Description of the Plain of Hourey — Occurrences there — Departure
and Arrival at Baquelle — Unfavourable Accounts from Mr. Dochard
— Kingdom of Galam.
The village of Samba Jamangele, which is of considerable extent,
is one of many which compose the district of Hourey, and is, with
all the others, situate in an extensive plain of that name, the view
of which is finely terminated in the south and west by a range of
hills covered with wood. To the north are a few isolated hills, and
to the east the eye loses itself over a gently undulating surface
of some miles thinly sprinkled with large trees.
The inhabitants, whose numbers do not exceed 3000, are descended
from the Foolahs (who some years since possessed themselves of that
country) and such of the former proprietors and their vassals as
embraced the Mahomedan faith. They are governed by Bayla, who is
a priest and a minister of the council of Foota, which is a sort
of republic, headed by an almamy, but who reigns only during the
pleasure of the council, and it is not at all uncommon to see this
chief changed two or three times within one year. These people have
every appearance of being comparatively happy. A very small share
of field labour supplies them over-abundantly with rice, corn, and
all the other vegetable productions of the country; vast herds of
cattle afford them milk, butter, and occasionally meat, and what
with their poultry and game, they are seldom without some addition
to their cous-cous.
They do not cultivate as large a quantity of cotton as their Bondoo
neighbours, but are well supplied with clothing both by them and
the French merchants at Senegal, in their communications with whom
they have invariably acted with the most base self-interestedness
and duplicity, not unfrequently terminating their differences in
the assassination of a master of a small vessel, or the plunder of
his cargo.
Here again does the pernicious effect of the Mahomedan faith make
itself evident; for those people are taught by their priests to
regard the murder of an infidel, or the destruction of his property,
as a meritorious act in the eyes of their prophet:—but of this in
another place.
We left Samba Jamangele at two o’clock on the morning of the 21st
of June, and after a most fatiguing march of eight hours we reached a
small village called Bunjuncole, where we halted until half after two.
We were hospitably received by the chief of the village, whose wife,
having been a concubine of the late almamy of Bondoo, amongst other
royal visitors, received a small present from me on our first entering
that country, and in return for which she now gave us a reception that
evinced a sense of gratitude, which was rendered doubly acceptable by
the situation we were then placed in, and the rare occurrence of such
a return for the many many presents I had made while in that country.
We reached Jouar at six in the evening, and would have proceeded that
night to Baquelle, had I not been so fatigued from having walked the
whole way, near fifty miles, that when I was once seated, I found
it impossible to move farther. On the following morning the master
of Jouar, at whose house we passed the first comfortable night since
we left Boolibany, and whose mild and hospitable behaviour formed a
pleasant contrast with the insolent and unfriendly treatment we had so
lately and so generally experienced at the hands of Bayla and Almamy,
having accommodated me with a horse for myself, and procured another
for Charles Jowe, who had voluntarily remained with me ever since
the unfortunate affair of the 13th, we proceeded along the banks of
the river to Baquelle, where I arrived at half after nine, and was
cordially welcomed by the French officers, and Mr. Partarrieau, who
(not expecting that Bayla would let me go so easily) were concerting
measures for my release and that of the men with me, but these were
now rendered unnecessary.
On the following morning I gave to the men who accompanied me as
guides, half a piece of baft each, and in fulfilment of my promise,
delivered to them for Bayla, a present, amounting to fifty bars or
thereabouts. They were thankful for the former, and seemed surprised
on receiving the latter, for they decidedly thought I should decline
giving any thing, at least, so considerable as what I had done,
when once removed from the power of their master.
The men since their arrival at Baquelle had been encamped on the
north bank of the river, and had commenced forming huts on that side;
but I found the situation so low, and liable to inundation during
the rains which had then so completely set in that the river had
risen some feet, that I took up another and better position on the
south bank, on a rock, elevated about sixty feet above the river,
and surrounded partly by the then unfinished walls of the French
fort, and partly by the half demolished ones of a part of the town
of Baquelle, which formerly stood there. In taking up this position
I was also influenced by a report which was in circulation that
Almamy Bondoo had privately assembled a large force at Conghel,
for the purpose of attacking our post on the opposite side of the
river. In settling ourselves in our new quarters we received the
most ready and cordial assistance from Messrs. Dupont and Dusault,
and the gentlemen of the Senegal Company’s vessels then trading
there, and which was most acceptable at that moment, as a great
many of our native soldiers were affected with Guinea Worm, and the
Europeans were so fatigued from the effects of the late retreat,
that they were unable to do much.
Almamy, who was not yet satisfied with throwing difficulties in
the way of my progress, thinking that I should without delay take
the road through Kaarta, made preparations to oppose me; but here I
would have put his abilities to the test, as I should have ascended
the river in boats, had not the state of the season, and the losses
we had experienced in our retreat from Bondoo, and particularly that
from Fadgar, rendered it imprudent, nay impossible, to proceed.
The uncertainty I was in with respect to Mr. Dochard’s proceedings
at Sego, although of a very perplexing nature, would not then
have prevented my moving on towards that place, and which I would
have attempted, had not the foregoing insurmountable difficulties
presented themselves.
The 28th of June brought letters from him bearing date 10th of May,
which, however, gave no prospect of a favourable answer from the king.
He informed me that he reached Dhaba, a town of Bambarra, on the 9th
of November, where Lamina left him, and went forward, accompanied by
Private Wilson, to acquaint the king with his arrival, and promised
to be back in ten days at farthest. It was not however until the 21st
that Wilson returned. He stated that Lamina, who left him at Sego
Korro, and went to see the king at Sego See Korro, despatched him to
acquaint Mr. Dochard that his brother, who was the king’s treasurer
and receiver of customs, having died three days after his arrival
there, he could not return until his affairs should be settled. This
although unpleasant news was to be borne with, for it was useless to
attempt putting those people out of their usual routine of business.
In this state of anxious suspense he remained until the 12th of
December, when he moved forward to Ko, a small village within a
few miles of Nyamina, where he arrived on the 9th of January, 1819;
and on the 11th received a message from the king to halt at Ko until
he should see people from him. Those people did not, however, make
their appearance until the 14th February, when Lamina, accompanied
by three of the king’s men, arrived, and stated that they were
sent by his majesty to apologize for having detained Mr. D. so long,
and to see the present he brought for him. Mr. Dochard immediately
complied with their request; when each article was strictly examined,
and seemed to give much satisfaction, but they said that Dha had
directed them to be also submitted to the inspection of a Bushreen,
who would see them on the following day.
This man made his appearance on the 15th, and having examined the
present in the same way as the others had done, and expressed his
approbation of the different articles, left Mr. Dochard to deliver
it to the persons sent by Dha, whose orders they said it was that
Mr. Dochard should go to Bamakoo, and there remain until he should
decide on what answer to give in reference to the business which
brought the “white people” to Bambarra.
Mr. Dochard in vain made many objections to moving so far from Sego,
to which the only answer given was, that “It was the king’s
orders, and must be obeyed.” They stated, however, that his reason
for acting in that manner was his fear that his enemies (the Massina
Foolahs) would hear of the arrival of the whites.
This said nothing: and all that could be done was to comply. Mr.
Dochard, therefore, on the 17th, moved towards the river, where a canoe
was to be in readiness to conduct them to Bamakoo. He reached Cumeney
on the south bank of the Niger (having crossed it in canoes) on the
18th February, and on the same day ascended the river, then nearly
half a mile wide.
In their progress they were much impeded by the falls, which had then
very little water on them; and having passed several towns on each
bank, reached Kooli-Korro on the 20th, and arrived at Manaboogoo,
at noon on the 21st.
The population of Kooli-Korro, which is a considerable town, is
entirely composed of murderers, thieves, and runaway slaves, who live
there exempt from the punishment their crimes merit in consequence
of their wearing about their persons, a stone (taken from a hill in
the vicinity of the town), and which, from a superstitious belief
amongst the Bambarras, would immediately kill any one who should
touch them; and such is the dread entertained of this place, that
the very name must not be mentioned in presence of the king.
As the river was not at that season navigable any higher up, they
disembarked, and marched to Bamakoo, where they were accommodated
with huts.
Lamina, who with one of Dha’s men accompanied Mr. Dochard to
Bamakoo, being directed to acquaint his majesty with our views in
entering and our wish to pass through his country, and to request that
he would, as soon as possible, give his answer, returned to Sego on
the 26th, promising to use his influence with the king in our favour.
It was not until the 25th of April, 1819, that the man (Dhangina)
I sent with Alley Low, from Samba Contaye, in Sept. 1818, reached
Bamakoo, with my letters to Mr. Dochard, who up to that period had not
received any decisive answer from Sego, although he had repeatedly
sent messengers requesting to be made acquainted with the cause of
the delay, which he was led to understand arose from the unsettled
state of the war with the Massina Foolahs.
That was saying nothing to our purpose: but as patience and
perseverance offered us the only chance of success, both Mr. Dochard
and myself were determined to make every sacrifice to the attainment
of the object the British government had in view.
In this state of anxious suspense did things remain with me at
Baquelle, whence I despatched Dhangina a second time with letters
and supplies to Mr. Dochard. The effects of our late retreat began
to make themselves evident in the health of the party; many of the
Europeans (one of whom was killed by lightning on the 20th of June)
were dangerously ill with fever and dysentery, and more than half the
native soldiers, as I have already observed, were partially crippled
by the Guinea-worm, which had visited Mr. Partarrieau so severely,
that he was confined to his bed for some weeks.
The chiefs of Foota having been made acquainted with the manner in
which we had been treated by Bayla (who had neither consulted with
them on that occasion, nor divided with them what he had received
and plundered from us), and supposing that such was the cause
of our not pursuing the road through their country to the coast,
and consequently of their not receiving large presents, &c., were
actuated by a feeling of jealousy, which led them to request we would
give to their messengers (who arrived at Baquelle on the 8th of July)
a detailed account of his conduct towards us, and the losses we had
sustained in consequence, all which, they promised, should be laid
before the tribunals of the country, and judged impartially.
Although I felt convinced that these chiefs were only acting from an
impulse of self-interest, which they knew would, in some degree, be
gratified by the presents, which their apparent efforts to render me
satisfaction for the injuries received at the hands of one of them,
would draw from me, I nevertheless thought it a fit opportunity of
putting their justice to the test, and (if decided in our favour) of
proving to the people of that part of the country, that although we
had been treated ill by Almamy Bondoo and this chief, their conduct
had been contrary to their own laws, and as such disgraceful only to
themselves. I was in hopes also that a favourable decision in this
case would lead to an investigation of Almamy Bondoo’s treatment
of us, and induce him, if he had any honor left, to evince it in
making restitution for the losses we sustained in his country.
I therefore delivered to the messengers a letter to those chiefs,
in which I gave the information they required, and requested their
immediate decision, and having made them a small present each, and
appointed Charles Joe to accompany them, they left us on the 19th
of July.
The month of August passed over without any remarkable occurrence,
save the death of one of the European civilians (Hudson), who died
of fever on the 14th.
On the 12th of September, I paid a visit to the Tonca of Tuabo (the
capital of Lower Galam), and made him a small present. The river was
then so swollen that its banks were no longer capable of containing
its waters, which had completely overflowed all the low grounds in
its vicinity, and destroyed a large proportion of the corn that was
just then coming into ear. Many of the towns had suffered much in
their walls and houses, which being wholly composed of clay, when
once wet tumbled to the ground. The view of Tuabo at that moment was
peculiarly striking: it had all the appearance of a floating town,
rendered the more picturesque by being beautifully shaded with dates,
tamarind, and other large trees. The inhabitants were in the utmost
consternation lest it should rise higher, in which case they would
have been obliged to leave the town.
It is impossible to convey an accurate idea of the grandeur of the
scene. The Senegal, which is there nearly half a mile wide, and
then higher than remembered by the oldest inhabitant of the country,
was hurrying along at the rate of four miles an hour, covered with
small floating islands and trees, on both which were seen standing
large aigretts, whose glaring white feathers, rendered doubly so
by a brilliant sun, formed a pleasing contrast with the green reeds
around them, or the brown trunks of trees whereon they stood.
The mountains on either side of the river, to whose bases the
inundation reached, (forming an extensive sheet of water, on the
surface of which appeared the tops of trees nearly covered,) were
clothed with the most luxuriant verdure, and, although not very high,
added much to the richness of the scene.
On the evening of the 7th of October, Charles Joe returned from Foota,
bringing with him the animals, and some of the articles belonging to
the mission, which had been left at Fadgar, and gave the following
account of his embassy.
On his arrival at Chuloigne, the capital of Foota, he was obliged
to wait until the election of an Almamy took place. This delayed
him six weeks; when Thieno Biram, a known friend to Europeans, was
chosen, and a general assembly of the chiefs then present called,
before whom the affair was brought, and, after much discussion,
given against Bayla, who was declared to have committed a crime
worthy death, but which, in this instance, should be mitigated into
banishment from the country. Bayla endeavoured to excuse himself,
by saying, that he was instigated to treat us as he had done by
Almamy Bondoo; whose letters to that effect he was going to produce,
when he was told by Almamy Foota, that, as he was not a subject
of Bondoo, nor amenable, in any way, to the laws of that country,
he was unwarranted in carrying into effect the orders of its chief,
who should have been ashamed of his conduct towards us.
It was also decreed by the assembly, that every thing which had
either been given to Bayla as presents, or lost in the country from
his misconduct, should be restored or paid for, and that all those
who assisted him should receive one hundred lashes, or pay the ransom.
Such things as Bayla had then with him—namely, my horse, sword,
and a gun he had received as a present—were delivered to Charles
Joe, who, without delay, proceeded on his return, accompanied by
Almamy’s brother and son, who received orders to restore every
thing they could find belonging to the expedition, and to escort
Charles Joe to Baquelle. All this they did, and brought with them
the articles mentioned[25]; but, as many others were still missing,
I lost no time in furnishing Almamy’s brother with a list of them,
and having made him and those with him presents, despatched them. They
promised to use their utmost endeavours to find those things, but
I never saw them again, which arose, I believe, in a great measure,
from Almamy Biram having been soon deposed.
The latter end of November approached without any intelligence from
Mr. Dochard, or the arrival of the fleet (from Senegal), from which
I was in hopes of being able to procure a supply of the merchandise I
stood in need of, to enable me to move forward. To remedy the former,
at least as much as lay in my power, I despatched another messenger
to Sego on the 9th of December; but to procure the necessary supplies
without the arrival of vessels from the coast was impossible: I was
therefore obliged to wait until all things should combine to render
my moving likely to be productive of any benefit.
In addition to the deaths already mentioned since our arrival at
Baquelle, we had to deplore the loss of two of the most useful,
and hitherto most healthy Europeans of the mission; the one a
sergeant (Duffy), and the other a private (Dodds), of the royal
African corps. Nearly all had suffered more or less from the
effects of the rains which ceased about the latter end of October,
leaving behind them, however, swamps and stagnant pools, not less
deleterious in their effects on the constitution than the former,
and certainly more immediately unpleasant, by the effluvia arising
from such putrid reservoirs of the vegetable matter, which in that
country so profusely abounds in all low situations.
Our animals too, particularly those not bred in the country, died
rapidly. We had lost since our arrival three camels, six horses,
and eight asses.
We found much difficulty in procuring an adequate supply of provisions
during the rains, in consequence of the war between Senegal and Foota
and of some misunderstanding between Almamy Bondoo and the officer
commanding at Baquelle; and, to add to this difficulty, the Tonca
of Tuabo, at the instigation of Almamy Bondoo, put a stop to the
supplies from some of his towns, and seized a boat which had been
employed purchasing corn from the people of the towns on the river
side. As a pretext for such conduct he said that “_the whites, his
tributaries_,” had not made him sufficiently frequent and handsome
presents, or, in other words, had not fully satisfied his avarice.
This man who was very old and much debilitated in mental as well as
bodily faculties, was controlled in all his actions by a relation
of his own, who was one of those that first caused dissentions
in the country, and sanctioned Almamy’s views on it; which,
in this instance, he was most effectually forwarding, by partly
cutting off our supplies. In fact every means were resorted to by
Almamy and his associates to oppose not only our further progress,
but the French works at Baquelle, where he was aware the existence
of such an establishment would materially weaken his authority, and
eventually place that country in its former respectability. He had
another reason for not favouring a permanent factory (at least on the
principles of that carrying on there) in Galam, namely, the facility
it would afford his enemies, the Kaartans, and the inhabitants of
the upper state, of procuring supplies of arms and ammunition: in
fact, had he been able to do as he wished, not an article of European
merchandize would have passed Bondoo, nor an article of the production
of any of his neighbours have found its way to a European market.
The kingdom of Galam[26] extends from within a few miles of the
cataract of Feloo in the east (where it is bounded by Kasson),
about forty miles west of the Fa-lemme to the N. Geercer creek,
which divides it from Foota; on the south it is bounded by Bondoo;
and is at present composed of a string of towns on the south or
left bank of the Senegal. It formerly extended several miles in
the direction of Bondoo, Foota, and Bambouk, but has of late years
diminished to its present insignificant state, in consequence of
dissentions amongst the different branches of the royal family,
and the encroachments of their enemies. It is divided into upper and
lower; the river Fa-lemmê[27] is the line of separation. The upper is
governed by the Tonca of Maghana; and the lower by the Tonca of Tuabo;
those towns being the capitals to their respective divisions, and
neither acknowledging the supremacy of the other, although formerly,
and of right, it belonged to the former, near which are the ruins of
Fort St. Joseph. The succession to the crown is not hereditary; it
descends in a regular line to the eldest branch of a numerous family
called Batcheries, who are the undisputed chiefs of the country.
The face of the country is very mountainous, and much covered
with wood, a large proportion of which is well adapted to common
uses. Its vegetable productions are the same as those of Bondoo,
from which country it differs in nothing save its proximity to the
river, and its partial inundation during the season of the rains.
The commerce, like that of Bondoo, consists in the exchange of
the productions of the country for European goods. Those are again
exchanged with their neighbours of Kaarta, Kasson, and Bambouk, for
gold, ivory, and slaves, who are in their turn sold to the French
vessels from Senegal.
Their manufactures, although nearly the same as those of their
neighbours, have the advantage of them in some respects, particularly
that of weaving and dyeing the cotton; and whether it be that the
humidity of the soil on the banks of the river is more congenial to
the growth of the cotton and indigo, or that the manufacturers are
more expert, I cannot say; but certain it is, that they can dye a
much finer blue than I have before seen in Africa. The process is
precisely the same as that mentioned by Mr. Park to be followed by
the inhabitants of Iindey near the Gambia.
Their dress and manner of living is also nearly the same as those of
the people of Bondoo. The former is made rather larger in the same
shape, and the latter is more frequently seasoned with fish, in which
the river abounds. They are proverbially fond of animal food, which,
although arrived at a higher degree of keeping than would please the
palates of our most decided epicures, would not be rejected by them. I
have seen a dead hippopotamus floating down the river, and poisoning
the air with its putrid vapours, drawn to shore by them, and such was
their love of meat, that they nearly came to blows about its division.
From a state of Paganism these people are progressively embracing the
Mahometan faith; but many still despise its tenets, disregard its
ceremonies, and indulge freely in the use of strong liquors. Some
towns are wholly inhabited by priests, who are by far the most
wealthy and respectable members of the community. There is a mosque
in every town, and the times of worship are strictly attended to by
the priests and their converts.
From the long existence of a state of commercial intercourse (which
has been but partially interrupted by Foota) between these people
and the inhabitants of Senegal, arises a degree of respect which is
invariably paid by them to all Europeans who visit their country;
and although the exorbitant demands of the chiefs for presents (now
called customs) sometimes cause altercations and temporary quarrels
between them, they must nevertheless be considered as more friendly
to Europeans than any other of the surrounding tribes. Whether
this proceeds (as some pretend to think) from their being more in
the power of the vessels which come up to trade at their towns (all
which are situate on the river side, and exposed to much damage from
the smallest piece of cannon, in case of misconduct), or from a mild
and peaceable disposition, I will not venture to decide positively;
but I think I should not labour under a very great error, in saying
that the many advantages they derive yearly from such an intercourse
(and of which they acknowledge themselves sensible), leads them,
like the mass of mankind, to consult their own interest; and to
forward which they must in some cases submit to the desires (at
all times not very honourable) of those who trade with them. They
profess an attachment to and claim relationship with the inhabitants
of Senegal, and if hospitality can in any degree prove the sincerity
of the former, it must be allowed they have such attachment, as the
house of a Serrawolli, and every thing it contains, is at all times
at the service of the poorest inhabitant of that place.
Their local situation and the advantages they derive from it, render
them enemies to the people of Bondoo, who have nothing to do with
the river except through the medium of their country; hence, the
great exertions of the late Almamy Amady to subjugate the nation,
and which he may be said to have in some degree accomplished;
for he, by one means or other, gained such authority amongst them,
that of late years the vessels trading in the river were obliged to
pay him a large present before they could pass Yafrey[28]. He also
succeeded in sowing the seeds of discord between the chiefs of the
upper and lower States, the latter of whom he contrived to attach
to his own cause, or at least so much so that when Almamy attacked
the former, the latter, although closely related, afforded them no
assistance. Since the death of Almamy and the arrival of the French
to settle at Galam, they appear to be progressively approaching to
their former respectability.
The population of Galam has increased considerably within the
last two years, in consequence of many of the inhabitants of the
Gedumagh towns on the north bank of the river having settled there,
being obliged to quit their own country by the Kaartans, to whom
they were tributary, but whose exorbitant demands they had for some
years declined complying with, thereby bringing on themselves either
slavery or the absolute necessity of quitting their homes.
Great numbers of dates are grown in all the towns, which are
beautifully shaded with large trees of the fig and other kinds, and
being well walled, have a more respectable appearance than might be
expected from people whose means are so limited.
Their amusements, animals, household furniture, and musical
instruments are the same as those of Bondoo; but the people themselves
are neither so lively in their manners, nor so apparently active
in their occupations as those of that country. A Serrawolli is
seldom seen to run; a grave and sober deportment, and an apparent
indifference to all matters characterize those people. In stature
they are large, and in make more robust, yet less elegant, than the
Foolahs. Their colour is a jetty black, which they are at much pains
to preserve (particularly in the dry season) by using a profusion
of rancid butter. The women are, if possible, more fond of gaudy
articles of dress than their neighbours, and will make any sacrifice
at the shrine of finery.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 25: Article 11. Appendix.]
[Footnote 26: Called Kajaaga by the natives.]
[Footnote 27: Signifying “small river.”]
[Footnote 28: A large town ten miles west of the Fa-lemmê.]