Report of Mr. Dochard’s Arrival in Kaarta — My Departure for
St. Joseph, and Meeting with Mr. D. — Return to Baquelle —
Messenger sent to Sego — Arrival of Fleet from St. Louis —
Mr. D.’s Return to the Coast, and my final Determination — Visit
to St. Joseph — Conduct of Almamy Bondoo — Return from St. Joseph
— State of Affairs at Baquelle — Departure from thence — Delay
at St. Joseph — Assembly of Chiefs, &c. &c.
On the 30th of June I was informed by a Serrawolli merchant, who
came direct from Dhyage, the capital of Kaarta, that Mr. Dochard had
arrived at that place from Sego: but as I had found those people so
little worthy of credit on most occasions, I doubted the correctness
of his statement, particularly as he said he had seen Mr. Dochard,
but brought no letter from him, although he was aware he should
see me sooner than Mr. Dochard could himself. An opportunity
offering, however, for my going to Fort St. Joseph, by a boat,
on board which one of the French officers was proceeding to that
place, I took advantage of it, in order to ascertain beyond a doubt
whether Mr. Dochard had arrived, and if so to request Samba Congole
to despatch a messenger without delay, to render him any assistance
he might require.
I left Baquelle on the evening of the 6th of June, and arrived at
Fort St. Joseph at seven the following evening, when I was agreeably
surprised on finding that Mr. Dochard had reached there on the 4th,
but in so bad a state of health from a violent and protracted attack
of dysentery, that he could scarcely rise from the mat on which he
was lying to give me his hand, and which I apprehended he could not
long live to do. Although there was no occurrence, next to that of
being able to prosecute my journey, which I sighed for more ardently
or impatiently than the return of my friend and companion, I was but
half gratified by finding him so ill. He was dreadfully emaciated,
but in good spirits, and expressed a conviction that a little rest,
and the satisfaction he felt at meeting us all in comparatively good
health, would soon restore him.
My impatience to become acquainted with the result of his embassy
was so great that he observed it, and immediately imparted to me the
unpleasant intelligence that the only answer he could obtain was,
“that until the war terminated Dha could not allow us to pass.” So
that after waiting nearly two years for what this king’s messenger
informed us would be granted the moment we arrived in the country,
we were now told if we wished to await the issue of a war (and in
which the Bambarras were by no means successful), we should obtain
it. It now then remained for us to decide what steps we should take,
under all the circumstances of our case, as most likely to afford
prospects of success: but before coming to any determination, it was
necessary to wait the arrival of the vessels from Senegal to obtain
the supplies we so much wanted.
The first object, however, was to remove Mr. Dochard to Baquelle,
for which purpose Lieutenant Dusault (although not ready to return
himself) politely lent his boat.
On our arrival on board His Most Christian Majesty’s brig, the
officer commanding (Lieutenant Dupont, to whom, as well as to his
companion, I shall ever feel indebted for their attention to myself on
all occasions) added another link to the chain of obligations by which
I was already bound to them, in offering Mr. Dochard accommodation on
board his brig, where Lieutenant Dupont politely said, no exertions of
his to alleviate Mr. Dochard’s present sufferings, and, if possible,
erase the remembrance of the past, should be wanting. This offer,
like all others from those gallant officers, was made with such
really cordial warmth of heart, and such an evident wish on the
part of Lieutenant Dupont to minister personally to my friend’s
wants, that, although it was taking from myself the pleasure I had
anticipated, I complied; and having supplied him as well as my poor
wardrobe would allow with clean linen, left him to take that repose
of which he was so much in need.
As Mr. Dochard had left Bambarra without Dha’s permission, and had
left behind him three of his men who had been at Sego for some time
previous to his leaving Bamakoo, I feared that Dha might suppose I
had abandoned the hope of prosecuting my journey, and although he
had not as yet sanctioned our passing, I was in hopes that the cause
assigned for not doing so (namely, the war with the Massina Foolahs)
might soon be removed by its termination, and afford us the long
wished-for opportunity of following up the object we had in view. In
order therefore to assure Dha that, although Mr. Dochard had left his
country without his knowledge, we had not relinquished our proceedings
there, I despatched one of my own men, a native of N’Yamina, with
a letter to him and his ministers, accompanied with small presents,
requesting them to take especial care of the men left at Sego by
Mr. Dochard, and to send me, with as little delay as possible, a
decisive answer: my man accompanied a native merchant, named Usufe
(a cousin of Isaaco), who was going on a trading voyage to Sego,
and to whom I promised five pieces of baft, in case he should render
my messenger such assistance as he might require. They left Baquelle
on the 3rd of August.
Mr. Dochard continued extremely low, and what with the effects of the
complaint he had been so long labouring under, and frequent attacks
of fever since his return, he was reduced to that state from which
I much doubted the possibility of a recovery. He did not, however,
entertain the same apprehensions, and this alone enabled him to
support his complicated sufferings, much aggravated by the state of
the season, which was very wet and sultry.
On the 28th of August, a steam-boat arrived from St. Louis, having
a few days before parted from the fleet, which experienced much
difficulty and opposition in passing the Foota-Toro country, where the
inhabitants (who were armed with muskets, and had formed intrenchments
on the river side for the purpose,) attacked the vessels, on board
which several men were killed and wounded, and one of the Galam
Company’s sloops sunk in consequence of the confusion. It was
not, however, until the 21st of September that the fleet made its
appearance, when having fruitlessly endeavoured to procure the
supplies wanted, I saw the utter impossibility of proceeding with
the whole expedition, and therefore came to the determination of
sending to the coast Mr. Dochard, Mr. Partarrieau, and all the men,
except fifteen, with whom I decided on making another attempt to
proceed. Mr. Dochard wished much (notwithstanding his enfeebled state
of health) to accompany me, but I could not in justice to him, to
my own feelings, or indeed to the service in which I was so warmly
engaged, comply with his request. I was thus reduced to the very
last effort; and however reluctantly I parted with those officers
and men who had been my companions in privations, difficulties, and
anxiety since 1818, I felt a satisfaction in saying to them that the
circumstances I was then placed in could alone induce me to dispense
with the services which on all occasions, and in the most trying
cases, they had rendered with so much cheerfulness and patience. When
selecting from the party such men as I conceived best adapted to the
peculiarity of the service we were about to enter on, nearly every
man volunteered to accompany me to the very last moment; but my
means were then reduced to so limited a compass, and the necessity
of proceeding with a small party in such circumstances so decidedly
imperious, that I could not accept of their further services, and
therefore chose fifteen, among whom was my sergeant-major (Lee),
a man, who to the strictest sentiments of honor added those of cool
determined bravery and a strong impulse to render every possible
assistance in bringing our service to a favourable termination. All
the others were men of colour, either soldiers of the African corps
or inhabitants of Senegal; of the latter was Charles Joe, a mulatto
of respectable connexions, and a man who had in many instances evinced
much devotion to the interests of the expedition, and firm attachment
to my person. Many of his friends then at Baquelle used all their
influence and persuasion to induce him to leave me. He told them,
however, that he had given his word never to desert the cause,
and he would not break it.
Having made all the preparations necessary for the departure of those
officers and men, they embarked on the 29th of September on board the
fleet returning to St. Louis, the commandant of which, Mr. Le Blanc,
received at his table Mr. Dochard. The vessels did not sail until the
30th: I accompanied them to Tuabo. On taking leave of my companions
my feelings were such as I am unable to describe. I leave those who
have themselves parted from friends whom they had every probability
of never seeing more, to judge what mine must have been; suffice it
to say, that my spirits for the remainder of that day were at their
lowest ebb.
From that unpleasant state of mind I was awakened by the reflection
that the step I had taken was the only one which offered any prospect
of success. I took advantage of a boat going to Fort St. Joseph on
the 5th of October, for the purpose of soliciting the interest of
Samba Congole with Modiba King of Kaarta, for my passage through that
country. Contrary winds and strong currents prevented my arriving
there before the 8th, when having made known to Samba the object of
my visit, and made him a small present, he assured me that I might
depend on his forwarding my views in every way he could; he also
agreed to send a party of horse to escort me from Baquelle, which
place I purposed leaving in November. On my return to Baquelle,
I found the French commandant, Mr. Hesse, in dispute with the Tonca
of Tuabo, who having made some demands for customs, with which the
former did not think right to comply, declared hostilities. Angry
words and threats on both sides, however, were alone resorted to,
and continued to the 18th, during which time I was busily employed
in making preparations for our march. These being completed, on
the 31st of October I despatched a messenger to demand the promised
escort from Samba, whose brother arrived at Baquelle on the 6th of
November, accompanied by four horsemen and ten foot. He informed me
that having some business of his brother’s to transact at Tuabo,
he could not be ready to return before three or four days.
Almamy Bondoo, who by some means got information of my intended
movement, and supposing that we should proceed by water to Fort
St. Joseph, posted a strong party at Yafrey to oppose our passage;
thus proving that he had all along been determined to prevent our
proceeding eastward. He was, however, misinformed, for although I
intended (and did take advantage of a boat going to that place) to
send all my baggage thither, I had determined on proceeding with the
men and animals by a path on the north side of the river, where we
should not meet any of the people of Bondoo, and few, if any, of any
other tribes, as all the towns on that side had been either destroyed
by the Kaartans, or deserted by their inhabitants. Almamy’s arrival
with his army at Baquelle, prevented Dhyabê[29] from returning as
soon as he otherwise would have done: I was therefore compelled to
wait for him until the 16th, having sent off my baggage on the 9th.
We left Baquelle on the morning of the 17th, and travelled ESE. until
six P.M. when we halted for the night, all much fatigued, at a pool
of muddy water in the woods. The country over which we travelled
was low and flat, much covered with wood, and bore the marks of the
late inundation. We met several herds of wild hogs and antelopes,
and saw the recent footmarks of the elephant and hippopotamus in
the vicinity of the small creeks we crossed. The following morning
we moved forward in the same direction until we came to the river,
along the north bank of which we continued our march through deserted
and ruined towns until three P.M., when we reached Goosela, a small
walled town of Gidumagh, at which we halted for the night.
Goosela is one of a few Gidumagh towns which remain on the north
bank of the Senegal, tributary to the Kaartans and Moors, and which
makes itself very evident in the miserably wretched and poverty
struck appearance of the inhabitants, whose numbers do not exceed
one hundred and fifty. It is situate on an elevated spot about 500
yards from the river.
A march of two hours along the banks of the river brought us opposite
Fort St. Joseph, on the morning of the 19th, at eight o’clock,
when canoes having been provided by Samba Congole, we crossed without
delay, and found our baggage safely deposited in a square mud building
in his yard, where I was myself accommodated with quarters.
My first object was to despatch a messenger to Modiba, requesting
that one of his confidential servants might be sent without delay to
conduct us into that country. One of Samba’s brothers was selected
for that service, and proceeded on the 1st of December with directions
from Samba to make as little delay as possible.
Fotigue, the man whom I sent, in company with Isaacco’s brother,
to Sego in August, arrived at Fort St. Joseph on the 3rd of
December without having been able to proceed farther than Dhyage,
in consequence of the inundated state of the country between Galam
and Kasson. They lost every thing they had, in crossing one of the
innumerable torrents which intersect that country during the rains,
and where he, as well as his companions, must have perished had
it not been for the timely and providential assistance rendered
them by a canoe belonging to Safêrê, a prince of Kasson, which
accidentally passed by the tree where they had been perched for two
days without food or the prospect of release. He stated having seen
a Moor at Dhyage who came from Sego, and informed him that at the
time of his departure the men left there by Mr. Dochard were on the
point of being despatched, in company with one of Dha’s people
named Sitafa, to meet me.
The 1st of January 1821, now arrived, but without the appearance
of the messenger: I was informed, however, by some native merchants
who arrived from Kaarta, that he was on the point of leaving it.
On the 11th I witnessed at Dramanet an assembly of the chiefs of
Upper Galam, on the occasion of nominating a new Tonca, and to
regulate some matters relative to the then state of that country. I
accompanied Samba Congole, who was attended by his brothers and the
chiefs of Maghana and Magha-doo-goo.
On our arrival at the Bentang or assembly-tree, near which is
situate the mosque, by far the most respectable edifice I have seen
in the interior, we were presented with mats, on which we took our
seats among a large crowd of spectators and chiefs, who were, like
ourselves, all seated.
[Illustration: W. Gray del.
MOSQUE & PLACE OF ASSEMBLY, at Dramanet Galam.
_Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London._]
The Tonca, whose arrival all appeared anxiously awaiting, soon
approached the place, preceded by a number of drums and singers,
making a horrible noise. His majesty was on horseback, dressed in
yellow, with a large gold ring in each ear, and followed by about
one hundred men armed with muskets. When he dismounted a mat was
spread for his accommodation near the trunk of the tree, and the
place sprinkled with water from an earthern jar by an old woman;
this was intended to sanctify (or in other words to drive away any
evil spirits from) the place. This ceremony, which was performed
with much apparent awe and profound silence, being finished, and
the Tonca being seated, the proceedings commenced by a griot or
bard proclaiming in a loud voice the object of their meeting, and
desiring that all those who had any thing to say on the subject,
should do so. Each chief then paid his respects to the Tonca, by
calling aloud his surname (Batchirie) and wishing him a long and
prosperous reign. The chief of Dramanet, who is a priest and styled
Almamy, spoke much. He said that, during the late wars with Bondoo,
many of the chiefs present had either abandoned their towns to the
enemy and taken refuge in those on the west side of the Faleme,
there remaining inactive spectators of their country’s fall,
or openly assisted in its destruction, which their base conduct
had so nearly completed that it became absolutely necessary they
should adopt some decisive measure for its defence. He called on
them to take example by the hitherto unsubdued resistance made
by Samba Congole and the chiefs of Maghana and Magha-doo-goo, who
preferred risking their own lives and the liberty of their families
to a galling and disgraceful subjection to their enemies: that
the time was now arrived when an understanding must be established
between them; and he advised them strongly to return to their duty,
rebuild their towns, and support with him and his colleagues a
war which threatened their very existence. Tonca and Samba spoke
in their turn to nearly the same purpose. The end of each sentence
spoken by the former was followed by two or three strokes on a drum,
and every word the latter said was received with applause. All was
carried on in a manner that would not reflect disgrace on the most
enlightened senate. One person only presumed to speak at a time,
and that in a low voice, and the person speaking never received any
interruption before he announced his having finished, which, as well
as all that each had said, was repeated in a loud and distinct voice
by the respective bards, or griots of the chiefs.
I witnessed a similar assembly at Bondoo, but it was by no means
conducted with similar regularity, or respect to good order. The
assembly sat three hours, and was dismissed by the Tonca informing
the chiefs that having heard all that was advanced on either side,
it remained for those to whom the proposal of acting in unison with
the others for their country’s good was made, to decide whether they
would do so or abide the consequences, which he hinted might not be
very pleasant, as the king of Kaarta had made known his determination,
“God willing”, to visit their country in the course of that year.
I was much astonished at the shrewd remarks, specious motives,
and expressive language used by some of the chiefs present. Almaney
Dramanêt, a man advanced in years, possessing considerable influence
in the country, and, as he said, “only answerable to God and his
country for his actions”, used every argument, and brought forward
every instance of the noble conduct of their ancestors, to induce such
as had deserted the cause, to re-embrace it with hand and heart. He
expatiated at much length on the disgrace in the eyes of the world,
and the sin in the eyes of God, upon the line of conduct they had
adopted towards their country and their relatives would inevitably
draw down on them; and as an excitement to a return to their duty,
he painted in very pleasing colours, the happy and respectable state
of that country whose chiefs and inhabitants, having successfully
used their joint endeavours to defend it from the encroachments of
an inveterate enemy, enjoyed the fruits of their labours, with the
satisfaction of a good conscience, and the comforts of a social and
quiet life.
I could quote numerous other similar arguments made use of by many
of them, but as I suppose the object that I had in view in doing so
at all is gained by what I have just stated, I shall not weary my
reader with unnecessary matter, and shall therefore merely say that
these people are far from being that savage unsophisticated race of
mortals, which they are by many supposed to be; and, in my humble
opinion, want but long and uninterrupted intercourse with enlightened
nations, and the introduction of the Christian religion, to place
them on a level with their more wealthy northern fellow-creatures.
Samba’s messenger did not return from Kaarta until the 26th of
January, at so late an hour that, although my anxiety to be made
acquainted with the result of his embassy was great indeed, I was
obliged to exert my patience until the following morning, when Samba
came with him to my hut, and informed me that, after waiting several
days for an answer from Modiba, he at length received one to the
following effect, that a guide should be appointed immediately to
conduct me to Kaarta, and that every assistance and protection I might
require should be afforded me as far as Modiba’s arm (influence)
extended. This was (as far as words went) good; but the guide had
not arrived, and although the messenger was told he should join him
before he passed the frontier (where he waited two days for him),
he did not make his appearance. The messenger, however, said that I
might expect to see him in a few days. Patience again: for without
it nothing was to be done. On this occasion however (at least with
regard to his coming) it was not much tried, for he arrived on the
28th instant, after telling me that Modiba had sent him to conduct
me to Kaarta, where I should be received and treated as the friend
of Samba. He said that in consequence of the wilderness through which
our path lay being infested at that time by several bands of robbers
from Kasson under Hawah Demba, he could not undertake to lead me
into it, before he could (by returning to Kaarta) bring a force to
escort me. This was a disappointment indeed. I urged him to banish
his fears on my account; and told him that although I well knew such
robbers were on the road, and actually murdered and robbed several
people, I was nevertheless ready and anxious to proceed, as I felt
satisfied that no party of those people, were they even three times
our number, would dare to attack us. Remonstrance was vain. I was
obliged to submit to farther delay, which both Samba and the Guide
(Bokari) promised should not be longer than twelve days.
This unexpected procrastination was almost insupportable. I saw my
means fast diminishing, the fine weather as rapidly passing away,
and no more prospect of sincerity on the part of Modiba than I had
experienced from Almamy. The hope, however, that I might be deceived
in my opinion, and that the promised day would bring back Bokari
with an escort, rendered it passingly tolerable to one who, from
constant disappointment, had, in some measure, become insensible to
the anxiety incident to such a state; but to add to my annoyance on
that head, I could not get Bokari to move before the 4th of February,
in consequence of one of two Moors who had gone in search of game
for Samba, having been murdered by the party under Hawah Demba on
the 25th of January.
However, in order that no business of mine should delay me a moment
after the return of Bokari, I made the presents to Samba and the
chiefs of that part of Galam, which their attention to me and their
intercession with Modiba in my behalf deservedly merited.
From the 10th of February, the day on which Bokari promised I should
see him, to the 13th of March was spent by me in endeavours to induce
a travelling merchant then at Fort St. Joseph, and about to proceed
to Kaarta with a large caravan, to allow me to accompany him, to
no effect. He said, he dare not bring a white man into that country
without Modiba’s permission. This, however, was not his motive for
refusing; he thought, and justly enough, that, after my arrival in
that country, European goods, of which his venture chiefly consisted,
would fall in value, from the quantity I must unavoidably give in
presents and the purchase of provisions.
On that day Samba, who had been absent from his town since the
preceding night, came to tell me, that the Kaartans had gone into
Bondoo on a plundering excursion that morning, and would no doubt
be at Fort St. Joseph some hour during the night, when, after a
little rest, they were (in compliance with directions from Modiba)
to escort me to Kaarta. This was what I wanted; but it was matter
of much regret to me, that they should have taken advantage of the
opportunity which coming for me afforded them, of disturbing the
people of Bondoo, and of committing acts of rapine and cruelty,
to which civilised nations are, thank God, strangers. About eight,
P.M. they began to make their appearance in parties of from ten to
twelve horsemen, and continued doing so until midnight.
On the morning of the 14th of March, I hastened to an interview with
Samba, and the Kaartan chief whose name was Garran, a nephew of Modiba
and son of Sirabo, a former king of that country. After the usual
complimentary salutations, he told me by means of my interpreter
that at my own desire his father (for so he called Modiba) had
sent him with a detachment to escort me to his country, where I
should meet with kind and friendly treatment during my stay, and
receive the assistance I required in prosecuting my journey as far,
at least, as Modiba’s power reached. On my asking him to name an
early day for our departure, he said that he had some business to
transact with the chiefs of Upper Galam, but that if once settled,
he would not give me farther delay. He made much inquiry respecting
my transactions with Almamy Bondoo, and said that his conduct to
me was of a piece with all his former acts. He expressed his regret
that I had not demanded assistance from Modiba when I found it was
Almamy’s intention to deceive me, and was much surprised when I
told him that, although I was very badly treated by the princes and
chiefs of Bondoo, I did not consider myself authorized, much less
feel inclined, to bring war into their country. As only a part of the
Kaartan force was bivouacked near our huts, I went to the adjoining
towns for the purpose of ascertaining their numbers, which I found to
amount to about one thousand, all horse. They had made one hundred and
seven prisoners, chiefly women and children, and had taken about two
hundred and forty head of cattle. Many of these unfortunate beings
were known to me. The men were tied in pairs by the necks, their
hands secured behind their backs; the women by the necks only, but
their hands were not left free from any sense of feeling for them,
but in order to enable them to balance the immense loads of pangs,
corn or rice, which they were forced to carry on their heads, and
the children (who were unable to walk or sit on horseback behind
their captors) on their backs.
The chiefs of the adjacent towns were summoned to attend an assembly
on the 16th of March, when it was matter of discussion whether
another attack should not be made on Bondoo before the departure of
the Kaartans. It was, however, decided (much to my satisfaction)
that nothing more should be done in that way, and the 18th of
March was fixed for our departure. Having taken leave of Samba,
and returned him thanks for his kindness in obtaining from Modiba
the assistance I required, I lay down at a late hour on the night
of the 17th of March, to take a little rest; but my impatience to
see that day break, which was about to give me the opportunity of
another attempt towards accomplishing the object of the expedition,
prevented my doing so: I therefore employed the time in packing
up some dry provisions for our use until we could reach Kaarta. At
day-light we commenced passing the animals and baggage to the north
bank of the river, where, with the assistance of a canoe, all was
safely landed soon after eight o’clock.
The animals were immediately loaded, and we moved forward to the
ESE., along the bank of the river through corn-grounds, until a
quarter after eleven, when we reached Maghem-Yaghere, a small and
miserably poor walled town, inhabited by a few Gidumaghs, who prefer
leading a most precarious and slave-like life under the Moorish and
Kaartan despots, to abandoning their native soil. We halted at a
short distance east of the town, in order to await the arrival of
the army, and to adjust some loads which from the asses’ lying
down under them had been disarranged.
I had an opportunity of witnessing during this short march the
new-made slaves, and the sufferings to which they are subjected in
their first state of bondage. They were hurried along (tied as I
before stated) at a pace little short of running, to enable them to
keep up with the horsemen, who drove them on as Smithfield drovers
do fatigued bullocks. Many of the women were old, and by no means
able to endure such treatment. One in particular would not have
failed to excite the tenderest feelings of compassion in the breast
of any, save a savage African; she was at least sixty years old, in
the most miserable state of emaciation and debility, nearly doubled
together, and with difficulty dragging her tottering limbs along;
to crown the heart-rending picture, she was naked, save from her
waist to about half way to the knees. All this did not prevent her
inhuman captors from making her carry a heavy load of water, while,
with a rope about her neck, he drove her before his horse, and,
whenever she shewed the least inclination to stop, he beat her in
the most unmerciful manner with a stick. Had any of those gentlemen
(if any there be) who are either advocates for a revival of that
horrid and unnatural traffic in human flesh, or so careless about
the emancipation of this long degraded and suffering people as to
support their cause (if they do it at all) with little ardour, been
witness to the cruelties practised on this and similar occasions
(to say nothing of their sufferings in the middle passage), they
would soon change their minds, and be roused to make use of all
their best exertions, both at home and abroad, to abolish in toto
the slave trade, which, although it has received a mortal blow from
the praiseworthy and truly indefatigable exertions of Africa’s
numerous and philanthropic friends in England, must exist as long
as any of the states of Europe give it their support.
I endeavoured to purchase from Garran the freedom of the poor old
woman, but although I told him to fix his own price, I could not
induce him to comply. He told me that nothing could be disposed
of before the king had seen all that was taken. I, to no purpose,
represented to him the more than probability of this poor creature’s
falling a victim to the hardships she must necessarily undergo before
she could reach Kaarta. Those savages only ridiculed my compassion,
and asked me if I was gratified in seeing the people of Bondoo thus
punished. My reply in the negative only excited their laughter,
and drew a remark from Garran, “That people so sensible to the
sufferings of their enemies could not be good warriors.” Alas! what
an error, and what consequent scenes of distress and misery!!
We left Maghem-Yaghere at six on the morning of the 10th, passed a
small village called Gakoro, close to the river, at half after six,
and arrived at the ruins of N-gany-n-gorē at noon. This had been a
considerable town, and was destroyed about two years before by the
very people who were now escorting us. Having halted during the heat
of the day under some large shady trees, that had formerly afforded
a cool and pleasing retreat from the scorching rays of the sun to
the inhabitants of the town, and now to us, and the destroyers of
their peace, we moved forward at half after four in the afternoon,
and continued to do so until eight, when we halted for the night
at the ruins of another Gidumagh town, called Soman Keeté. The
first part of this day’s march lay through corn grounds, and
open wood, close to the river side, for about thirteen miles,
ESE. In the latter part of it we were much impeded by the steep and
rocky state of the dry beds of several torrents, which in the rainy
season convey the waters collected by the mountains in the NE. to
the Senegal, which at Soman Keeté runs for some hundred yards over
a shelving bed of solid rock, and on which there was at that season,
only eighteen inches water. On the south bank immediately opposite,
stands Dhyagh-an-dappé, a large town of Galam.
There being no water at the next halting-place, we filled all
our soofras, and at one, P.M. on the 20th, entered the wilderness,
through which we travelled without any path until nine, having passed
the dry beds of several streams, and three extraordinary piles of
rocks. They were each nearly one hundred feet high, and composed of
enormous round masses of stone (granite, I believe) heaped together
in the form of an irregular cone. They are situated in an immense
plain thinly covered with wood, and are at a very considerable
distance from any mountains or other eminences.
The sufferings of the poor slaves during a march of nearly
eight hours, partly under an excessively hot sun and east wind,
heavily laden with water, of which they were allowed to drink but
very sparingly, and travelling barefoot on a hard and broken soil,
covered with long dried reeds and thorny underwood, may be more easily
conceived than described. One young woman who had (for the first time)
become a mother two days only before she was taken, and whose child,
being thought by her captor too young to be worth saving, was thrown
by the monster into its burning hut, from which the flames had just
obliged the mother to retreat, suffered so much from the swollen
state of her bosom, that her moans might frequently be heard at the
distance of some hundred yards, when refusing to go on she implored
her fiend-like captor to put an end to her existence; but that would
have been too great a sacrifice to humanity, and a few blows with a
leathern horse fetter, soon made the wretched creature move again. A
man also lay down, and neither blows, entreaties, nor threats
of death could induce him to move. He was thrown across a horse,
his face down, and with his hands and feet tied together under the
animal’s chest, was carried along for some distance. This position,
however, soon caused difficulty of breathing, and almost suffocation,
which would certainly soon have ended his miserable existence had
they not placed him in a more easy posture, by allowing him to
ride sitting upright; but he was so exhausted that to keep him on
the horse, it was necessary to have him supported by a man on each
side. Never did I witness (nor indeed did I think it possible that
a human being could endure) such tortures as were inflicted on this
man. When he first refused to go on, they had recourse to a mode
of compulsion which I have been told is common on those occasions,
but of too disgusting a nature to be described. I did not see the
old woman, nor could I ascertain, what had become of her.
We moved forward at three o’clock on the morning of the 21st,
and travelled east, through woods until half after seven, when we
reached the foot of a high range of rocky mountains, running north
and south, said by the Kaartans to be a continuance of those which
break the course of the Senegal at Feloo, forming the falls of that
name. Their western sides are steep, much broken, and very difficult
of access; and their tops where we crossed them, a flat table land
thinly covered with stunted wood, and in many places forming a surface
of solid flat rock, bearing a brown metallic polish, so smooth that
the animals were constantly slipping. The descent on the eastern
side was scarcely perceptible, and as we advanced, the soil began
to bear a more fertile, and less rocky appearance. At half after ten
we reached Conian-gee, or the water of Conian, where a town formerly
stood, but of which no vestige remained. It belonged to Kasson, and
was destroyed by the Kaartans. The place appeared to be the resort
of numerous herds of elephants and other wild animals, drawn there in
search of water, in which, though muddy and of a bad taste, the place
abounded. Some of our asses that had fallen and thrown their loads,
in scrambling up those mountains fell to the rear, and were, with
the men attending them, attacked by so dense a swarm of bees, that
the former ran into the woods throwing their loads, and the latter
were obliged to seek safety in flight. It was not without much labour
and loss of time that the loads were brought up, or the asses found.
Having made a scanty meal with some of our dried provisions, and
filled our soofras with putrid water, we moved forward to the ENE.,
at five P.M., and, travelling through close woods until eight, arrived
at a place called Mama Niarra, where, to our no small mortification,
the supply of muddy water we expected to meet was dried into mud
itself. To increase the unpleasantness of our situation, some of
the Kaartans who had gone on before set fire to the grass, which,
being to windward of us, made rapid progress towards the spot where
we had halted. It providentially did not reach us, and we had only
to complain of a restless night, and much anxiety, to say nothing
of our labour in clearing the ground around our bivouac.
Four o’clock on the morning of the 22d again found us moving
to ENE. At seven we passed the Kolle-m-bimee, or black creek,
nearly dry and running south; it joins the Senegal a little above
Feloo. Our path then changed to due east, and over a swampy soil
through an immense forest of lofty ron-trees[30], which continued
all the way to Kirrijou, the first town of Kasson, where we arrived
at half after ten.
Garran here left us, and gave us into the care of Bojar (Modiba’s
eldest son), at whose town his father wished us to remain during
our halt in that country, and whither I should have proceeded the
following morning, but the men and animals were so much fatigued,
that I found it necessary to give them a day’s rest.
Kirrijou is beautifully situated on an eminence overlooking an
extensive plain bounded by forests of ron-trees, and covered with
the most luxuriant verdure nearly all the year round, except when
inundated, which is the case yearly for four months, from July to
October. Large quantities of corn, rice, ground-nuts and onions are
grown there, and the people are well and abundantly supplied with
milk and butter from large herds of horned cattle and sheep. The only
disadvantage the place labours under is the bad quality of the water,
which they obtain from wells about four feet deep, on the borders
of a narrow stagnant lake.
The chief (Saféré) who with his followers and slaves composed a
part of the Kaartan forces, received us kindly, provided us with
huts, and furnished us with an excellent supper of rice and mutton,
the first good one we had made since leaving Galam.
I paid him a complimentary visit at his palace, where I found him
seated in an open court surrounding his own hut, but separated from
the others, composing the palace, by a clay wall eight feet high. He
was attended by a few of his domestic slaves and favourites. He
accommodated me with a seat on his own mat, and asked many questions
about the country of the white people, as they call us, our mode of
warfare, government, laws, and revenue, and appeared much astonished
at some of my answers, particularly when I said that we fought on
firm ground and on horseback, and which he acknowledged he could
scarcely credit, as it was his belief in common with all the natives
of the interior, that we live exclusively on the sea in ships, where
we subsist entirely upon fish, to which they attribute the whiteness
of our skins. He pressed me much to spend a few days with him, and,
as an inducement, said he would make his wives and daughters exert
their musical and dancing abilities to amuse me, but my time was
too precious to be spent in amusements.
[Illustration: MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.]
Having made Saféré a small present in acknowledgement of his
attention to our wants, we left Kirrijou at four o’clock on
the morning of the 24th of March, and travelled north, through
corn-grounds, until half after five, on the road leading to Jaffnoo,
when we turned off to the right, and continued marching due east
through a wood without any path until two P.M., at which hour
we reached Moonia, the residence of Bojar, and the place named
by Modiba for our halt. The animals were all very much fatigued,
particularly the camels, owing to the excessive heat of the day
and the roughness of the latter part of our path, which lay over
hilly and broken ground covered with sharp loose stones; in fact,
ten hours’ march is too much for either man or animals in that
country, particularly during the heat of the day.
Bojar who accompanied us from Kirrijou, furnished us, on our
arrival, with an excellent dinner of cous cous, milk, and honey,
and abundance of fine water, such as we had not tasted since we left
the Senegal. Huts were provided for our use until (as Bojar said)
some could be erected for us at a short distance from the town. As
this indicated our being likely to make a long halt at Moonia, I
made known to Bojar my displeasure at the very idea of our being
detained there long enough to admit of their completion, and was
told by him that two or three days were sufficient for that purpose.
Anxious that a moment should not be lost in making known to Modiba
my desire of proceeding to Sego without delay, I wished to despatch
Giboodoo to Dhyage the day after our arrival, with presents to him
and his head men, but his Majesty’s _drinking day_ being Monday,
when no business is ever transacted, I was obliged to wait for
Tuesday. Bojar who, like his father, always made a sacrifice of
one or more days in each week to the ruby-lipped god, came to see
me, bringing with him a large calabash of a sort of beer, made by
themselves from fermented corn, but which is by no means palatable,
being more insipid than the worst table-beer made in England, but from
no bitter being used it immediately sours and becomes intoxicating,
which effect it soon had on Bojar and all his followers. They were,
however, very good humoured, and so great was the prince’s wish
to make me comfortable and feel at home (as he said) that he sent
for one of his sisters and presented her to me as a companion to
cheer my idle hours, and teach me to speak Bambarran. My want of
gallantry upon this occasion was remarked by all present, and I was
asked if I had a wife in my own country, or if I did not think the
one presented to me handsome enough for my acceptance. An effort
to extricate myself from a repetition of such favours, and at the
same time to avoid insulting her sable Highness, obliged me to say
that I was married, and dare not infringe the laws of my country,
which punished with death any man who took unto himself more than one
wife. This answer excited more than common remarks on the part of the
prince, who said he had been told that white women were so completely
mistresses of the men, that the whole care and labour of supporting
our families depended on the latter, who dare not even speak to any
woman save their wives. Another question of his, namely, should he
come to England, would the king give him one of his daughters to
wife? drew from me an answer, of which I much doubted the truth,
but which, in this instance, I must be excused for not adhering to,
as it would not have been proper to hurt the pride of a man who
appeared to possess not a small share of it, at least, in his own
way, and who thought he was conferring a high favour on the lady,
let her be who she may, who might be solicited to partake of his
royal protection. After many such questions and answers (by which
time Bojar was so satiated with his African beverage that he could
not rise from the ground without assistance), he took his leave, and,
wishing me a good night, staggered home in company with attendants
who were equally overcharged.
Giboodoo, accompanied by Bokari, departed for Dhyage on the morning
of the 27th, and took with him a handsome plated tureen, as an
introductory present to his Majesty, to whom I sent my compliments,
and requested that he would name an early day for my departure, and
send people forthwith to receive a present I had brought him. They
returned at a very late hour on the night of the 28th, and were
accompanied by Modiba’s head maraboo, and one of his chief slaves. I
did not see them, before the morning of the 29th, when they informed
me that Modiba was much pleased with the present I had sent him, and
had despatched them to see the other things I intended giving him,
and to assure me that I should meet with no delay whatever from him.
I laid out for their inspection the things stated in the Appendix,
and having made them a small present each, desired them, in laying
those things before the king, to say, that my only wish was to be
provided with a guide to Bangassi, in Foolidoo, and to be allowed
to depart immediately. As I was aware of the influence some of the
head slaves and two or three of Modiba’s wives had over him, I
sent a present by Giboodoo to four of the former and three of the
latter, requesting them to impress on their royal master’s mind
the necessity of letting me proceed on my journey without delay, and
promising them a farther reward, in case they obtained for me what
I wanted. They returned on the 1st of April, to say that Modiba was
much pleased with the present, to which he requested I would add some
silver, amber, and beads; but, in consequence of the road to Foolidoo
being said to be then infested by Moorish banditti, he had despatched
some horsemen to ascertain the fact, and as soon as they returned,
which would be in two or three days, he would allow me to proceed, if
not by that road, by one whereon, although there existed a scarcity
of water, we should not have any thing to fear from robbers. This
answer was perplexing in the extreme, and, from what had already
happened in Bondoo, I began to doubt the sincerity of this chief;
but still in order that obstacles should not arise on my part, I sent
him the articles he requested, and desired Giboodoo to say that if
he would only send a party of twenty horsemen with me to Bangassi,
I would run all risks of robbers or other impediments, and make a
farther addition to his present by the return of those people. As
nothing, however, was to be done without securing the interest of
the head slaves, I sent them an additional present each, in hopes
of stirring them up to exertions in my favour. Giboodoo took those
presents to Dhyage on the 3d of April, and returned on the 4th with
answer, that his Majesty was satisfied with my conduct towards him,
and would immediately settle my business to my satisfaction. With
people whose time is not very precious, immediately often means weeks
or more; and as I could ill brook such delay, at least in perspective,
I despatched Giboodoo to remain at the king’s elbow until he would
give a decisive answer one way or other.
In the mean time, I made presents, large and small, to a host of
royal personages, amongst whom were two of Modiba’s nephews, men
possessing considerable influence with him, and to whose care I was
particularly recommended by Samba Congole. One of them named Ely,
or Ali, assured me (if such assurance valued any thing) that he would
make Modiba do all I wanted; but these fine promises were made only
to induce me to make more presents. Isaaco also paid me a visit,
and wished much to be employed, but he was in too little repute,
not to say worse, with both Modiba and Dha, to admit of my having any
thing to do with him; the former having taken, but a few days before,
nearly all his goods and slaves from him, and the latter was so much
displeased at his leaving Sego without his permission, that Isaaco
dare not return there. His object in wishing to have a hand in (or,
as he thought, the management of) my affairs, was to replenish his
own empty purse, and, by having a voice in my business before Modiba,
once more ingratiate himself into his good graces. That I was not more
faithfully served by those already employed than I should be by him,
I was satisfied: but one, and one only, advantage did Giboodoo possess
over him, namely, that of his being (through his brother Samba) on the
best terms with Modiba, with whom I found it impossible to communicate
in any other way than through this man, who, for all I either knew
or could ascertain, appropriated a part of the presents sent by him
to his own use: but, remedy I had none. Modiba would neither see me,
nor any of my men, in consequence of his being led to believe, by
the Mahomedan priests about him, that should he ever look on a white
man he must die. I in vain offered to send two of my _black_ men: it
would not do; the superstition of those people made them all white,
although not in outward appearance, at least in inward disposition.
Precluded as I thus was from a possibility of ascertaining what might
be the conduct of Giboodoo at the Kaartan court, I took advantage
of the only resource left me, namely, that of appearing to place
the utmost confidence in him, and to hold out to him the prospect
of a large reward, should he obtain from Modiba the desired escort
and permission to proceed. He returned from Dhyage on the 7th,
saying, that the king promised to settle my business without delay,
for which purpose his head maraboo would come to me the following
day: he did not, however, make his appearance until the 10th, when,
judge my surprise at being told that Modiba was not yet satisfied
with what I had given him.
In this state of continued procrastination from day to day, under
some pretence or other, was I delayed till the 14th, when Giboodoo,
whom I had sent to the capital with a farther addition to the
present, returned to say that the king had at length consented to
my proceeding, and would send, in a few days, some people belonging
to Bangassi to accompany me to that place, but complained of my not
having sent him the parting present. This I immediately complied with,
adding a few small articles for the head slaves.
For some days previous to that date, great preparations were making
for the departure of an expedition into some of the neighbouring
states. Bojar and his brothers had proceeded to the capital at the
head of their several divisions, and nothing was to be seen but armed
parties hastening from all quarters to the general rendezvous. Ali
(the prince before mentioned as a friend of Samba’s), on passing
through Monia, at the head of his division, which consisted of about
six hundred horse and one thousand foot, all armed with muskets,
called at my hut to return thanks for the present I had given him;
and to say, that on his arrival at Dhyage, he would strongly urge
Modiba to terminate my business favourably, which, he assured
me, was all along his intention, although he had been advised to
the contrary. I replied, that such might have been the case, but
I doubted it; and therefore desired Ali to tell his uncle, that
I relied with confidence on his fulfilling the promise made me by
Garran, in his name, when he first saw me at Galam, and which alone
could have induced me to come into his country.
Giboodoo returned from the capital on the 18th, and said that the
Bangassi people were to leave it the following day, and that Modiba
had appointed Bokari to accompany me as far as Badoogoo. This was
all I wanted; and although I had been much longer detained than I
could have wished, I nevertheless forgot all my disappointments in
the prospect of once more moving eastward.
The Bangassi people did not arrive until the 20th. They were
introduced to me by the maraboo, who said that Modiba, in handing
me over to those people, desired him to state, that his reason for
having detained me so long originated in nothing but a wish to send
me forward in safety, and which the preparations he had been making
for the war, prevented his doing sooner, and begged me to believe
that his most sincere good wishes followed me.
It was my intention to have proceeded on the 21st, but that being on
a Saturday, which as well as Sunday is looked on by the Kaartans as
an unlucky day to commence a journey eastward, I could not prevail
on either the Bangassi people or the guide to move until Monday,
when we left Moonia and travelled ESE. over a well cultivated and
thickly inhabited country for three hours, which brought us to the
foot of a rocky precipice, extending as far as the eye could reach in
a north-east and south-west direction. The path by which we ascended
it, was narrow and steep, and so much intercepted with huge fragments
of broken rocks that we found it necessary to unload the asses before
they could pass. The summit presented an extensive plain sloping
gently to the east and south-east, bounded in all directions by
high distant hills, and thinly covered with stunted under-wood. The
path which led to the SSE. lay over a barren soil composed, for the
most part, of a slate-like stone, in diagonal strata, resembling in
point of colour the slates of North Wales. The sun having set we were
soon enveloped in darkness. We however continued marching, or rather
groping our way, in the same direction until nine o’clock, when we
reached a small walled town under some lofty hills, round the base of
which the path turned to the SSW., and soon brought us to Sanjarra,
where we halted for the night with the intention of moving forward
the next evening, but were prevented from doing so, in consequence
of the guides having reported the distance to the next town as being
too great, and the path which led over the mountains too difficult
to admit of our reaching it that night; and as, from the want of
water on the mountains, it would be dangerous to halt there during
the heat of the day, we decided on leaving Sanjarra at two o’clock
the next afternoon, by which means we should be enabled to pass all
the difficult places before dark; and having filled our soofras, halt
until the moon should rise the following morning. More difficulties,
however, were at hand: for on the 25th, we had but just commenced
loading the animals, when Garran came to tell me that a messenger had
arrived from Dhyage with orders from Modiba, that I should halt at
Sanjarra until I again heard from him. My surprise and disappointment
at this unexpected arrest, were greater than I had before experienced;
for I really thought all was arranged to the king’s satisfaction,
and I was so convinced that a short time would enable me to feast my
eyes with a view of the Niger, that I had entirely given away to the
pleasing delusion, the removal of which completely electrified me;
but, as I must have submitted, I did so with an apparent good grace.
The messenger could (or most probably would) not give me
any information on the cause of such treatment; and as it was
uncertain when Modiba might again condescend to favour me with
farther communication on the subject, I despatched Giboodoo (who
accompanied me to Sanjarra) to ascertain, if possible, what could
give rise to such repeated hindrances, and to inform his Majesty
that after what his maraboo had told me at Moonia I was the more
surprised and displeased at the present detention.
He returned the following evening (the 26th), and reported having
found much difficulty in obtaining an interview with Modiba, who
accused him, in common with me, of having deceived him by not giving
him his share of an ass-load of silver, which, he said, he had been
assured by good authority I had with me; and until I would do so,
I must remain where I was; desiring me to consider his having given
me permission to proceed as a very great obligation, for in doing
so he was giving assistance to his enemies, the people of Bambarra
(Sego), who (although he had acted otherwise) would most probably
treat me as they had Mr. Dochard.
This was an obstacle to be surmounted which was utterly out of my
power, at least to the extent Modiba demanded: a few dollars[31]
were all the silver I had; but to convince him that was difficult
in the extreme, if not impossible.—I however delivered to Giboodoo
some other articles, which (if not what he demanded) would at least
convince him that as far as my means went I was willing to please
him, and directed Giboodoo to say, that the ass-load supposed
by the informant to be silver, from its great weight and small
size, was our ammunition, and which I would readily submit to the
inspection of any person he pleased. He did not return before the
29th at night, when, instead of bringing any satisfactory answer,
he said that it was useless for me to think of proceeding farther,
as Modiba, although he did not positively say I should not go on,
expressed his opinion that my doing so could not be attended with
any good, and therefore strongly advised my return, but directed
Giboodoo to ascertain my decision and return immediately to acquaint
him therewith. I began to suspect that this man was deceiving me,
and therefore sent with him on this occasion two of my own coloured
men, who spoke and understood the Bambarra language, to be present at
any interview he might have with either Modiba or the chief slaves,
for whom I again sent small presents. The 2d of April brought them
back with as little prospect of success as before: they did not even
see Modiba, but were told by one of the head slaves that he was very
much displeased with Giboodoo for bringing _white_ men to his town. In
vain did they shew their colour, and state that they were natives of
the interior of Africa, the one a Joloff and the other a Jallonkey:
they were told Modiba would not see either them or Giboodoo, and would
send his maraboo, who would make known to me his will and pleasure.
This man arrived on the 3d, and informed me that the king consented
to my going forward, but could not protect me any further than his
own frontier, from whence I was to consider myself under the care
and guidance of the Bangassi prince. I complained of this breach of
the promise made me at Moonia, to which the maraboo only answered
by telling me his only business was to repeat to me Modiba’s
orders. The Bangassi prince was present and requested that, as he had
not any of his own men with him, orders might be given to Bokari to
collect fifteen or twenty at the frontier and with them escort us
to Bangassi: to this the maraboo consented, and having received a
small present for himself and one for his master, departed, assuring
me that I should not meet with any more opposition in Kaarta—but
of this I had my doubts.
We moved forward at half after three on the evening of the 4th
to the ENE., along the foot of the mountains which enclose the
valley of Sanjarra on the south and east, and at half after five
entered a gully or ravine formed by those mountains: this led us
to the SSE. along the then dry bed of a considerable torrent for
an hour, when we arrived at the junction of two mountains, where
an extremely steep and rugged path was to be ascended, and which
we with much difficulty and fatigue effected within an hour: it was
without exception the most difficult path I had ever travelled. The
mountains, notwithstanding their apparent sterility, are covered
with shrubs, and in some places present the most wildly grotesque
appearance: strata of a kind of slate, shew themselves in the ravine,
the bottom of which is covered with large stones, which from their
circular form appear to have been rolled along by the force of the
torrents. We had scarcely reached the summit when it became dark,
and bore every appearance of approaching rain, which obliged us to
halt for the night in the woods.
We were on foot at four o’clock on the morning of the 5th,
and marched to the ESE. over a rocky and broken path in a valley,
along which we continued moving until nine o’clock, when the path
changed to the SE. and in half an hour brought us to a small walled
town, Gunning-gedy, inhabited by Serrawoollis. We had some rain in
the morning, and the weather bore much the appearance of an early
wet season.
The chief of the town accommodated us with huts, in return for which
I made him a small present, and at six o’clock on the morning of
the 6th of May resumed our route to the ESE., and passing the dry
beds of several streams travelled over a well cultivated country
until ten, when we reached, and halted during the heat of the
day, at Asamangatary, a large walled town, beautifully situated
in an extensive plain, thinly covered with baobabs, tamarinds,
and fig-trees. The walls of the town were much higher, stronger,
and better constructed than I had before seen in Africa. About half
a mile from it to the south stands a large Foolah village, in the
rear of which are seen the tops of some lofty hills from whence
the plain takes its name. This plain is famous for its earthenware,
which is manufactured by the women, and for the large quantities of
rice and onions raised there yearly, for both of which, the soil,
a dark brown mould, is well calculated. Here begins Kaarta, properly
so called. All that part already mentioned as such formerly belonged
to Kasso, and was conquered and taken possession of only a few years
since by Modiba, who has subjugated not only that country but a great
part of Gidumagh and Jaffnoo. We left Asamangatary at four P.M. and
following the same course as in the morning, until half after six,
reached Somantāré, another walled town, formerly the residence
of Garran, and now belonging to his cousin. It was my intention to
move on early the following morning, but Bokari requested me to
wait until the afternoon, in order to give him an opportunity of
sacrificing to the remains of his father who was burnt there. I
would have positively refused to comply with the request had the
fellow not made it with tears in his eyes. I found out, however,
that he had only adopted this line of conduct to delay me until the
arrival of Bojar and a part of the army, which took place about two
o’clock on the afternoon of the 1st, on their return from Fooledoo,
where they had been sent at the request of Kanjia, chief of Bangassi,
to destroy the towns of his brother, with whom he was at enmity, and
which they did so effectually, that eight out of nine were burnt,
and their inhabitants either murdered or made slaves; four hundred
of the unfortunate beings passed through with Bojar’s division,
and I was informed that three times that number had been taken to
the capital by the other divisions of the army. I now found, to my
deep regret, that my fears were but too justly founded, for Bojar
had no sooner arrived than he sent for me and told me I could not
proceed any further, as they had destroyed all the towns between
the frontier and Bangassi, and had rendered it impossible not only
for me, but for any force, to reach that place.
I must here acknowledge my patience almost forsook me. I told
Bojar that his father had deceived me, and had brought me into his
country with fair promises, which it was now evident he never had
any intention of performing, or he would have allowed me to proceed,
on my first coming to Moonia. Bojar then said that words were of
no avail; his father had directed him, on meeting me, to bring me
back with him, in complying with which I should save myself much
trouble. The guide and the Bangassi princes were both present, and
had been with Bojar some time previous to my being sent for. The
former, when I called upon him to fulfil the orders of the Maraboo,
with respect to the escort from the frontier towns, said, that his
master, pointing to Bojar, had just told me what remained for me to
do, and which took out of his power the possibility of remaining
with me any longer. The Bangassi prince, who was as anxious as
myself to proceed, in vain applied to Bojar for an escort, and at
length told me, he was sorry he was so situated, and that he could
neither afford me any assistance, nor even command the possibility
of his own return to that home which he had but a short time before
left as the ambassador of its chief, who was his own brother.
Here, then, vanished all hopes of being able to pass Kaarta, and
with them that of being able to accomplish my mission, which had for
three years occupied every thought, and drawn forth every exertion,
of which either myself, or those with me were capable.
Although this act of treachery on the part of Modiba was in itself
more than sufficient to make us relinquish every attempt to proceed
further, and the difficulties, dangers, and privations incident
to such a service in the interior of that country of such a nature
that I must allow them, as they appear on the face of those sheets,
to speak for themselves, we would nevertheless have cheerfully gone
on had not an obstacle so decidedly insurmountable presented itself
in the orders of Modiba to his son, to bring us back by force. But
before I decided on returning, I again waited on Bojar, and hinting my
disbelief of his father having again broken his promise, said I would
remain at Somantarê, and send one of my men to Dhyajê, to receive
the king’s final orders, and requested Bojar to accommodate us
with huts in the town until the return of my messenger, when, should
Modiba only say he could not protect me farther than Kaarta, and
not forcibly prevent my proceeding, I would go alone, at my own risk.
Bojar here got into a furious rage, asked me if I did not consider
him as Modiba’s son, or if I supposed he had less authority
in Kaarta than his father; and said, that although I appeared to
doubt his having received orders to stop me, he would prove to me
that neither fear of me, nor expectation from me, could induce him
to _lie_; and therefore informed me, that he could not admit of my
remaining at Somantarê after himself; nor allow me to send one of
my men to Dhyaje, where, he added, some of them had been too often
already. What he meant by the last phrase I could not imagine, nor
would he condescend to explain. I was therefore, however reluctantly,
obliged to submit, and turn my back on the East, and the objects
of my mission in that quarter, in the anxious, though unsuccessful
pursuit of which I had spent so much time, and to its interests so
exclusively devoted my attention.
Were I to hazard an opinion, as to the causes of such deceitful
conduct on the part of Modiba, I fear I should be liable to error, in
as much as that I could not support any of my ideas on the subject by
proof positive. Therefore I leave my readers to draw such conclusions
as the circumstances related will enable them.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 29: Samba’s brother.]
[Footnote 30: Of the palm kind.]
[Footnote 31: Seventy.]