
RICHARD TAYLOR,
Lieutenant-General in the Confederate Army.
New York:
D. Appleton and Company,
549 and 551 Broadway.
1879.
Copyright by
D. Appleton and Company,
1879.
PREFACE.
These reminiscences of Secession, War, and Reconstruction it has seemed
to me a duty to record. An actor therein, accident of fortune afforded
me exceptional advantages for an interior view.
The opinions expressed are sincerely entertained, but of their
correctness such readers as I may find must judge. I have in most cases
been a witness to the facts alleged, or have obtained them from the best
sources. Where statements are made upon less authority, I have carefully
endeavored to indicate it by the language employed.
R. TAYLOR.
_December, 1877._
CONTENTS.
PAGE
PREFACE 3
CHAPTER I.
SECESSION. 9
Causes of the Civil War--The Charleston Convention--Convention
of Louisiana--Temper of the People.
CHAPTER II.
FIRST SCENES OF THE WAR. 15
Blindness of the Confederate Government--General Bragg occupies
Pensacola--Battle of Manassas--Its Effects on the North and the
South--"Initiative" and "Defensive" in War.
CHAPTER III.
AFTER MANASSAS. 22
General W.H.T. Walker--The Louisiana Brigade--The "Tigers"--Major
Wheat--General Joseph E. Johnston and Jefferson Davis--Alexander
H. Stephens.
CHAPTER IV.
OPENING OF THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 31
McClellan as an Organizer--The James River Route to
Richmond--Army of Northern Virginia moved to Orange Court
House--Straggling--General Ewell--Bugeaud's "Maxims"--Uselessness
of Tents--Counsels to Young Officers.
CHAPTER V.
THE VALLEY CAMPAIGN. 42
The Army moved to Gordonsville--Joseph E. Johnston as a
Commander--Valley of Virginia--Stonewall Jackson--Belle
Boyd--Federals routed at Front Royal--Cuirassiers strapped to their
Horses--Battle of Winchester--A "Walk Over" at Strasburg--General
Ashby--Battle of Port Republic.
CHAPTER VI.
"THE SEVEN DAYS AROUND RICHMOND." 83
Clever Strategy--The Valley Army summoned to the Defense of
Richmond--Battles of Cold Harbor, Frazier's Farm, Malvern
Hill--Ignorance of the Topography--McClellan as a Commander--General
R.E. Lee--His magnificent Strategy--His Mistakes.
CHAPTER VII.
THE DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA. 99
General Bragg--Invasion of Kentucky--Western Louisiana--Its
Topography and River Systems--The Attakapas, Home of the
Acadians--The Creole Population.
CHAPTER VIII.
OPERATIONS IN LOUISIANA AND ON THE MISSISSIPPI. 111
Federal Post at Bayou Des Allemands Surprised--Marauding by
the Federals--Salt Mines at Petit Anse--General Pemberton--Major
Brent Chief of Artillery--Federal Operations on the Lafourche--Gunboat
Cotton--General Weitzel Advances up the Teche--Capture of Federal
Gunboats--General Kirby Smith.
CHAPTER IX.
ATTACKED BY THE FEDERALS--ATTEMPT TO RELIEVE VICKSBURG--CAPTURE
OF BERWICK'S BAY. 129
Federal Advance against Bisland--Retreat of the
Confederates--Banks's Dispatches--Relief of Vicksburg
impracticable--Capture of Federal Post at Berwick's Bay--Attack
on Fort Butler--Fall of Vicksburg and of Port Hudson.
CHAPTER X.
MOVEMENT TO THE RED RIVER--CAMPAIGN AGAINST BANKS. 148
The Confederate Losses at Vicksburg and Port Hudson--Federals
beaten at Bayou Bourbeau--Trans-Mississippi Department, its Bureaux
and Staff--A Federal Fleet and Army ascend Red River--Battle of
Pleasant Hill--Success of the Confederates--Perilous Situation
of Banks's Army and the Fleet.
CHAPTER XI.
ESCAPE OF BANKS AND PORTER. 176
The Fleet descends Red River to Grand Ecore--Banks concentrates
his Army there--Taylor's Force weakened by General Kirby
Smith--Confederates harass Rear of Federal Column--The Federals
cross the River at Monette's Ferry and reach Alexandria--Retreat
of the Fleet harassed--It passes over the Falls at Alexandria.
CHAPTER XII.
EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 196
The Mississippi controlled by the Federals--Taylor assigned
to the Command of Alabama, Mississippi, etc.--Forrest's
Operations--General Sherman in Georgia--Desperate Situation
of Hood--Remnant of his Army sent to North Carolina.
CHAPTER XIII.
CLOSING OPERATIONS OF THE WAR--SURRENDER. 221
Fall of Mobile--Last Engagement of the War--Johnston-Sherman
Convention--Taylor surrenders to General Canby--Last Hours of the
"Trans-Mississippi Department."
CHAPTER XIV.
CRITICISMS AND REFLECTIONS. 230
Gettysburg--Shiloh--Albert Sidney Johnston--Lack of
Statesmanship in the Confederacy--"King Cotton"--Carpet-Baggers.
CHAPTER XV.
RECONSTRUCTION UNDER JOHNSON. 239
Interceding for Prisoners--Debauchery and Corruption in
Washington--General Grant--Andrew Johnson--Stevens, Winter
Davis, Sumner--Setting up and pulling down State Governments--The
"Ku-Klux"--Philadelphia Convention.
CHAPTER XVI.
RECONSTRUCTION UNDER GRANT. 256
Demoralization at the North--a Corrupt Vice-President--a
Hypocritical Banker--a Great Preacher profiting by his own
Evil Reputation--Knaves made Plenipotentiaries--A Spurious
Legislature installed in the Louisiana State House--General
Sheridan in New Orleans--An American Alberoni--Presidential
Election of 1876--Congress over-awed by a Display of Military
Force.
CHAPTER XVII.
CONCLUSION. 268
The Financial Crisis--Breaches of Trust--Labor
Troubles--Destitution--Negro Suffrage fatal to the South.
DESTRUCTION AND RECONSTRUCTION.
CHAPTER I.
SECESSION.
The history of the United States, as yet unwritten, will show the causes
of the "Civil War" to have been in existence during the Colonial era,
and to have cropped out into full view in the debates of the several
State Assemblies on the adoption of the Federal Constitution, in which
instrument Luther Martin, Patrick Henry, and others, insisted that they
were implanted. African slavery at the time was universal, and its
extinction in the North, as well as its extension in the South, was due
to economic reasons alone.
The first serious difficulty of the Federal Government arose from the
attempt to lay an excise on distilled spirits. The second arose from the
hostility of New England traders to the policy of the Government in the
war of 1812, by which their special interests were menaced; and there is
now evidence to prove that, but for the unexpected peace, an attempt to
disrupt the Union would then have been made.
The "Missouri Compromise" of 1820 was in reality a truce between
antagonistic revenue systems, each seeking to gain the balance of power.
For many years subsequently, slaves--as domestic servants--were taken to
the Territories without exciting remark, and the "Nullification"
movement in South Carolina was entirely directed against the tariff.
Anti-slavery was agitated from an early period, but failed to attract
public attention for many years. At length, by unwearied industry, by
ingeniously attaching itself to exciting questions of the day, with
which it had no natural connection, it succeeded in making a lodgment in
the public mind, which, like a subject exhausted by long effort, is
exposed to the attack of some malignant fever, that in a normal
condition of vigor would have been resisted. The common belief that
slavery was the cause of civil war is incorrect, and Abolitionists are
not justified in claiming the glory and spoils of the conflict and in
pluming themselves as "choosers of the slain."
The vast immigration that poured into the country between the years 1840
and 1860 had a very important influence in directing the events of the
latter year. The numbers were too great to be absorbed and assimilated
by the native population. States in the West were controlled by German
and Scandinavian voters, while the Irish took possession of the seaboard
towns. Although the balance of party strength was not much affected by
these naturalized voters, the modes of political thought were seriously
disturbed, and a tendency was manifested to transfer exciting topics
from the domain of argument to that of violence.
The aged and feeble President, Mr. Buchanan, unfitted for troublous
times, was driven to and fro by ambitious leaders of his own party, as
was the last weak Hapsburg who reigned in Spain by the rival factions of
France and Austria.
Under these conditions the National Democratic Convention met at
Charleston, South Carolina, in the spring of 1860, to declare the
principles on which the ensuing presidential campaign was to be
conducted, and select candidates for the offices of President and
Vice-President. Appointed a delegate by the Democracy of my State,
Louisiana, in company with others I reached Charleston two days in
advance of the time. We were at once met by an invitation to join in
council delegates from the Gulf States, to agree upon some common ground
of action in the Convention, but declined for the reason that we were
accredited to the National Convention, and had no authority to
participate in other deliberations. This invitation and the terms in
which it was conveyed argued badly for the harmony of the Convention
itself, and for the preservation of the unity of the Democracy, then the
only organization supported in all quarters of the country.
It may be interesting to recall the impression created at the time by
the tone and temper of different delegations. New England adhered to the
old tenets of the Jefferson school. Two leaders from Massachusetts,
Messrs. Caleb Cushing and Benjamin F. Butler, of whom the former was
chosen President of the Convention, warmly supported the candidacy of
Mr. Jefferson Davis. New York, under the direction of Mr. Dean Richmond,
gave its influence to Mr. Douglas. Of a combative temperament, Mr.
Richmond was impressed with a belief that "secession" was but a bugbear
to frighten the northern wing of the party. Thus he failed to appreciate
the gravity of the situation, and impaired the value of unusual common
sense and unselfish patriotism, qualities he possessed to an eminent
degree. The anxieties of Pennsylvania as to candidates were accompanied
by a philosophic indifference as to principles. The Northwest was ardent
for Douglas, who divided with Guthrie Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee.
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, and Louisiana held moderate
opinions, and were ready to adopt any honorable means to preserve the
unity of the party and country. The conduct of the South Carolina
delegates was admirable. Representing the most advanced constituency in
the Convention, they were singularly reticent, and abstained from adding
fuel to the flames. They limited their role to that of dignified,
courteous hosts, and played it as Carolina gentlemen are wont to do.
From Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Arkansas, and Texas came the fiery
spirits, led by Mr. William L. Yancey of Alabama, an able rhetorician.
This gentleman had persuaded his State Convention to pass a resolution,
directing its delegates to withdraw from Charleston if the Democracy
there assembled refused to adopt the extreme Southern view as to the
rights of citizens in the territories. In this he was opposed by
ex-Governor Winston, a man of conservative tendencies, and long the
rival of Mr. Yancey in State politics. Both gentlemen were sent to
Charleston, but the majority of their co-delegates sustained Mr. Yancey.
Several days after its organization the National Convention reached a
point which made the withdrawal of Alabama imminent. Filled with anxious
forebodings, I sought after nightfall the lodgings of Messrs. Slidell,
Bayard, and Bright, United States senators, who had come to Charleston,
not as delegates, but under the impulse of hostility to the principles
and candidacy of Mr. Douglas. There, after pointing out the certain
consequences of Alabama's impending action, I made an earnest appeal for
peace and harmony, and with success. Mr. Yancey was sent for, came into
our views after some discussion, and undertook to call his people
together at that late hour, and secure their consent to disregard
instructions. We waited until near dawn for Yancey's return, but his
efforts failed of success. Governor Winston, originally opposed to
instructions as unwise and dangerous, now insisted that they should be
obeyed to the letter, and carried a majority of the Alabama delegates
with him. Thus the last hope of preserving the unity of the National
Democracy was destroyed, and by one who was its earnest advocate.
The withdrawal of Alabama, followed by other Southern States, the
adjournment of a part of the Convention to Baltimore and of another part
to Richmond, and the election of Lincoln by votes of Northern States,
require no further mention.
In January, 1861, the General Assembly of Louisiana met. A member of the
upper branch, and chairman of its Committee on Federal Relations, I
reported, and assisted in passing, an act to call a Convention of the
people of the State to consider of matters beyond the competency of the
Assembly. The Convention met in March, and was presided over by
ex-Governor and ex-United States Senator Alexander Mouton, a man of high
character. I represented my own parish, St. Charles, and was appointed
chairman of the Military and Defense Committee, on behalf of which two
ordinances were reported and passed: one, to raise two regiments; the
other, to authorize the Governor to expend a million of dollars in the
purchase of arms and munitions. The officers of the two regiments were
to be appointed by the Governor, and the men to be enlisted for five
years, unless sooner discharged. More would have been desirable in the
way of raising troops, but the temper of men's minds did not then
justify the effort. The Governor declined to use his authority to
purchase arms, assured as he was on all sides that there was no danger
of war, and that the United States arsenal at Baton Rouge, completely in
our power, would furnish more than we could need. It was vainly urged in
reply that the stores of the arsenal were almost valueless, the arms
being altered flintlock muskets, and the accouterments out of date. The
current was too strong to stem.
The Convention, by an immense majority of votes, adopted an ordinance
declaring that Louisiana ceased to be a State within the Union. Indeed,
similar action having already been taken by her neighbors, Louisiana of
necessity followed. At the time and since, I marveled at the joyous and
careless temper in which men, much my superiors in sagacity and
experience, consummated these acts. There appeared the same general
_gaite de coeur_ that M. Ollivier claimed for the Imperial Ministry
when war was declared against Prussia. The attachment of northern and
western people to the Union; their superiority in numbers, in wealth,
and especially in mechanical resources; the command of the sea; the lust
of rule and territory always felt by democracies, and nowhere to a
greater degree than in the South--all these facts were laughed to scorn,
or their mention was ascribed to timidity and treachery.
As soon as the Convention adjourned, finding myself out of harmony with
prevailing opinion as to the certainty of war and necessity for
preparation, I retired to my estate, determined to accept such
responsibility only as came to me unsought.
The inauguration of President Lincoln; the confederation of South
Carolina, Georgia, and the five Gulf States; the attitude of the border
slave States, hoping to mediate; the assembling of Confederate forces
at Pensacola, Charleston, and other points; the seizure of United States
forts and arsenals; the attack on "Sumter"; war--these followed with
bewildering rapidity, and the human agencies concerned seemed as
unconscious as scene-shifters in some awful tragedy.