Retreat from Kaarta. — Difficulties and Annoyances there. —
Arrival at Fort St. Joseph. — Delay and Occurrences at Baquelle. —
Return to the Coast. — Arrival at Sierra Leone. — Visit to the
captured Negro Establishments.
We commenced our retreat at half after five, on the morning of the
8th of May, and at eleven reached Guninghedy, where we halted during
the heat of the day. We were accompanied by Bojar and his division,
with their prisoners, whose sufferings presented scenes of distress
which I am incapable of painting in their true colours. The women
and children (all nearly naked and carrying heavy loads) were tied
together by the necks, and hurried along over a rough stony path
that cut their feet in a dreadful manner. There were a great number
of children, who, from their tender years, were unable to walk, and
were carried, some on the prisoners’ backs, and others on horseback
behind their captors, who, to prevent them falling off, tied them
to the back part of the saddle with a rope made from the bark of
the baobab, which was so hard and rough that it cut the back and
sides of the poor little innocent babes so as to draw the blood. This
however, was only a secondary state of the sufferings endured by those
children, when compared to the dreadfully blistered and chafed state
of their seats, from constant jolting on the bare back of the horse,
seldom going slower than a trot or smart amble, and not unfrequently
driven at full speed for a few yards, and pulled up short. On these
occasions it was to me a matter of astonishment how the child could
support the strokes it must have received from the back of the saddle,
which, from its form, came in contact with the child’s stomach.
[Illustration]
We reached Sanjarra the following morning at half after nine, and
in the afternoon was joined by Giboodoo, who had been at Dhyaje;
he told me that Modiba desired him to say he was sorry the present
state of the country would not admit of my passing Kaarta, but was
glad I had returned with Bojar, thereby preventing the necessity he
should otherwise have been under of sending a detachment after me,
for the purpose of bringing me back. I was also met at Sanjarra by a
messenger from Ali, to say, that having heard something at Dhyaje,
with respect to Modiba’s intentions towards me, he advised my
moving without delay to his town, where I might remain in safety
until the king should send people to re-conduct me to Galam. I did
not believe this; supposing that his object was, in thus apparently
protecting me, to lay me under obligations, from which I should
be obliged to release myself by means of presents. I nevertheless
followed his advice, because my most direct path led there, and I
was not altogether so satisfied with Bojar’s treatment while at
his town, to induce me to return.
Giboodoo returned to Dhyaje on the 11th, for the purpose of paying
a parting visit to his majesty. He promised to be back on the 14th,
till which day I consented to wait at Sanjarra for him[32]; but as
he did not keep his time, I removed to Missira on the 15th, where I
was received by Ali. Giboodoo did not join me until the 17th, when,
having informed me that Modiba could not send people to escort us
to Galam before the ensuing week, I again despatched him to tell
the king that unless they joined me before the 23d, I should move
on before them to the frontier.
On the 20th, the maraboo, accompanied by Bokari, one of the head
slaves, and some of their followers, came to Missira, by Modiba’s
orders, to take us to Moonia, and whither, in case I refused to
proceed with them, they had orders to force me. Here then was what
I had long expected, namely, to be plundered of every thing, and
which I told them they could do at Missira, and not harass me as
well as my men by travelling all over the country.
The maraboo, as on a former occasion, said he was nothing more
than the bearer of Modiba’s orders, which he should carry into
execution. Remonstrance was vain, and refusal would have been equally
so (if not worse), as I plainly saw those people were prepared to act
forcibly. Giboodoo arrived in the afternoon, and was accompanied by
two more of the head slaves, sent by their master on the same errand
as the former. I had however rendered their interference unnecessary,
having consented to proceed to Moonia, with the almost certainty
of being plundered, and, under such a conviction, I laid out a part
of the few articles the rapacity of the Kaartans had spared me, in
redeeming from slavery two women of Bondoo, who had been taken in
the affair which took place before I left Galam. In taking this step
I had two motives; first, that of placing out of Modiba’s reach a
portion at least of my merchandize, which alone excited his avarice;
secondly, I had in view, by sending those women (who were related
to Almamy Bondoo) to their friends in that country, to convince that
chief that our intentions towards them were good indeed; and however I
might feel on the subject of the treatment I met with at his hands, I
was, nevertheless, deeply impressed with sentiments of compassion for
those of his people who had fallen victims to Kaartan power. One of
Ali’s sons was their possessor, and from him I had much trouble in
obtaining their freedom, which was the more difficult and expensive,
from its having been his intention to add them to the list of his
concubines, whose number already amounted to twelve.
Polygamy is carried to a frightful extent in Kaarta. Many private
individuals have ten wives, and as many concubines; the princes,
for the most part, not less than thirty of each, and Modiba himself
is said to have one hundred wives and two hundred concubines; and
I verily believe that one-third of the free inhabitants of Kaarta
are of the blood royal.
We left Missira at six on the morning of the 22d, and reached Moonia
at ten, but had scarcely unloaded the asses, when Bojar sent to inform
me that his father insisted on my paying the customary duty on the
merchandize I had brought into the country, in the same proportion
as paid by the native merchants, and desired to have my immediate
answer, which I gave, by saying, that I now plainly perceived what
their object was in bringing me back to Moonia; and that as I would
not willingly give any thing more to them, in the way of either
customs or presents, and was not able to prevent them from taking
what they wished, they might do so when they pleased. In about half
an hour they came to our huts, and having examined all our baggage
minutely, appeared much disappointed and surprised in not finding
a large quantity of silver, amber, and coral, and a great number
of fine guns, all which they said Modiba had been told I had in
abundance. Their disappointment was so great that they walked off
to the town without taking a single article. The maraboo was much
confused, and said, he could not help acknowledging that I had
been badly treated, but that I should not blame Modiba, as he had
been misinformed, both with respect to the object of my visit to
Sego, and the extent and nature of my baggage: the latter, although
reduced to that state which surprised Modiba’s messengers so much,
was still of value enough in their eyes to induce their return at
eight o’clock P.M.; when they again demanded the customs, and on
my refusing to give them with free will, they helped themselves to
the articles stated in the Appendix, Article 19.
On the following morning I despatched Giboodoo to inform Modiba of
the proceedings of his messengers, and to request that, if it was
really his intention to send people to escort us to Galam, he would
do so immediately.
From the 23d of May until the 8th of June was spent by us in a state
of suspense, which nothing but the hope we hourly entertained of
seeing Giboodoo return from Dhyage, and with him the promised escort,
could have rendered at all supportable. Every day was marked by
some act of plunder by the slaves of Bojar, and haughty insult by
himself, but we were incapable of resistance, and, however galling
to our feelings, patient submission was our only line of conduct,
to which we more strictly adhered in consequence of an intimation
from Giboodoo, that any other would have drawn down upon us the most
hostile treatment.
He arrived from Dhyage on the 8th, at night, without any escort,
but obtained permission for us to proceed to Galam, where we arrived
on the 18th. We were accompanied by some Serrawoollie merchants,
conducting to Baquelle a large coffle of slaves, each of whom
had to deplore being torn from some near and dear object of their
affections, and from their nakedness, want of proper nourishment,
and being exposed to almost constant rain for two days and nights,
they presented a group of beings reduced to the very lowest ebb of
human suffering.
I lost no time in repairing to Baquelle for the purpose of effecting
my speedy return from that place over land to the Gambia, but found
that such a step was rendered totally impossible by the state of
war and confusion in which all the surrounding countries were then
involved, both among themselves, and with the French at all their
settlements on the Senegal. They had a few days previous to my
leaving Kaarta totally destroyed the town of Baquelle in revenge
for the assassination of one of their officers, and were concerting
measures in conjunction with Bondoo for an attack on Tuabo[33]. I
was therefore necessitated to wait for the arrival of the fleet from
Saint Louis, the return of which would afford me the most expeditious
and safe means of reaching the coast. This however did not take place
before the 24th of September, when, having been accommodated with a
passage for my men and self on board one of the French steam ships,
we left Baquelle and descended the river which was then very much
swollen. We arrived at St. Louis on the 8th of October, and were
hospitably received by the French Governor, Captain Le Coupe, who
politely offered me every assistance I might require.
Here I waited a fortnight, in hopes of meeting a vessel going to
the Gambia or Sierra Leone, but none offering, I proceeded by
land to Goree, where I arrived on the 3d of November, and met
with a vessel ready to sail for the Bathurst Gambia. The rapid
improvement that had taken place since I left it in 1818, struck
me with pleasing astonishment, and as a description of the island
may not be uninteresting to some, I will endeavour to give it as
correctly as the time I spent there enables me to do; but I am aware
that it possesses many advantages beyond those which came under my
observation. See Article First, Appendix.
I returned to Sierra Leone on board his Majesty’s ship Pheasant,
Captain Kelly, whose politeness and attention to myself and men I
shall never forget.
His Excellency Sir Charles M‘Carthy, who had just arrived from
England, was then about visiting some of the liberated negro
establishments in the country towns, accompanied by all the civil
and military staff of the colony. I felt too much concern in the
welfare of those truly interesting objects not to make one of the
party, and therefore had an opportunity of witnessing the wonderful
improvements that had taken place in every town since I had before
seen them, indeed some having all the appearance and regularity of
the neatest village in England, with church, school, and commodious
residences for the missionaries and teachers, had not in 1817 been
more than thought of. Descending some of the hills, I was surprised
on perceiving neat and well laid out villages in places where, but
four years before, nothing was to be seen except almost impenetrable
thickets, but arriving in those villages the beauty and interesting
nature of such objects was much enhanced by the clean, orderly,
and respectable appearance of the cottages and their inhabitants,
particularly the young people and children, who, at all the towns,
assembled to welcome with repeated cheers the return of their Governor
and daddy (father), as they invariably stiled His Excellency,
who expressed himself highly pleased at their improvement during
his absence, in which short period large pieces of ground had been
cleared and cultivated in the vicinity of all the towns, and every
production of the climate raised in sufficient abundance to supply
the inhabitants, and furnish the market at Free-town.
His Excellency visited the schools at the different towns,
and witnessed the improvement which all the students had made,
but particularly those of the high-school at Regent-town, whose
progress in arithmetic, geography, and history, evinced a capacity
far superior to that which is in general attributed to the Negro,
and proves that they may be rendered useful members of society,
particularly so in exploring the interior of the country, having
previously received the education calculated to that peculiar service.
From the change which has taken place in those villages since I saw
them in 1817, I am satisfied, that a little time is alone necessary
to enable the colony of Sierra Leone to vie with many of the West
India islands, in all the productions of tropical climates, but
particularly in the article of coffee, which has been already raised
there, and proved by its being in demand in the English market to
be of as good (if not superior) quality to that imported from our
other colonies. That the soil on the mountains is well adapted
to the growth of that valuable berry has been too well proved by
the flourishing state of some of the plantations in the immediate
vicinity of Free-town to need any comment of mine. Arrow-root has
also been cultivated with advantage on some of the farms belonging to
private individuals, and there can be no doubt of the capability of
the soil to produce the sugar-cane, as some is already grown there,
but whether it is of as good a description as that of the West Indies
I cannot pretend to say, as the experiment had never been tried
at Sierra Leone, at least to my knowledge. The cultivation of all
these with the cotton, indigo, and ginger, could here be carried on
under advantages which our West India islands do not enjoy, namely,
the labour of free people, who would relieve the Mother Country from
the apprehensions which are at present entertained for the safety
of property in some of those islands, by revolt and insurrection
amongst the slaves, and from the deplorable consequences of such
a state of civil confusion; those people would, by receiving the
benefits arising from their industry, be excited to exertions that
must prove beneficial to all concerned in the trade, and conducive
to the prosperity of the colony itself.
The capital of the peninsula (Free-town) is of considerable extent,
and is beautifully situate, on an inclined plane, at the foot of some
hills on which stand the fort and other public buildings that overlook
it, and the roads, from whence there is a delightful prospect of the
town rising in the form of an amphitheatre from the water’s edge,
above which it is elevated about seventy feet. It is regularly laid
out into fine wide streets, intersected by others parallel with
the river, and at right angles. The houses, which a few years since
were for the most part built of timber, many of them of the worst
description, and thatched with leaves or grass, are now replaced by
commodious and substantial stone buildings, that both contribute to
the health and comfort of the inhabitants, and add to the beauty of
the place, which is rendered peculiarly picturesque by the numbers of
cocoa-nut, orange, lime, and banana trees, which are scattered over
the whole town, and afford, in addition to the pine-apple and gouava
that grow wild in the woods, an abundant supply of fruit. The Madeira
and Teneriffe vines flourish uncommonly well in the gardens of some
private individuals, and give in the season a large crop of grapes.
Nearly all our garden vegetables are raised there, and what with
yams, cassada, and pompions, there is seldom any want of one or
other of those agreeable and almost necessary requisites for the
table. There are good meat, poultry, and fish markets, and almost
every article in the house-keeping line can be procured at the shops
of the British merchants.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 32: See Appendix, Article 20.]
[Footnote 33: This event took place on the 4th August, by a smart
cannonade from the French brig, and an assault by the Bondoo army
(amounting to nearly three thousand men), a spirited sortie made by
about one hundred of the besieged, put the whole army of Bondoo to
flight and took several prisoners, whom they immediately butchered
in front of the brig, which, although moored within musket shot of
the shore, was not fired on by the people of the town, with whom
the French commandant found it necessary to make peace in a few
days afterwards.]
CONCLUSION.
Having now finished my narrative, it remains for me to fulfil my
obligations to the reader and the public, by briefly stating the
result of my experience, not only upon the habits and manners of
the people of Western Africa, but also as to the progress they have
made towards civilization, as to their political institutions and
religious improvement. In doing this I shall cautiously abstain
from entering into abstruse calculations, and religiously confine
myself to what my best judgement enables me to declare from practical
observation. I must here however state, that it has been too long the
custom to set little value on the African Negro, to consider him as
a being mid-way placed between the mere brute and man; as impervious
to every ray of intellectual light; and, in a word, as incapable of
enjoying the blessings of civil or religious liberty. This custom
is, to say the least of it, erroneous, and the notion on which it is
founded unjust. The Spaniards, after the discovery of South America,
affected to believe the South Americans of a species inferior to
themselves. They ruinously acted on that belief for centuries,
and the descendants of those Spaniards have lived to see the day,
when long observation has taught them, at a large expense, a very
different lesson. It is not however denied, that slaves must and
will be slaves, with all the cunning and treachery which their
condition engenders, and perhaps it may still be a question, if
persons enfranchised from a state of slavery can, by the fact of
such an enfranchisement, become at once, or even very speedily, fit
and useful members of a free and enlightened community. At the first
blush of the question the answer would be in the negative, but that
negative should not be left unqualified. The people amongst whom I
have travelled, and of whom only I would now be understood to write,
are illiterate and consequently superstitious; but the former arises
not from want of capacity or genius so much as from the want of means
to cultivate them; their mechanical like their agricultural knowledge
is extremely limited, but why from that argue their incapacity
to meet improvement, if improvement were happily thrown in their
way? They have beside, a civil polity and a diplomatic chicane in
their intercourse with each other, which is not usually to be found
in merely savage life. Like most half taught people their cunning
generally supersedes their wisdom, but then I am still prepared to
argue, that if you allow them the full exercise of their industry;
if you improve and protect it; if, by wise and judicious policy,
you lift the Negro in his own esteem, and teach his Chief, that what
is good was intended for all, though not in the same proportion,
for the servant as the master; if you abate their superstition by
the careful introduction of evangelical truths; if, in a word, you
realize those things, the condition of Africa will soon assume the
appearance of health, longevity, and happiness.
Their wants are, generally speaking, few and easily satisfied;
and their soil, though barren, yields a sufficiency of those common
necessaries of life which are required in tropical climates. They
have not, unfortunately, any common language to knit them together in
society, hence must their intercourse with each other be extremely
limited; their curiosity is not awakened by the contemplation of
new and remote objects, they know few artificial necessities to
induce the visits of strangers to supply them, and hence, except
in war, they seldom pass the boundaries of the hut that shelters,
and the field of rice or corn that feeds them. Nor are these the
only disadvantages, or, more properly speaking, difficulties to
their general improvement. It is a melancholy truth, that some of
the white men who were in the first instances sent ostensibly to
instruct them, were often actuated by different motives to suffer the
lust of interest and power to tempt them from the useful discharge
of the functions entrusted to them;—they, too, often meet cunning
by cunning, treachery by treachery, and rapine by rapine: and while
they thus conducted themselves,—why expect the Negro to view them in
the light of friends and Christian regenerators? The Negro absurdly
thinks the white man his enemy, and in how many thousand instances
has not the white man realised this absurdity into positive and
melancholy fact? The white inculcates principles whose practice he
violates, and then he turns round and smiles at the incredulity, or
affectedly weeps over the folly of those who will not yield to the
happy influence which, forsooth! he was destined to spread amongst
them. That this has been too much the case cannot be denied. That
a different conduct now prevails, I can with pleasure assert, and
I hope for the sake of mankind, that it may improve in proportion
as the field of our enquiries shall enlarge. This misconduct was
the beginning of all the evil which followed, and those erroneous
views destroyed the best intentioned labours. We as Englishmen
should consider that the prejudices of ages cannot be eradicated
in an hour, nor the light of truth communicated by instruction
at the mere will of man. To benefit our fellow creatures, we must
expend time, patience, money, resources and sedulous instruction,
because we know that cupidity, bigotry, and revenge, and all the
bad passions which spring from ignorance, are not to be destroyed
by any other effectual means. Many incidents have been stated in
the course of my narrative, which justify these remarks, exclusive
of those more prominent instances which are to appear in the sequel.
The principal difficulties which impeded my progress may be reduced to
a few heads. The cupidity and duplicity of the chiefs, the existence
of slavery as connected with our endeavours to abolish it, the idle
fears and apprehensions growing out of recent hostile transactions
in the Senegal, and, mainly, the rapid spread and dreadful influence
of the Mahomedan faith.
The duplicity of the chiefs is principally exemplified in the conduct
of the kings of Woolli, Bondoo and Kaarta, and either in the want of
inclination, or the fear of our approaching or passing Sego, by the
king of that country. At Woolli perhaps they were of too trivial a
nature, and the king so inadequate to prevent our passing by force,
that they scarcely merit attention. They serve however to shew, that
if he had not the power, he had at least the inclination to throw
every obstacle in the way of our proceeding eastward, but in which
direction, it is equally true, that none but his enemies resided. It
may be naturally supposed he did not wish such persons to be enriched
by sharing in the booty expected from our baggage, exaggerated reports
of whose value had been circulated through the interior long before
even the first expedition had left Senegal. At Bondoo the fairest
promises were in the first instance held out to us by Almamy; nay, an
apparent impatience was evinced by him to send us forward, but this we
soon discovered to have originated in a desire on his part to grasp at
those presents which he supposed we should make him in consideration
for so laudable an attention to our interests, but which (although
more than we could well afford) not being sufficiently valuable in
his eyes, were no sooner handed over to him, than the appearance of
things changed, and he made a demand for nearly as much more, under
the name of customs. The English name, and the liberality of the
British governors of St. Louis, and Senegal, to Almamy Bondoo were
well and long known to him previously to our entering his country,
but it appears that not only the recollection of their kindness to
him had vanished with our cession of that colony to the French, but
that he had been determined to crown his ingratitude with treachery,
deceit, and even want of common hospitality to the expedition, which
was unfortunately induced to prefer the road through his country for
the reasons already mentioned in p. 61, and in consequence of the very
apparently warm manner in which he expressed himself grateful for the
handsome presents he had received from Sir Charles M‘Carthy when
commanding at St. Louis. That every deference and respect for him as
the king of Bondoo, and indeed in some cases rather more than enough,
had been shewn him, is but too evident from the enormous sacrifices
we made at the shrine of his insatiable avarice, with a view of
conciliating his favour and protection, and of convincing him that
our object in going to the east was not only the mere solution of a
geographical question, but an endeavour at the eventual improvement
of the commercial and social interests of the countries we visited,
by opening a safe and direct communication between them and our
settlements, where I assured Almamy we should be most happy to see
himself and subjects as constant visitors. What could have induced
him to act as he did towards us I was really for a long time at a
loss to define, although he more than once hinted at having received
private information, and as he said from good authority, that we
had in view the destruction of his country, but which I could not
then believe, and supposed he only made that excuse a cloak to
hide some other motive with which I ineffectually strained every
nerve to become satisfactorily acquainted. The information which I
afterwards acquired with respect to the immense profits arising to
the native merchants from the trade, and barter of slaves, in the
transaction already mentioned of redeeming the Bondoo woman and her
daughter out of the hands of the Kaartans, led me, in considering
that subject minutely, to reflect on other circumstances connected
with the question, and that left no doubt on my mind as to his having
been thereby influenced: these shall be fully explained hereafter.
The king of Kaarta likewise, after tempting me under the most
flattering promises to enter his country, having even sent an escort
of one thousand horse to conduct me in safety, when he had received
from me to the full measure which inclination or duty prompted me
to give him, not only broke every promise he made me of assistance
in the prosecution of my journey, but literally plundered me of the
few articles which his avarice had hitherto spared. As on other
occasions, I was here at a loss to conjecture the cause of such
treatment, and upon the most mature and unprejudiced consideration,
can only attribute it to the same causes as operated on his brother
chiefs of Woolli and Bondoo.
The King of Sego was at war with the Massina Foulahs when Mr. Dochard
entered his country, and as his enemies were a powerful people, he
was unwilling to admit of our nearer approach, until, as he said,
they should either be defeated, or yield to terms of peace which he
should dictate to them. That Mr. Dochard’s delay might have been
caused by such a disposition, is not at all impossible, but it is
nevertheless evident, that the very great distance he ordered the
removal of Mr. Dochard, pending these negociations, affords room for
supposing that he was actuated by other motives than those which he
had previously assigned, namely, a superstitious fear of the too near
approach of a person who was supposed to possess supernatural powers,
and likely to become a troublesome neighbour. That the general
persuasion throughout the country of Bambarra, and particularly
at Sego, was of this nature, has been already proved by Mr. Park,
to whose appearance there the death of Mausong himself, and of
other great personages immediately after his passage through, was
industriously attributed by the Mahomedans. A second opportunity was
afforded to their malice against us, and their hatred of our faith,
upon the occasion of the subsequent death of some of Dha’s chief
men, particularly the governor of Bamakoo, who died suddenly a few
days after Mr. Dochard’s arrival at that town.
The existence of slavery as connected with the endeavours of England
to abolish it, tends in a material degree to awaken the jealousy of
the native chiefs, who, in common with the Moorish and Negro traders,
derived, and are still deriving, a very lucrative income from that
abominable traffic, which they designate by the softened appellation
of a lawful branch of commerce. In order to give an adequate idea
to my readers of the profits attending this trade in human flesh,
it will be necessary for me to state a few particulars.
I have already stated in page 326, that in order to save from the
fate which I had good reason to know awaited my baggage at Moonia,
I had released from slavery a Bondoo woman and her child, with the
intention of restoring them to their family, and had paid for each
of them a larger sum in merchandize than is generally considered the
ransom of a slave taken in war, but in reality amounting to a mere
trifle when put in competition with the liberty of a fellow-creature,
as will appear by the following statement:—
ARTICLES PAID FOR THE WOMAN AND HER CHILD.
Value in
England.
3 pieces of blue India equal in Kaarta each to 40
baft 75s. bars, of the nominal value
of 1s. 6d. ea. 120
30 lbs. trade gunpowder 30s. of the same bars 300
1000 common flints 12s. 10 one bar 100
1. yd coarse scarlet
cloth 16s. 50
A fine silk pang 15s. 50
------ ---
£7 8s. 500
Or the value of five prime slaves in that country. Had one of the
native merchants purchased those poor creatures, he would not have
paid more than two hundred of those bars for them, and probably not so
much, as he would first have changed those articles for cowries[34],
the current money of that country, with which he would have made the
bargain. He could next sell them to the traders in the Senegal, or as
profitably to their friends in Bondoo, for the following articles:—
Kaarta bars.
6 pieces baft each called 10 trade bars at Galam,
where 60 of those bars are given
for a slave equal to 240
4½ lbs. of powder, ¼ lb. a trade bar 30
2 common guns (each 10) 20 do. 80
480 flints 40 do. 48
120 sheets common paper 20 do. 24
1 card snuff-box 1 do. 2
1 scissors 1 do. 2
1 steel 1 do. 2
1 common looking-glass 1 do. 2
---- ----
120[35] equal to 430[36]
For which he could again purchase five slaves in Kaarta, where there
is no want of those wretched beings. Is it then to be wondered at
that those people view with a jealous eye our endeavours to suppress
that trade, or throw obstacles in the way of our penetrating into
the interior of their country, where they suppose we are attracted
with no other view than the ultimate subversion of their religion
and favourite traffic in their own flesh and blood; for it is
impossible to convince them (at least by words) that we have no such
intention: and as to think of persuading them that the extension
of our geographical knowledge in visiting unknown countries at
such risks and expense, or that the lawful increase of our commerce
alone attract our steps, we might as well tell them that a white man
never bought a slave. Whenever I spoke of the Niger, or my anxiety
to see it, they asked me if there were no rivers in the country
(we say) we inhabit; for the general belief is, as before stated,
that we live exclusively in ships on the sea. The Moors too, who
are general traders, and visit all the states of the interior in
their commercial pursuits, are aware that any encouragement given by
the native chiefs to our direct and friendly intercourse with them
must tend to undermine their own trade, and in the course of time
to remove from the eyes and understandings of those chiefs and their
subjects the veil of superstition by which they are now shrouded. They
therefore take advantage of the credit and respectability which in
their characters as Maraboos they so invariably enjoy, to circulate
reports prejudicial not only to our views in Africa (which they,
if they do not really believe like the negroes, represent in the
same way) but to our character as a people, whom they designate by
the degrading appellation of Kafér, or unbeliever.
From the simple calculation and exposé just now made, it must be
obvious that the native princes and traders have a strong and direct
interest to oppose the abolition of slavery; although as regards the
negro population it is equally clear that they have, if possible,
a stronger and more direct interest to promote it by every means in
their power. It is not my intention to enter into the very wide and
comprehensive question growing out of this position, namely, whether
the free negro, if independent of his master, could obtain sufficient
employment, or, obtaining, would be ready to accept it. The first
authorities of the present day, the ablest political economists of
this and every other country, have decided that labour should be free;
not only as conducive to the increased comforts of the labourer, but
as decidedly favourable to the pecuniary interests of the employer
and consumer. The African chiefs, like the owners of slaves in other
countries, think they have no security for their authority but the
maintenance of their people in slavery; and the prejudices of the
negroes are such, the custom has been so long continued and by time
become so inveterately strong, that no one having pretensions to
superiority will perform any of those useful occupations which the
best informed in civilised countries so usually attend to. There
is in the habit of slavery a something much more difficult of cure
than even in the oldest and most stormy passions of educated man:
there is within it a debasement not to be found in any other state,
and it seems as absolutely to chain men to the mere measure of their
length and breadth upon the soil, as if their existence had no other
object. The sun seems to roll his orbit without their observance,
and the earth to yield its fruits without their gratitude; and yet
they exhibit a deep sense of injury, and feel an insatiable thirst
for revenge: such opposite feelings all being generated from the
unwholesome effluvia of their religion—of which, however, more
hereafter.
Another and very plausible reason was afforded the chiefs and people
of the interior for not wishing our presence in their countries,
and for exciting them to jealous and fearful conjectures as to the
object of our visits. This was the forcible possession taken by the
French of a position on the Foota frontier of the Waallo country,
which although no doubt dictated by a laudable desire of improving the
condition of those people and giving a stimulus to their commerce,
was done in opposition to the wishes of the Foota chiefs and of
those of the Moorish tribes of Bracknar and Trarsar, all of whom
claimed a right to the place, and to defend which they made war on
the King of Waallo, whose permission alone to establish and occupy
a post on disputed ground was purchased by the Governor of Senegal.
The other chiefs remonstrated against this infringement of their
rights, but receiving no satisfactory answer, joined their forces, and
almost wholly destroyed the country, where all the horrors and misery
so appallingly attendant on African wars were inflicted on and borne
by the wretched inhabitants. A dreadful instance of the detestation in
which the actual state of slavery is regarded by the free-born negro,
so far as they are themselves concerned, occurred at the destruction
of one of those towns. The wives of some chiefs who had either
been killed or taken by the enemy determined not to survive their
husbands’ or their country’s fall, and preferring death, even
in its most terrifying shape, to slavery and the embraces of their
captors,—suffered themselves and their young children to be burnt
to death in a hut, where they had assembled with that determination,
and which was set on fire by themselves. This affair and some others
of a similar nature which took place about that time in the Senegal,
although rendered necessary by acts of plunder, breach of contract,
or treachery on the part of the chiefs, who are unfortunately much
addicted to such conduct, were unavoidably attended with circumstances
which, so far from being calculated to make those people regard the
visits of Europeans to their country in a favourable light, had the
effect of corroborating in a great measure the false and interested
reports already but too sedulously circulated by the Moors and other
native traders, and too credibly received by the several chiefs.
Another circumstance, which took place in Bambarra, must serve to
convince every impartial reader that fears were really entertained by
the chiefs as to the ultimate results of our communications with them.
At an interview which Mr. Dochard had with one of Dha’s head slaves
at Bamakoo, where all the occurrences in the Senegal were not only
known but much exaggerated, he was asked with a significant smile,
“in case the Niger terminated in the sea and was found navigable to
Sego, would our large vessels come up to that place, and our merchants
settle there as the French had done in the Senegal?” The object of
this question is too palpably evident to need any comment of mine,
and Mr. Dochard’s answer, “that he doubted the possibility of
large vessels ascending that river, or the wish of our merchants to
try it without even settling there,” although in my opinion the
best he could have given, did not remove from the minds of Dha and
his ministers their apprehension of the consequences.
The main difficulty to our success in Africa decidedly results from
the extent and influence of the Mohamedan religion. From the period
of its introduction as affecting the mode of African legislation,
which is scarcely a century since, the negroes, but particularly
the chiefs, have lost the little of honesty or natural feeling
which they before possessed. The doctrines of Mohamedanism are at
right angles with those of Christianity, or if the doctrines be
not so widely different, it is unquestionable that their influence
produces the most melancholy and opposite results. Mohamedanism
may direct the performance of moral duties, its theology may be
wise and its ethics sound; but no abstract rules, however good or
salutary, can operate upon the believers, while the interests of its
ministers are at open war with them. In truth, we need not recur to
Africa nor Mohamedanism to illustrate the truth of this position,
for experience much nearer home has, while even these sheets are at
the press, too forcibly proved it. Whatever then the written code of
Mohamedanism may teach, I have invariably discovered that in practice,
it countenances, if it does not actually generate, cunning, treachery,
and an unquenchable thirst of litigation and revenge. It produces no
good but from the meanest sense of fear, and its very profession is
of itself considered as sufficient absolution from every atrocity
committed to increase its disciples. But in Africa its pernicious
tendency is still more exemplified than in those quarters where it
has so long flourished with the rankest luxuriance.
The Africans in their pagan state were not liable to the same
superstitions as they are and have been since their proselytism,—if
it maybe so termed, because, their religion was not overloaded
with ceremonies, and their priests had but a narrow and contracted
influence. Mohamedanism has made them hypocrites as it keeps them
slaves, and, while it prevails to its present extent, they must
continue so. Essences are forgotten in the strict observance of a
miserable ritual, and truth has lost its value and its splendour
when only seen through the jaundiced instruction of peculating
Maraboos. These jugglers in morality make whatever use they please
of the victims of their sorcery, and if once they catch them in their
toils, escape is almost literally impossible. The enmity which those
ministers of false doctrine bear against our religion and ourselves
naturally induce them to represent us in colours most terrifying to
the converted negroes’ minds, by assuring them, that, although we
say our intentions towards them are good, we are only under that
cloak aiming at their total and eventual subjugation;—and, they
bring forward the continuance of the slave trade by the French in
the Senegal as a proof of _our_ want of sincerity.
The negroes, however, receive a sort of bonus by their conversion to
Mohamedanism. In the event of war waged on them by a Mohamedan power,
they are spared, or at all events not compelled to feel the horrors
which usually attend it.
But the crying sin of Mohamedanism and the main spring of its
pernicious tendency, is the toleration of polygamy. I confine my
observations to its effects in Western Africa, although if this
were the proper time and occasion, I should not dread being able
to demonstrate that wherever tolerated, its tendency must be evil
in the worst degree. Polygamy is the fruitful source of jealousy
and distrust, it contracts the parental and filial affections,
it weakens and disjoints the ties of kindred, and but for the
unlimited influence of the Maraboos and the fear of hell, if they
do not profit of the license of their great Apostle, must totally
unhinge the frame of all society. The father has many wives, the
wives have many children, favoritism in its most odious form sets
in, jealousy is soon aroused, and revenge unsheathes the sword which
deals forth destruction. But it is not to the domestic circle, it is
not to the family arrangements, it is not to the fearful mischiefs
it leads to upon social intercourse that I look alone; but to its
division of the soil and to its mutilation of the different states,
than which nothing can prove more destructive to any country. The
jealousies of the mothers, while exciting to domestic hatred,
lead to external civil war, and states rise and set with a sort of
harlequin operation, and when they are sought for vanish in the air,
and “leave not a wreck behind.” The consequence of these wars
is, that during the precarious conquests of these chiefs, their
whole employment is plunder, and where that cannot be procured the
forfeiture—is life. All order and morality is upset, all right is
unknown, and the effect must be the degradation of society and the
dismemberment of empire in that ill-fated portion of the world.
To this cause also may be attributed in a great measure the existence
(at least to the present extent) of slavery, for that religion not
only gives an apparently divine authority to the practice, but instils
into the minds of its proselytes a conviction or belief, that all who
are not or will not become Mohamedans were intended by Providence and
their Prophet to be the slaves and property of those who do. It is
much to be regretted that those valuable and indefatigable friends
of Africa who have been for years labouring towards civilization
on the coast, where much has been done by the pious labours and
example of the missionaries from the Church and other Societies,
are so circumstanced, from the many difficulties which the climate
itself presents and the rapid spread of the Mohamedan faith, that
they are unable to penetrate beyond the influence of our settlements
on the coast, and consequently excluded from all possibility (for the
present at least) of giving those misguided people an opportunity of
judging for themselves between the secure and happy state of those
whom the exertions of an enlightened country and the influence of
the Christian religion have redeemed from slavery and ignorance,
and the miserably precarious and blind condition to which they are
themselves subjected.
Having thus far stated the difficulties which have hitherto impeded,
and are still likely to impede our researches in, and our civilization
of Western Africa, it may not be considered as adventuring too much
if I place before my readers a few suggestions, which, if acted upon,
may have a tendency to diminish, if not to overcome them altogether.
I have adverted amongst others to the difficulty originating in the
fears which were entertained in consequence of the transactions on the
Senegal, but on that the remedy is obviously one to be administered by
the healing hand of time. The native chiefs had long received presents
which were originally granted for the accommodation and security
they afforded to the European and Senegal merchants who traded with
them. In the progress of time, however, those voluntary presents
were not only demanded as a right, but when refused (which was only
the case where a breach of faith on their part was committed), were
enforced by the prohibition of further commercial intercourse, and
this generally terminated in a compliance with their demand. This
peaceable, and even almost necessary mode of conciliation, at the
period I speak of, was afterwards continued as a matter of course. The
arrogance of the native chief was pampered by the yielding, and his
cupidity was fed by the necessity of doing so. And the evil did not
rest here, for as we conceded they advanced fresh claims, which,
even when admitted, afforded no certainty that their promises with
us would be fulfilled.
Immediately after our cession of that colony, the French authorities
there decided on convincing those people, that, although they were
willing, in a great degree, to submit to the custom which had so
long existed, yet, that they would not quietly bear the obstructions
thrown in the way of their commercial pursuits upon the Upper Senegal;
and prepared to meet force by force, which was eventually rendered
necessary by the hostile threats and actions of the natives. Time, and
time alone, can afford to those natives a proof that the resistance
forced upon the French was not an act of disrespect to them, or of
a disposition to invade their just pretensions or their rights; but
intended to shew them that the benefits of commerce should be mutual,
and that a present, unrefused as such, should not be converted into
a right, to be enforced for the future by prohibitions or by arms.
Another remedy at once presents itself to the mind, but,
unfortunately, that is a remedy which cannot, I fear, be speedily
administered, much less easily obtained; I allude to the general
concurrence of Europe in the abolition of slavery. England, however,
does not come in for any share of blame on this eventful subject:
every thing has been done by her which eloquence, treasure, influence,
humanity, or religion could unite in favour of so desirable a
consummation. It is to be hoped that her example will, sooner or
later, induce the other powers of Europe to imitate it, in which
event the most incalculable advantages would result to the suffering
negroes of Africa. It would be, perhaps, unbecoming in me to press
this important topic to an extremity; the wisest men as statesmen,
and the minutest calculators as political economists, all concur
in stating the general abolition of slavery (placing all humanity
and religion out of the question) to be a general good. After
the expression of such a very extensive and honourable feeling,
it is matter of regret that some of the powers of Europe cannot be
induced to aid in the great work which England had the honour of
commencing, and completing as far as she was concerned. It is a
heart-rending reflection that mistaken views of interest, or the
calls of avaricious clamour, should not only take precedence of,
but actually absorb all the obligations of good feeling, and all
the commands of the Most High. But we are to hope a new light may
break in upon the councils of those who are, perhaps, only mistaken,
or who, from some over-ruling necessity, are obliged to tolerate a
traffic at which not only our nature revolts, but which no one has
of late years had the hardihood to attempt a shadow of justification.
I am persuaded that a mode of disposal of some of the liberated
negroes similar to that which I adopted in the case of Corporal
Harrup, would be attended with the most beneficial results to Africa
and the Mother Country; to the former, by affording them a strong
proof of our good intentions towards them, and to the latter, by
extending our commercial intercourse by means of these people; who
would unquestionably, not only revisit our settlements themselves,
but would induce many of their fellow countrymen to accompany them. I
am, however, aware that many difficulties present themselves to the
accomplishment of such a step: first, from the almost impossibility
of ascertaining whether the person so disposed of belonged to a free
family, for few of them will acknowledge the fact of their having
been born in slavery; and secondly, from the very limited intercourse
between our colonies and the remote states of the interior, whence
those unfortunate beings were dragged into slavery; and during their
return whether they would, on most occasions, be exposed to a second,
and, if possible, a worse state of bondage. The latter difficulty,
however, is daily decreasing before the persevering endeavours of
Africa’s friends in this country, under the immediate and personal
direction of an active governor, who, in holding out every inducement
to the chiefs and people in the vicinity of our colonies to keep
up a direct and friendly intercourse with our commercial agents,
is adopting a plan likely to be attended with the most salutary
results[37].
The cupidity and duplicity of the chiefs has already obtained that
notice which it required, and to obviate them, it has occurred to
me there are no means more available, and, I may add, more speedily
practicable, than the enlargement of our intercourse with the people,
and the encouragement and protection of the internal commerce of
Africa. By this we can improve them in the way of example, by the
other we can benefit them and ourselves in the way of interchange of
commodity; our habits and our manners will gain upon them in time,
and our skill tend to stimulate and encourage theirs.
By increasing their commerce we also obtain another happy
consummation, we give them employment, and we consequently to a
certain extent, secure them from the incessant meddling of their
maraboos. We could congregate them in greater numbers together,
and therefore the more readily instruct them; and I may venture to
add, that, if a fair degree of zeal were used in such a delightful
employment, within a very few years they would prove themselves
not unfitted for the enjoyment of liberal institutions. When once
a people feel their moral power improving it is not difficult to
give it a degree of perfection, and when once the chief found his
former slave so far lifted in the scale of being, as to have some
notion of the place and duties assigned him here, it would not be
easy for him to continue his sway without limit or controul. While,
however, the negro dreams of nothing beyond a mere animal support,
he is admirably calculated for a slave; but give him an insight into
something higher—teach him an art or a trade, in the exercise of
which he finds comfort necessary to himself, and comfort flowing
from such an exercise to others; place him in this situation,
and without revolting against the authority of his chief, he will
still feel that he is not singled out to remain the unpitied and
the worthless slave. That there are powers of mind in the African,
it were quite idle to dispute; that the productions of the country
are capable of being beneficially employed, must, I think, be equally
incontestible to any one who has carefully perused the preceding
pages; and to act with honesty we should not allow both or either
to lie for ever dormant. Common charity, much less common interest,
forbids so unworthy a course, and, in truth, I cannot have the
slightest suspicion that it ever was contemplated.
Upon this important branch of my subject I might descant to a very
considerable extent, but that, fortunately, its magnitude is so
thoroughly felt as to spare me the labour on this occasion: let
me however look at the advantages of this increased commerce in
any point of view, with all the difficulties which rather appear,
than really do exist to impede it, I am fully convinced that to it
Africa will be at last mainly indebted for any social and political
enjoyments to which she may attain.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 34: Shells.]
[Footnote 35: Nominal value 2s. 6d. each.]
[Footnote 36: Nominal value 1s. 6d. each.]
[Footnote 37: The late unfortunate occurrences on the Gold Coast,
and the melancholy death of Sir Charles M‘Carthy, have been too
recently before the public to need any remark of mine. I must,
however, be permitted to say, that in that gallant, intelligent
and zealous commander, Africa has lost one of her best friends,
and society one of its greatest ornaments.]
=APPENDIX.=
* * * * *
ARTICLE I.
The town of Bathurst is situate on the south-eastern extremity of the
island of Saint Mary’s, at the mouth of the river Gambia, and lies in
16°. 6′. 3″. western longitude, and 13°. 28′. 20″. northern latitude.
The greatest extent of the island is about four miles from WNW. to
ESE., but its general breadth does not exceed a mile and a half, in
some places much less. The surface of the island is a low plain, with a
slight descent from the north and east sides towards the centre, where,
during the season of the rains, it is much inundated. Its north-east
shore, on which stands a part of the town, is not more than twelve or
fourteen feet above the level of high-water mark. The tides, however,
are very irregular, and are much influenced in their rise and fall by
the NW. and SE. winds.
The settlement, although in its infant state, has made a most rapid
progress in improvement. Many fine substantial government buildings
have been lately erected, and the British merchants resident there,
have vied with each other in the elegant and convenient arrangement
of their dwelling-houses and stores, all which are built with stone
or brick, and roofed with slates or shingles.
The soil of the island is a red or light coloured sand, with little
appearance of clay or mould, but from its having furnished the
natives of the adjacent country, and the inhabitants of a small
town which formerly stood on the island, with rice previously to
our taking possession of it, I am satisfied it would, by proper
management, bring all the productions of the country to perfection;
and, no doubt, be rendered as congenial to the culture of some of
our garden vegetables as Senegal or Sierra-Leone.
The edges of the creeks which intersect the island, and the low
grounds about them, are thickly covered with mangroves, which are
rapidly decreasing in being turned to advantage for fuel both in the
houses and for the burning of lime. The palm tree, the monkey-bread,
or baobab, and several other kinds of large trees, are thickly
scattered all over the high grounds, and with an abundance of
shrubs and ever-greens give the place a cool, refreshing, though
wild appearance.
Sarah Creek, so called by the natives, is from twenty-five to forty
yards wide, and at ebb tide contains no less than seven feet water
in the shallowest place, many places having twelve and upwards,
with a bottom of hard sand and clay.
Crooked Creek, which is about the same breadth, has only two feet
water at its mouth during the ebb, but its general depth in other
places is from three to six feet.
Turnbull Creek is likewise very shallow, having in no place more
than five feet water. It is possible that much benefit might result
from so shutting up the mouths of Newt and Crooked Creeks, and the
one adjoining the latter, as to prevent the high flood-tides in the
rainy season from entering them, as it would, if effectually done,
reclaim from inundation and its consequent bad effects, a large
space in the almost immediate vicinity of the town. But it remains to
decide whether the ground about them is lower than high-water mark,
in which case it would be impossible to remedy the present evil in
any other way than raising the level of the surface, a work that
would be attended with considerable expense and difficulty.
That this infant colony has answered, nay, exceeded the most sanguine
expectations of all concerned, is strongly proved by the very great
and rapid increase of its population, not only by the considerable
augmentation of the number of British merchants, but by an immense
influx of the inhabitants of Goree, who, not finding employment under
the French Government there, and being excluded from the trade of
the Gambia, except through the medium of Saint Mary’s, or a small
factory belonging to the French at Albreda (than which they are not
allowed to go higher up the river) are daily emigrating to Bathurst.
The troops, inhabitants, and merchants are abundantly supplied with
beef, mutton, poultry, fish, fruit, milk, butter, palm-wine, and
all the African vegetables by the natives of the surrounding towns,
who, feeling the advantage of such intimacy with the settlement,
flock to it in great numbers, and consume a large proportion of the
European articles imported into the colony.
Gold, ivory, bees-wax, and hides are brought thither in considerable
quantities by the natives, traders, and the inhabitants of Goree
who have settled there, and are annually shipped for England by the
British merchants; fine timber of the mahogany kind has been found on
the banks of, and islands in the river, and has likewise been sent to
the home market, where, I believe, it has met with some encouragement.
ARTICLE II.—See PAGE 59.
PRESENTS TO THE KING OF KATOBA, APRIL 18th, 1818.
One fine gilt dirk.
A stone of large amber.
Ten bars of glass beads.
Two bottles of rum.
One piece of blue baft.
One do. of white muslin.
Twenty bars of amber.
Twenty do. of coral.
Eighteen bars of tobacco.
Sixteen do. of red cloth.
ARTICLE III.—See PAGE 87.
PRESENTS MADE TO THE KING OF WOOLLI AND HIS CHIEFS.
TO THE KING.
One single gun.
One pound, No. 1, amber.
Forty dollars.
A piece of white baft.
A ditto of blue ditto.
Twelve stones, No. 1, coral.
TO HIS SON.
A common gun.
Five stones, No. 2, amber.
Five do. No. 2, coral.
TO THE CHIEFS.
One hundred and twenty-six bars in amber, coral, and bafts.
ARTICLE IV.—See PAGE 116.
PRESENTS MADE TO ALMAMY BONDOO, HIS CHIEFS, MINISTERS, &C. JUNE
13th, 1818.
A fine blue velvet saddle and bridle.
A large umbrella, gold laced and fringed.
A sabre.
A silver gilt cup.
Eight pieces of blue baft.
Two do. of white.
Two do. of blue cambric muslin.
Two do. of taffety.
Two do. of muslin.
Four pieces of white cambric muslin.
Four yards of scarlet cloth.
Five do. of yellow do.
Five do. of green do.
Two pounds of cloves.
Three double barrelled guns.
Four single do.
One pound amber, No. 1.
One string of large pipe coral.
Two do. small do.
One silver cup.
Two metal do.
One pair fine pistols.
Fifty pounds of tobacco.
Four morocco bound blank books.
Four cannisters of fine powder.
A small bale of flints.
One hundred and fifty pounds of powder.
Twenty-four dollars.
One yard red serge.
Seven do. of yellow.
Knives, scissors and snuff boxes, six each.
Two razors, two pair of spectacles.
Some worsted thread.
TO SAADA, HIS ELDEST SON.
One fine single gun.
Two pieces blue baft.
One do. white do.
One do. muslin.
One do. cambric muslin.
One yard scarlet cloth.
Ten stones of coral.
Twenty do. of amber, No. 1.
Fifty fine flints.
One morocco bound book.
Four canisters of fine powder.
Five yards of taffety.
Scissors, razors, snuff boxes, and knives, three each.
TO THE MINISTERS.
Four pieces blue baft.
Three do white do.
One do. muslin.
One do. taffety.
Four yards scarlet cloth.
One pound, No. 2, amber.
One string of coral.
Twenty-five pounds of powder.
Two pieces of blue cambric muslin.
Knives, scissors and snuff-boxes, twelve each.
Six razors.
AGREEMENT
ENTERED INTO
WITH ALMAMY BONDOO, AND PRESENTS MADE TO HIM AND THE PRINCES,
MINISTERS, ETC., ON THE 9TH MAY, 1819.
ARTICLE VI.—See PAGE 222.
TO ALMAMY MOOSA KING OF BONDOO, ETC.
FROM MAJOR WILLIAM GRAY, COMMANDING HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY’S MISSION
IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA,
GREETING,
Whereas it being my intention to make you a present suitable to
your exalted situation as King of Bondoo, in order to obtain your
friendship and assistance in prosecuting my journey; and to convince
you of the amicable intentions of our great King George towards
you and all your people, I have to demand from you in return the
following terms, viz.—
1st. That you give directions to the chiefs of all the towns or
villages in your kingdom, through which we may pass, to receive us
as the messengers of so great a king as ours should be received.
2d. That you supply us with guides as far as your power extends in
the direction we wish to proceed.
3d. That the presents given consist of the following articles, viz.
To complete the presents to Almamy Amady for the last year:
2 Double guns Two.
6 Single do. Six.
1 Fine double do. One.
160 Bottles of powder One hundred and sixty.
Present to Almamy Moosa this year:
2 Fine double guns Two.
1 Do. single do. One.
4 Pieces blue baft Four.
4 Do. white do. Four.
3 Yards of scarlet cloth Three.
5 Do. sprigged muslin Five.
5 Do. tamboured do. Five.
5 Do. taffety Five.
1 lb. Amber One.
50 lb. Powder Fifty.
1 Piece of cambric One.
20 Grains of coral Twenty.
500 Flints Five hundred.
500 Balls Five hundred.
1 lb. Cloves One.
TO THE QUEEN.
1 Pair of sprigged muslin pangs.
1 Do. fine worked do.
10 Stones large amber.
10 Do. coral.
9 Bunches of beads.
½ lb. Cloves.
3 Yards of serge.
WILLIAM GRAY, MAJOR.
I, Almamy Moosa, in consequence of the above presents, and
my wish to be of service to you, the messenger of your King George
of England, do hereby bind myself to render you the protection and
assistance required by the foregoing terms; In confirmation of which
I do hereby affix my signature, in the name of GOD the Most High,
this 9th day of May, 1819, at Boolebany.
(Signed) ALMAMY MOOSA YEORA.
THIERNO—MAMADOO.
Prince MAMADOO SAFIETTA.
ARTICLE VII.—SEE PAGE 222.
PRESENT TO SAADA, 9TH MAY, 1819.
One double gun.
One piece of blue baft.
One piece of white baft.
One do. of cambric muslin.
Fifteen pounds of powder.
Half a pound of No. 2, amber.
Ten stones of do. coral.
Two hundred flints.
TO PRINCE TOMANY.
One double gun.
One single do.
Two pieces of blue baft.
Two do. of white baft.
Four yards of scarlet.
One piece of cambric muslin.
Half a pound of No. 2, amber.
Ten stones of do. coral.
Twenty-five pounds powder.
Two hundred flints.
Four ounces of cloves.
* * * * *
ARTICLE VIII.—SEE PAGE 223.
TO PRINCE AMADY CAMA, 18TH MAY.
One double gun.
Half a piece of blue baft.
Half a do. of white baft.
Ten stones of No. 2, amber.
Five pounds of powder.
Fifty flints.
TO PRINCE ALI HOO, 18TH MAY, 1819.
Half a piece of blue baft.
Half a piece of white baft.
Half a yard of scarlet.
Ten stones of No. 2, amber.
Four do. of coral.
Three pounds of powder.
Fifty flints.
TO OSMAN CUMBA, CHIEF OF SAMBA CONTAYE.
One double gun.
Half a piece of blue baft.
Half a do. of white do.
Ten stones of No. 2, amber.
Four do. of coral.
One yard of scarlet.
Fifty flints.
Four ounces of cloves.
Five pounds of powder.
* * * * *
ARTICLE IX.—SEE PAGE 232.
PRESENT MADE TO THE GUIDES.
One double gun.
Four pieces of blue baft.
Two do. of white do.
Two do. of Manchester prints.
Three yards of scarlet cloth.
Four muslin pangs.
Three taffety do.
One pound of No. 2, amber.
Six yards of baize.
Ten bunches of beads.
Five hundred flints.
Six knives and scissors.
ARTICLE X.—SEE PAGE 284.
PRESENT SENT TO THE CHIEFS OF FOOTA.
Two pieces of blue baft.
Two pieces of white do.
One pound of No. 2, amber.
One blank book.
Two yards of scarlet cloth.
Twenty-five pounds of powder.
Two hundred flints.
One piece of Manchester print.
TO THE TWO FOOTA PEOPLE WHO ACCOMPANIED OUR MESSENGER.
One piece of white baft.
Half a do. of blue do.
Eight pounds of powder.
Fifty flints.
One yard of scarlet cloth.
Thirty grains of No. 2, amber.
ARTICLE XI.—SEE PAGE 261.
LIST OF THINGS RECEIVED FROM FOOTA OF THOSE LOST THERE.
Three horses.
Seventeen asses.
Three goats.
Four double guns.
Thirteen muskets.
One pair of pistols.
One sword.
Four spring guns.
Two tents.
One bale of 50 pounds of powder.
One do. of flints.
One bag of balls.
Three large saws.
Two small do.
Three old saddles.
One and a half do. of blue baft.
The books and boxes.
Cooking utensils.
Forty country cloths, in payment for two asses that died while
in their possession, and the two gold rings I had given Bayla.
ARTICLE XII.—SEE PAGE 288.
PRESENTS TO SAMBA CONGOLE AND THE CHIEFS OF FORT ST. JOSEPH.
TO SAMBA.
One double gun.
One single do.
One pair of pistols.
Twenty-five pounds of powder.
One yard of scarlet cloth.
Sixteen grains of No. 1, amber.
Sixteen do. of No. 2, corals.
Five pair of pangs.
Four bunches of beads.
One hundred flints.
Half a pound of cloves.
TO THE CHIEFS.
Two double guns.
Two pieces of baft.
Fifteen pounds of powder.
Two hundred and fifty flints.
Forty-six grains of No. 2, amber.
Forty-six do. of No. 3, coral.
Five ounces of cloves.
ARTICLE XIII.—SEE PAGE 305.
FIRST PRESENT TO MODIBA.
Two double guns.
Two single do.
One pair of pistols.
One sword.
Fifty pounds of powder.
Five thousand flints.
Two pieces of blue baft.
Two do. of white do.
One yard of scarlet cloth.
One do. of yellow do.
One do. of green do.
Five do. of muslin.
Five do. of taffety.
Two fine pangs.
Half a piece of print.
Half a do. of blue silk.
Two coloured silk handkerchiefs.
Ten large stones of No. 1, amber.
Eight do. of No. 1, coral.
Half a piece of India print.
One fine saddle cloth.
A handsome plated tureen and cover. To which was added on the
1st of April,
ARTICLE XIV.—SEE PAGE 305.
One pound of small amber.
One pound of cloves.
One dirk and belt.
Twelve dollars.
One pound of worsted thread.
Two bunches of beads.
One silver cup.
ARTICLE XV.—SEE PAGE 307.
PRESENT TO ALI.
One double gun.
Two yards of muslin.
Two do. of silk.
Six stones of No. 1, amber.
Six do. of No. 3, coral.
One piece of blue baft.
One piece of pang.
Seven pounds of powder.
Fifty flints.
Two ounces of cloves.
Quarter of a yard of scarlet cloth.
* * * * *
ARTICLE XVI.—SEE PAGE 309.
THIRD PRESENT TO MODIBA, ON THE 14TH OF APRIL.
One piece of blue baft.
One do. of white do.
One muslin pang.
One worsted do.
One silk do.
One pound of small amber.
Twenty-four stones, No. 3, coral.
Four ounces of cloves.
Fifteen pounds of powder.
Two hundred flints.
One silver medal.
ARTICLE XVII.—SEE PAGE 314.
FOURTH PRESENT TO MODIBA.
One double gun.
One pound of No. 3, amber.
Ten yards of callico.
Six yards of silk.
Some fine beads.
Ten pounds of powder.
Half a yard of scarlet.
One hundred flints.
* * * * *
ARTICLE XVIII.—SEE PAGE 316.
FIFTH PRESENT TO MODIBA.
One single gun.
Two pairs of fine pangs.
* * * * *
ARTICLE XIX.
LIST OF THINGS TAKEN BY MODIBA’S SLAVES AT MONIA.
One double gun.
Twenty pounds of powder.
Four yards of red silk.
Twelve do. of callico.
One do. of scarlet cloth.
One do. of yellow do.
Two pounds of amber.
One thousand flints.
A large quantity of beads.
Four ounces of small pipe coral.
Four yards of baize; a number of knives, scissors, snuff boxes,
looking glasses, and a ream of paper.
ARTICLE XX.—SEE PAGE 325.
I here witnessed an extraordinary ceremony performed by one of
the young princes, who was about undergoing the Mahometan rite
of circumcision. He was dressed in the manner shewn in figure 1,
plate 4; and accompanied by a host of musicians and young men,
visited several towns for the purpose of levying contributions on
the provisions and purses of the inhabitants, either by stealth (and
for which he could not be punished, not being amenable to the laws
for that period) or during his exhibitions in public, by seizing
on some of the spectators, whom he held fast and pretended to goad
with the horn attached to the wooden figure on his head, until he
received some offering which was never withheld, and which, together
with the intercession of his attendants, who fanned him with boughs
of trees, appeased his wrath, and induced him to sit down. In this
position he remained for some minutes, and in an apparent paroxysm
of rage recommenced his antics, which generally continued for two
or three hours during the heat of the day, leaving the person so
exhausted from his exertions and the weight of his dress, that he
did not again make his appearance until the following day. In this
manner I was told he continued acting for a _moon_.
DESCRIPTION AND SKETCHES ON BOTANICAL SUBJECTS.
Among the party who accompanied Major Peddie in the mission into
the interior of Africa, was Mr. Kummer, who was charged to make
collections in every department of natural history, with drawings
and descriptions of whatever was most interesting in that line, as
well as to keep a regular journal of general observations and events.
Many sketches of animals and plants, and several notes were made;
but these are of such a nature as to require an examination of the
specimens from which they were taken, before they can be valuable
to a naturalist who is not previously acquainted with the subjects
themselves. Unfortunately the individual articles were lost.
From the drawings, however, and descriptions, such as they are,
we have selected four of the most perfect, which relate to as many
plants, and which do not appear to us to have been noticed by former
naturalists. In doing this however, we cannot help regretting the
extremely imperfect state of the materials. Had all the collections
of Mr. Kummer been saved, they might have formed a most important
addition to our present unsatisfactory acquaintance with the natural
history of Western Africa.
The plants alluded to were found between Cape Verga, at the mouth
of Rio Nunez, and the establishment called Tingalinta.
It is with much pleasure I take this opportunity of acknowledging
my obligations to Dr. Hooker, Professor of Botany, at the Glasgow
University, for the following plates and their descriptions.
TAB. A.
ARUM APHYLLUM.
CLASS AND ORDER—MONŒCIA POLYANDRIA.
_Natural Order—Aroideæ._
GEN. CHAR. _Spatha_ monophylla, cucullata. _Spadix_ supra nudus,
inferne fœmineus, medio stamineus. _Willd._
Arum _aphyllum_; spadice apice magno subgloboso rugoso spatha
ovato-cucullata, breviore scapo aphyllo.
HAB. Locis mentosis saxosis Tingalinta. Fl. mense Februarii.
_Radix_, ut videtur, tuberosa.
_Folia_ omnino nulla.
_Bracteæ_ duæ, fere omnino subterraneæ, tres uncias longæ,
lanceolatæ, membranæ, pallidæ, ad basin scapi.
_Scapus_ palmaris ad spithamæus, parte superiore (2-3 uncias) e
terra emergens, teres, glaber, succulentus, inferne fere albidus,
superne roseus.
_Spatha_ diametro 3 ad 4 uncias, ovato-ventricosa, obliqua, obtusa
cum mucronula, marginibus involuta, basi etiam convoluta, pallide
rosea, lineis saturationibus pulcherrime picta.
_Spadix_, basi, ubi flores inserti, cylindraceus, apice magnus (duas
uncias latus) ovato-globosus, obliquus, carnosus, extus rugosus,
intense roseus, intus spongeosus, albus.
_Antheræ_ numerosæ, purpureæ, sessiles, apice loculis duobus
horizontalibus dehiscentes, purpurescentes.
_Pistilla_ sub antheras inserta, pauciora. _Germen_ globosum,
viride. _Stylus_ breviusculus, purpureus. _Stigma_ peltatum.
_Fig._ 1. Plant, _natural size_:—all below the line indicated by
the letters _a—b_ is subterraneous. _Fig._ 2. Front view of the
spatha. _Fig._ 3. Spadix removed from the spatha. c., the circle
of anthers, d. the circle of pistils. _Fig._ 4. Section of the
spadix. _Fig._ 5. Anther. _Fig._ 6. Pistil, of which the germen is
cut through vertically. The 5th and 6th figures are magnified.
Of this singular and beautiful plant I can find no description, yet
it appears to be not uncommon in Senegal. The Jolofs, particularly
in the country of Cayor, eat the root, when other and better kinds of
nourishment fail them. They dry the root and boil it, thus employing
heat to extract that poisonous juice with which all the individuals
of this natural family are known to abound. It is not, however,
eaten at Tingalinta, nor in the district of the Sousous where it is
found in equal plenty.
[Illustration: _G. Scharf Lithog:_
_Printed by C. Hullmandel._
_Arum aphyllum._
_London. Pubd. by J. Murray, Albemarle Street. 1825._]
TAB. B.
TABERNÆMONTANA GRANDIFLORA.
CLASS AND ORDER—PENTANDRIA MONOGYNIA.
_Natural Order—Apocyneæ._
GEN. CHAR. _Contorta_. _Corolla_ hypocrateriformis; _tubus_
angulato-strictus, basi subglobosus. _Folliculi_ 2, horizontales.
_Semina_ pulpæ immersa (_Fol. opposita_).
Tabernæmontana _Africana_, foliis ovato-lanceolatis oppositis,
floribus axillaribus solitariis: tubo corollæ spiraliter torto,
medio inflato.
HAB. Kacundy.
_Arbor_ mediocris vel _Frutex_, ramis subdeclinatis.
_Folia_ opposita, ovato-lanceolata, basi apiceque subalterneata,
integerrima, glabra, nervosa, nervis parallelis.
_Flores_ solitarii, axillares, versus apicem ramorum, pedunculati.
_Pedunculus_ longiusculus, crassus.
_Calyx_ quinquepartitus, inferus, persistens; segmentis ovatis,
obtusis.
_Corolla_ hypocrateriformis, magna, speciosa, alba. _Tubus_ spiraliter
tortus, versis medium inflatus. _Limbus_ quinquepartitus, segmentis
oblongo-lanceolatis, obtusissimis planis, oblique tortis: _ore_ nudo.
_Stamina_ quinque, medio tubi inserta. _Filamenta_ lata, tubo
adherentia, marginibus ciliatis. _Antheræ_ sagittatæ, flavæ,
circa stigma conniventes.
_Pistillum_ unicum, corollæ dimidio brevius. _Germen_ duplex.
_Styli_ duo, filiformes, basi distincti, apice unito, paululum
dilatati. _Stigma_ incrassatum, subcylindraceum, basi dilatatum,
apice quinquelobum, lobis erectis.
_Pericarpium_: Folliculi? vel potius baccæ duæ, ovato-rotundatæ,
patentes, acuminatæ, basi calyce cinctæ, uniloculares, polyspermæ.
_Semina_ plana, stricta, receptaculo centrali affixa.
_Fig._ 1. Branch, _natural size_. _Fig._ 2. Lower part of the
tube laid open to shew the stamens. _Fig._ 3. Pistil. _Fig._
4. Stigma. _Fig._ 5. Section of the upper part of the Style. _Fig._
6. Fruit (natural size). _Fig._ 7. Section of the same. _All but
figures 1 and 7 more or less magnified_.
This appears to be a very different species of _Tabernæmontana_,
if indeed it really belongs to that genus, from any hitherto
described. In the persistent calyx, this plant seems to depart from
the character of _Tabernæmontana_, as it is defined by Jussieu; and
also in the tube of the corolla, which is not inflated at the base,
but near the middle, and is moreover singularly spirally twisted
with deep furrows, if we may judge from the drawing.
[Illustration: _G. Scharf Lithog:_
_Printed by C. Hullmandel._
_Tabernæmontana grandiflora._]
TAB. C.
STROPHANTHUS PENDULUS.
CLASS AND ORDER—PENTANDRIA MONOGYNIA.
_Natural Order—Apocyneæ._
GEN. CHAR. _Corolla_ infundibuliformis. _Faux_ coronata squamulis
decem, indivisis.
_Limbi laciniæ_ candatæ. _Stamina_ medio tubi inserta. _Antheræ_
sagittatæ, aristatæ vel mucronatæ. Ovaria duo. _Stylus_ unicus,
filiformis, apice dilatato. _Stigma_ subcylindraceum. _Squamæ_
quinque, hypogynæ.
Strophanthus _pendulus_; foliis oppositis ovato-oblongis acutis,
floribus pendulis, antheris aristatis.
HAB. Santo Fallo.
_Caulis_ sarmentosus? cortice cinereo-fusca tectus.
_Folia_ opposita, breviter petiolata, duas, tres uncias longa, unciam
lata, oblongo-ovata, glabra, acuta, integerrima, juniora angustiora.
_Flores_ in racemos parvos terminales, solitarii vel bini, penduli.
_Pedunculus_ brevis, crassiusculus.
_Calyx_ profunde quinquepartitus, laciniis ovato-lanceolatis, acutis,
modice patentibus.
_Corolla_ infundibuliformis, flava, limbo quinquepartito, laciniis
longissimis, linearibus subundulatis; _fauce_ coronata squamis quinque
bipartitis, purpureis: segmentis lanceolato-subulatis subundulatis.
_Stamina_ quinque, versus medium tubi corollæ inserta. _Filamenta_
alba, breviuscula, curvata. _Antheræ_ sagittatæ, basi intus stigmati
adherentes, apice aristata.
_Pistillum_: _Germen_ ovato-rotundatum, biloculare: _Stylus_
filiformis, cylindraceus. _Stigma_ incrassatum, cylindraceum,
apice truncatum.
_Fig._ 1. Portion of a plant, _natural size_. _Fig._ 2. View of the
mouth of the corolla and the nectary. _Fig._ 3. Stamen. _Fig._ 4. Two
of the stamens, shewing the point of adhesion of the anthers with the
stigma. _Fig._ 5. Back view of a stamen. _Fig._ 6. Front view of the
same. _Fig._ 7. Section of the germen. _All more or less magnified_.
Of this plant Mr. Kummer has given but an unsatisfactory account,
as he only saw the specimen from which the drawing was made, and
which, in his journal, he says that the Cherif Sidi Mahommed (of
Foota Jallo), procured for him.
This species of _Strophanthus_ seems to offer a peculiar character
in its drooping flowers. I am also unable to find that the remarkable
circumstance of the anthers adhering by their base within, and being
firmly attached to the stigma, is mentioned by any author as existing
in other individuals of this curious genus.
Most of the species of _Strophanthus_ inhabit equinoctial Africa. The
_S. dichotomus_ which is a native of China, is the only one of
the genus, as far as I know, which has yet been introduced to our
gardens. There is an excellent representation of it in the _Botanical
Register_, tab. 469.
[Illustration: _G. Scharf Lithog:_
_Printed by C. Hullmandel._
_Strophantus pendulus._
_London. Pub: by J. Murray, Albemarle Stt. 1825._]
TAB. D.
PTEROCARPUS AFRICANUS. GUM KARI.
CLASS AND ORDER—DIADELPHIA DECANDRIA.
_Natural Order—Leguminosæ._
GEN. CHAR. _Calyx_ quinquedentatus. _Legumen_ falcatum, foliaceum,
varicosum, ala cinctum, non dehiscens. _Semina_ aliquot solitaria.
_Willd._
Pterocarpus _Senegalensis_; foliis pinnatis, foliolis ovalibus
fructibus lunato-orbiculatis pubescentibus.
HAB. Prope Kacundy et aliis locis montanis, vulgaris. Fl. mense
Decembri.
_Arbor_ mediocris, ramis diffusis, cortice pallida.
_Folia_ pinnata, decidua, foliolis ovalibus alternis integerrimis,
glabris, superne nitidis nervosis, nervis parallelis approximatis,
petiolis partialibus brevissimis.
_Racemi_ compositi, terminales.
_Flores_ numerosi, flavi. _Pedicelli_ breves curvati, basi bractealis,
bracteis parvis lanceolatis subulatis. _Calyx_ quinquedentatus,
pubescens, basi bracteis duabus parvis subulatis munitus; dentibus
subæqualibus, duobus superioribus apice rotundatis, reliquis
acutis. _Corolla_ papilionacea, cito caduca. _Vexillum_ rotundatum
margine undulatum, basi breve unguiculatum, alis majus. _Alæ_
carina majores. _Carina_ foliolis distinctis. _Stamina_ monadelpha
tubo superne fisso, filamentis alternatim longioribus. _Antheræ_
rotundatæ, flavæ. _Pistillum_ staminum longitudine. _Germen_
subovatum, pubescens, viride. _Stylus_ filiformis, curvatus. _Stigma_
simplex.
_Legumen_ majusculum, compressum, in orbiculum curvatum, pubescens,
monospermum.
_Fig._ 1. Flowering branch, after the leaves have fallen away. _a._
the red gum flowing from the wounded part. _Fig._ 2. Leaflet of
the compound pinnated leaf. _Fig._ 3. Calyx. _Fig._ 4. Standard of
the corolla. _Fig._ 5. One of the wings. _Fig._ 6. The Keel. _Fig._
7. Bundle of Stamens. _Fig._ 8. Pistil. _Fig._ 9. Legumen. _All but
figures_ 1, 2, and 9, _more or less magnified_.
This plant loses its leaves in the month of November, and in December
the flowers appear. The tree is known amongst the inhabitants by
the name of Kari, affording one of the best kinds of Gum Kino. Where
an incision is made, the juice flows out, at first of an extremely
pale red colour, and in a very liquid state; but it soon coagulates,
becoming of a deep blood red hue, and so remarkably brittle, that
its collection is attended with some difficulty.
[Illustration: _G. Scharf Lithog:_
_Printed by C. Hullmandel._
_Pterocarpus africanus._
_London. Pubd. by J. Murray, Albemarle Stt. 1825._]
METEOROLOGICAL TABLE.—FOOTA JALLO.
+-------------+------------+------------------------------+----------+
| DATE. | | THERMOMETER FAHRENHEIT. | |
+--------+----+ PLACE. +-------+-----+----------------+ REMARKS. |
| Month. |Day.| | Fore- |Noon.| Afternoon. | |
| | | | noon. | | | |
+--------+----+------------+-------+-----+--------+-------+----------+
| | | |h. ° | ° |h. ° |h. ° | |
|February| 8 |Tingalinta |6 68 | 87 | |10 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 9 | Do. |6 66 | 98 | |9 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 10 | Do. |6 58 | 92 |3 87 |9 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 11 | Do. |6 63 | 96 | |10 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 12 |Dindilicouri|4 53 |100* |4 89 |9 70 |* In the |
| | | | | | | |sun. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 13 |Near | | |6 83 |8 71 | |
| | |Sappacourie | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 14 | Do. |4½ 58 | 99 |4 98 | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 15 |Cogan and |3 53 | 98 | |10 70 | |
| | |Serrewoomba | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 16 |Serrewoomba |6 63 | 96 | |9 73 |Noon sun |
| | | | | | | |119°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 17 | Do. |6 64 | 96 | |9 73 |Ditto |
| | | | | | | |109°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 18 |Keeling |6 64 | 96 | |8 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 19 |Ditto and |6 56 |103* | |8 70 |* Sun. |
| | |Bontong Ko | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 20 |Poosa |6 58 | 97 | |8 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 21 | Do. |5½ 53 | 97 |5 90 |10 70 |2 P.M. in |
| | | | | | | |the tent |
| | | | | | | |100°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 22 | Do. |7 68 | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 23 | Do. |6 68 | 88 |6 83 |10 71 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 24 | Do. |8 70 | 91½ | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 25 |Dunso |6 64 | 98 | |9 70 |Noon sun |
| | | | | | | |120°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 26 | | | 88 |3 94 |8 72 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 27 |Kaukeenhang |6 64 | 98 | |10 70 |A hot |
| | | | | | | |wind from |
| | | | | | | |S. at 8½ |
| | | | | | | |P.M. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 28 | |5½ 58 | |2 98 |10 70 |The same |
| | | | | | | |a little |
| | | | | | | |later. |
| | | | | | | | |
|March | 1 | |5½ 52 | 97 | |9 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 2 |Panjetta | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 3 | Do. |6 62 | 97 | |9 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 4 | Do. |6 59 | |2 98 |9 74 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 | Do. |6 58 | 96 |1 100 |9 73 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 6 | Do. |6½ 63 | 96 |2 108 |9 74 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 7 | Do. |6 58 | 96 |3 100 |8 76 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 9 | Do. |6 63 | 96 | |10 77 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 10 | Do. |5½ 59 | |2 96 |9 72 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 12 | Do. |6 67 | 98 | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 14 | Do. |5½ 58 | 96 | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 16 | Do. |6 69 | 95 |5 70 |8 68 |Rain at 5 |
| | | | | | | |P.M. fell |
| | | | | | | |from 91° |
| | | | | | | |to 70°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 17 | Do. |6½ 74 | 97 | |8 68 |Ditto |
| | | | | | | |from 4 to |
| | | | | | | |8, fell |
| | | | | | | |from 90° |
| | | | | | | |to 69°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 18 | Do. |7 70 | 92 |4 71 |9 69 |Light |
| | | | | | | |rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 19 | Do. |5 59 | 87 | |8 75 |Smart |
| | | | | | | |rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 20 | Do. |7 72 | 91 | |10 77 |Cloudy in |
| | | | | | | |the NE. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 22 | Do. |7 72 | 92 | |8 77 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 25 | Do. |6 65 | 87 |3 92 |8 82 |Thunder |
| | | | | | | |and |
| | | | | | | |lightning |
| | | | | | | |with |
| | | | | | | |heavy |
| | | | | | | |rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 28 | Do. |6 70 | 89 |3 92 |8 82 | |
| | | | | | | | |
|April | 1 | Do. |6 63 | 93 |3 93 |9 80 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 3 | Do. |6 68 | 93 |3 97 |9 78 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 | Do. |6 67 | 93 |3 96 |9 75 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 7 | Do. |6 66 | 92 |5 96 |9 77 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 11 | Do. |6 67 | 93 |3 96 |9 76 |Heavy |
| | | | | | | |clouds in |
| | | | | | | |the SE. |
| | | | | | | |with all |
| | | | | | | |appearance|
| | | | | | | |of rain. |
+--------+----+------------+-------+-----+--------+-------+----------+
METEOROLOGICAL TABLE.—KAYAYE.
+------------+------+-----------------------------+-----------------+
| DATE. | | THERMOMETER FAHRENHEIT. | |
+-------+----+PLACE.+-------+-----+---------------+ REMARKS. |
| Month.|Day.| | Fore- |Noon.| Afternoon. | |
| | | | noon. | | | |
+-------+----+------+-------+-----+--------+------+-----------------+
| | | |h. ° | ° |h. ° |h. ° | |
|March | 24 |Kayaye| | | |10 82 |Wind SW. |
| | | | | | | | atmosphere |
| | | | | | | | heavy. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 25 |Do. | | |1 103 | | NW. clear. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 26 |Do. |6 72 | 101 |6 96 | | SSE. ditto. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 27 |Do. |6 80 | 102 |6 82 | | Variable |
| | | | | | | | from SE. to |
| | | | | | | | NW. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 29 |Do. | | 92 | | | WNW. clear |
| | | | | | | | and cool. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 30 |Do. |6 71 | 81 |6 72 | | NNW. cloudy |
| | | | | | | | and cool. |
| | | | | | | | |
|April | 1 |Do. |6 70 | 87 |6 79 | | NW. hazy. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 3 |Do. |6 77 | 100 |6 81 | | NE. by E. |
| | | | | | | | very hot. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 |Do. |6 79 | 110 |5 95 |10 81 | NE. |
| | | | | | | | disagreeably|
| | | | | | | | hot and dry.|
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 6 |Do. |6 80 | 95 |3 99 |6 91 | Forenoon |
| | | | | | | | NW. after. |
| | | | | | | | NE. very |
| | | | | | | | hot. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 9 |Do. |6 80 | 109 | |6 91 | SSE. a very |
| | | | | | | | hot wind. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 11 |Do. |6 83 | 108 |6 81 |9 80 | SSE. ditto. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 13 |Do. |6 80 | 97 |6 79 | | SW. |
| | | | | | | | pleasantly |
| | | | | | | | cool. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 15 |Do. |6 79 | 99 |6 81 |8 80½| WNW. hazy. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 16 |Do. |6 80 | 101 |6 88 | | NE. by E. |
| | | | | | | | clear and |
| | | | | | | | hot. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 17 |Do. |6 85 | 102 |6 89 |10 86 | Forenoon |
| | | | | | | | NNW. after. |
| | | | | | | | NE. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 19 |Do. |6 81 | 102 |4 99 |6 80 | SSE. close |
| | | | | | | | and sultry. |
| | | | | | | | |
ON THE ROAD TO BONDOO.
+-----------+---------+-------------------------------+--------------+
| DATE. | | THERMOMETER FAHRENHEIT. | |
+------+----+ PLACE. +-------+-----+-----------------+ REMARKS. |
|Month.|Day.| | Fore- |Noon.| Afternoon. | |
| | | | noon. | | | |
+------+----+---------+-------+-----+--------+--------+--------------+
| | | |h. ° | ° |h. ° |h. ° | |
|April | 26 |Jaroomy |7 88 |93* |2 99* |6 88† |* At |
| | | | | | | |Lunain.—† At |
| | | | | | | |Coonting. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 29 |Tandi |5 83 |95* |2 99* | |* At Samu. |
| | |Cunda | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 30 |Wallia |8 90 |97 | 98 | |Heat of water |
| | |Creek | | | | |80°. |
| | | | | | | | |
|May | 4 |Madina |6 84 |100 |5 98 | |Wind ENE. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 10 |Bentangto|5 80 |101 |4 97 | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 14 |Sabee |9 94 |100 |5 90 | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 17 |Loonchea |6 78 |100 |2 99 |6 96 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 23 |Ganado |6 85 |99 |4 96 |8 80 |The first |
| | | | | | | |rain fell at |
| | | | | | | |11 P.M. on |
| | | | | | | |the 22d. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 24 |Goodeerie|6 86 |104* |3 110 |4 113 |Oppressively |
| | | | | | | |hot and |
| | | | | | | |close—* Sun. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 27 | Do. |8 90 |106 |3 106 |10 99 | |
| | | | | | | | |
|June | 1 | Do. |6 86 |91 | |6 81† |† Slight rain |
| | | | | | | |and much |
| | | | | | | |lightning. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 3 | Do. |6 87 |98 |3 97 | |A tornado and |
| | | | | | | |heavy rain at |
| | | | | | | |9 P.M. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 | Do. |5 82 |92 | |7 89 |Much thunder |
| | | | | | | |and lightning |
| | | | | | | |with rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 7 | Do. | |91 | | |Heavy tornado |
| | | | | | | |with rain at |
| | | | | | | |midnight. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 9 | Do. |8 89 |94 | |7 89 |Ditto ditto |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 12 | Do. |3 78 |90 |2 91 | |Thunder and |
| | | | | | | |rain in the |
| | | | | | | |evening. |
| | | | | | | | |
BONDOO.
+-----------+---------+-----------------------------+----------------+
| DATE. | | THERMOMETER FAHRENHEIT. | |
+------+----+ PLACE. +-------+-----+---------------+ REMARKS. |
|Month.|Day.| | Fore- |Noon.| Afternoon. | |
| | | | noon. | | | |
+------+----+---------+-------+-----+-------+-------+----------------+
| | | |h. ° | ° |h. ° |h. ° | |
|June | 14 |Goodeerie|6 88 | 100 | |7 80 |Extremely close |
| | | | | | | |and sultry. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 19 |On the |6 95 | 101 | |9 90 |Tornado and |
| | |march | | | | |heavy rain at |
| | | | | | | |night. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 21 |Boolibany|9 88 | 100 |6 96 | |A tornado and |
| | | | | | | |rain at 9 P.M. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 23 | Do. |7 82 | 90 |2 98 | |Ditto ditto at |
| | | | | | | |7 A.M. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 26 | Do. |10 87 | 96 |2 96 |11 82 |Wind NW. cool |
| | | | | | | |and clear. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 27 | Do. |7 88 | 98 |4 96 |7 89 |Cloudy, |
| | | | | | | |thunder, and |
| | | | | | | |rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 29 | Do. |3 84 | 84 |2 88 | |A heavy tornado |
| | | | | | | |and rain at 3 |
| | | | | | | |A.M. from NE. |
| | | | | | | | |
|July | 2 |Samba | | 92 |5 88 |8 86 |Light clouds, |
| | |Contaye | | | | |appearance of |
| | | | | | | |rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 | Do. |5 85 | 99 |2 98 |6 90 |Cloudy and rain.|
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 7 | Do. | | 86 |4 88 |8 76 |Wind NW. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 10 | Do. |6 88 | 94 | |8 84 |Rain and |
| | | | | | | |tornado. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 15 | Do. |6 89 | 90 |2 90 |8 84 |Rain all day. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 20 | Do. |7 89 | 90 | |7 87 |Rain afternoon. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 24 | Do. |6 87 | 100 | |8 84 |Light rain all |
| | | | | | | |day. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 26 | Do. |8 90 | 97 | |8 80 |A violent |
| | | | | | | |tornado at |
| | | | | | | |night. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 29 | Do. |6 85 | 98 | |8 80 |Much heavy rain.|
| | | | | | | | |
|August| 1 | Do. | | 97 | |8 70 |Slight rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 3 | Do. |6 74 | 82 | |8 72 |Ditto all day. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 4 | Do. |6 73 | 83 | |6 80 |Ditto. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 | Do. |6 70 | 80 | |8 73 |A heavy tornado.|
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 6 | Do. |6 71 | 86 | |8 80 |Light rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 7 | Do. |6 71 | 82 |3 85 |8 80 |Ditto. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 10 | Do. |6 72 | 79 |4 85 |8 78 |Nearly calm. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 11 | Do. |6 73 | 84 | |8 77 |Rain at 8 P.M. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 14 | Do. |6 75 | 87 | |8 79 |Much rain. |
+------+----+---------+-------+-----+-------+-------+----------------+
METEOROLOGICAL JOURNAL, BONDOO, 1818.
+--------------+--------------------+--------------------+-----------+
| DATE. | THERM. FAHRENHEIT, | STATE OF THE | |
| | IN THE SHADE, | ATMOSPHERE. | |
+---------+----+----+-----+----+----+---------+----------+ REMARKS. |
| Month. |Day.| 6 |Noon.| 3 | 8 |Forenoon.|Afternoon.| |
| | |A.M.| |P.M.|P.M.| | | |
+---------+----+----+-----+----+----+---------+----------+-----------+
| | | ° | ° | ° | ° | | | |
|August | 16| 76 | 85 |87½ | 85 | Cloudy. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 17| 77 | 85 | 88 | 84 | Do.* | Rain. | * |
| | | | | | | | |Accompanied|
| | | | | | | | | by a |
| | | | | | | | | tornado. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 18| 75 | 79 | 81 | 85 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 19| 78 | 85 | 84 | 78 | Rain*. | Do. | * Very |
| | | | | | | | | heavy. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 20| 73 | 77 | 86 | 80 | Do. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 21| 74 | 84 | 83 | 82 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 22| 77 | 83 | 88 | 79 | Rain*. | Cloudy. | * |
| | | | | | | | |Accompanied|
| | | | | | | | |by tornado.|
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 23| 76 | 85 | 87 | 84 | Cloudy. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 24| 70 | 80 | 87 | 80 | Rain*. | Cloudy. | * Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 25| 73 | 82 | 86 | 85 | Cloudy. | Rain†. | † Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 26| 71 | 82 | 85 | 87 | Do. | Do. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 27| 74 | 85 | 85 | 88 | Do. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 28| 72 | 85 | 85 | 84 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 29| 79 | 81 | 86 | 83 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 30| 79 | 84 | 86 | 80 | Rain*. | Do. | * Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 31| 76 | 82 | 88 | 80 | Haze. | Rain†. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
|September| 1| 70 | 81 |88½ | 83 | Rain*. | Do. | * |
| | | | | | | | |Accompanied|
| | | | | | | | | by a |
| | | | | | | | | tornado. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 2| 75 | 80 | 79 | 76 | Rain. | Rain. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 3| 74 | 77 | 86 | 76 | Do. | Do. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 4| 78 | 80 | 83 | 77 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 5|78½ | 84 | 85 | 82 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 6| 73 | 79 | 81 | 70 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 7| 77 | 84 | 87 | 82 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 8| 76 | 82 | 88 | 80 | Cloudy. | Rain†. | † Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 9| 75 | 82 | 84 | 81 | Clear. | Do. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 10| 77 | 82 |87½ | 85 | Rain. | Do. | Heavy, |
| | | | | | | | | with |
| | | | | | | | | tornado. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 11| 71 | 77 | 79 | 74 | Do. | Cloudy. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 12| 75 | 80 | 83 | 78 | Cloudy. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 13| 72 | 80 | 86 | 83 | Rain. | Do. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 14| 78 | 71 | 75 | 72 | Do. | Rain. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 15| 75 | 80 | 85 | 81 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 16| 74 | 81 | 86 | 82 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 17| 75 | 69 | 71 |73½ | Rain. | Rain. | Heavy. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 18| 71 | 73 | 75 | 82 | Do. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 19| 72 | 84 | 85 | 80 | Cloudy. | Rain. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 20| 73 | 85 | 91 | 94 | Haze. | Do. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 21| 73 | 79 | 83 | 74 | Rain. | Rain. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 22| 70 | 81 | 82 | 80 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 23| 73 | 83 | 91 | 88 | Clear. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 24| 76 | 86 | 88 | 89 | Haze. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 25| 70 | 79 | 83 | 80 | Rain. | Rain. | Heavy. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 26| 74 | 86 | 90 | 86 | Do. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 27| 74 | 80 | 85 | 84 | Clear. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 28| 75 | 82 | 84 | 80 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 29| 72 | 80 | 83 | 82 | Cloudy. | Rain. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 30| 73 | 83 | 84 | 83 | Rain. | Clear. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
|October | 1| 74 | 80 | 85 | 83 | Cloudy. | Rain. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 2| 71 | 80 | 82 | 83 | Rain. | Clear. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 3| 73 | 86 | 88 | 86 | Clear. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 4| 75 | 82 | 87 | 89 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 5| 70 | 78 | 84 | 85 | Cloudy. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 6| 72 | 86 | 90 | 87 | Do. | Rain. | Heavy. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 7| 74 | 81 | 84 | 80 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 8| 77 | 85 | 89 | 87 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 9| 80 | 88 | 92 | 89 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 10| 78 | 84 | 91 | 89 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 11| 79 | 87 | 90 | 88 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 12| 77 | 87 | 90 | 86 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 13| 78 | 89 | 90 | 87 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 14| 78 | 87 | 91 | 87 | Do. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 15| 80 | 88 | 90 | 86 | Cloudy. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 16| 78 | 87 | 89 | 88 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 17| 79 | 91 | 94 | 89 | Rain. | Rain. | Heavy. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 18| 77 | 90 | 92 | 87 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 19| 72 | 87 | 90 | 89 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 20| 74 | 89 | 93 | 90 | Do. | Hazy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 21| 75 | 88 | 92 | 91 | Hazy. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 22| 74 | 89 | 96 | 97 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 23| 79 | 90 | 95 | 54 | | | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 24| 79 | 91 | 93 | 90 |Dark and | Dark and | |
| | | | | | | hazy. | hazy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 25| 74 | 89 | 94 | 90 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | cloudy. | cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 26| 77 | 90 | 94 | 87 | Cloudy, | Cloudy | Slight. |
| | | | | | | rain. |and rain. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 27| 78 | 91 | 95 | 95 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 28| 75 | 90 | 94 | 91 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 29| 72 | 86 | 92 | 90 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 30| 73 | 87 | 93 | 86 | Do. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 31| 71 | 86 | 89 | 88 | Cloudy. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
|November | 1| 68 | 79 | 84 | 86 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 2| 67 | 84 | 90 | 86 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 3| 71 | 90 | 94 | 89 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 4| 70 | 90 | 95 | 90 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 5| 72 | 90 | 96 | 90 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 6| 70 | 97 | 90 | 87 | Do. | Do. } Winds |
| | | | | | | | } from SW. |
| — | 7| 70 | 90 | 90 | 85 | Do. | Do. } to W. |
| | | | | | | | } and NW. |
| — | 8| 71 | 92 | 92 | 83 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 9| 71 | 93 | 94 | 84 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 10| 70 | 90 | 92 | 87 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 11| 71 | 92 | 94 | 86 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 12| 71 | 92 | 93 | 85 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 13| 70 | 90 | 94 | 87 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 14| 71 | 89 | 92 | 89 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 15| 70 | 89 | 94 | 89 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 16| 70 | 88 | 92 | 89 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 17| 70 | 88 | 90 | 86 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 18| 70 | 89 | 90 | 84 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 19| 72 | 89 | 90 | 83 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 20| 71 | 88 | 89 | 82 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 21| 71 | 88 | 88 | 83 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 22| 72 | 89 | 87 | 82 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 23| 70 | 87 | 87 | 81 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 24| 71 | 86 | 87 | 82 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } Winds NE.|
| — | 25| 70 | 87 | 88 | 80 | Do. | Do. } and E. |
| | | | | | | | } occasion-|
| — | 26| 70 | 85 | 86 | 80 | Clear. | Clear. } ally NNW.|
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 27| 70 | 86 | 85 | 80 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 28| 71 | 88 | 87 | 79 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 29| 70 | 86 | 84 | 78 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 30| 71 | 87 | 86 | 78 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
|December | 1| 70 | 86 | 84 | 77 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 2| 71 | 85 | 84 | 78 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 3| 70 | 87 | 85 | 79 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 4| 69 | 84 | 84 | 74 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 5| 69 | 86 | 84 | 73 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 6| 70 | 86 | 86 | 75 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 7| 70 | 87 | 86 | 74 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 8| 69 | 86 | 85 | 72 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 9| 69 | 87 | 85 | 70 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 10| 68 | 88 | 87 | 71 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 11| 70 | 88 | 86 | 70 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 12| 69 | 86 | 84 | 69 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 13| 70 | 86 | 85 | 69 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } Winds N. |
| — | 14| 71 | 86 | 84 | 68 | Do. | Do. }to NE. and|
| | | | | | | | } E., occa-|
| — | 15| 69 | 86 | 84 | 65 | Do. | Do. } sionally |
| | | | | | | | } NNW. |
| — | 16| 70 | 88 | 87 | 66 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 17| 68 | 85 | 85 | 64 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 18| 68 | 85 | 84 | 65 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 19| 68 | 86 | 84 | 65 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 20| 69 | 87 | 87 | 68 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 21| 69 | 87 | 87 | 68 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 22| 70 | 87 | 87 | 66 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 23| 69 | 86 | 86 | 64 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 24| 70 | 84 | 84 | 66 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 25| 70 | 86 | 85 | 63 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 26| 69 | 85 | 84 | 64 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 27| 69 | 85 | 85 | 64 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 28| 70 | 85 | 84 | 65 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 29| 69 | 85 | 84 | 65 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 30| 69 | 85 | 85 | 64 | Do. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 31| 68 | 84 | 84 | 62 | Clear. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| 1819. | | | | | | | } |
|January | 1| 68 | 84 | 83 | 62 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | }Winds from|
| — | 2| 69 | 85 | 84 | 64 | Do. | Do. } N. to E. |
| | | | | | | | } occasion-|
| — | 3| 69 | 86 | 85 | 64 | Do. | Do. } ally NW. |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 4| 70 | 87 | 87 | 66 | Do. | Do. }The only |
| | | | | | | | }thermometer|
| — | 5| 70 | 88 | 87 | 65 | Do. | Do. }I had, was|
| | | | | | | | }broken in |
| — | 6| 69 | 86 | 86 | 62 | Do. | Do. }moving to |
| | | | | | | | }Boolibany,|
| — | 7| 69 | 86 | 85 | 61 | Do. | Do. } and I was|
| | | | | | | | } unable to|
| — | 8| 69 | 86 | 84 | 61 | Do. | Do. } procure |
| | | | | | | | } another, |
| — | 9| 70 | 86 | 86 | 63 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. }the French|
| | | | | | | | } officers |
| — | 10| 70 | 87 | 87 | 64 | Do. | Do. } at Galam |
| | | | | | | | } having |
| — | 11| 70 | 87 | 87 | 64 | Clear. | Clear. } but one. |
+---------+----+----+-----+----+----+---------+----------+-----------+
METEOROLOGICAL TABLE.—GALAM.
+---------+--------+------------------+---------------+--------------+
| | | GREATEST AVERAGE | GREATEST | |
| MONTH. | PLACE. | HEIGHT.—REAUMUR. | AVERAGE FALL | REMARKS. |
| | +------------+-----+----------+----+ |
| | | Hour. | Deg.| Hour. |Deg.| |
+---------+--------+------------+-----+----------+----+--------------+
| 1819. | | | | | | |
|July |Baquelle| 3 P.M. | 29 | 4 A.M. | 18 |There were |
| | | | | | | eight days’ |
| | | | | | | rain, |
| | | | | | | accompanied |
| | | | | | | by tornados; |
| | | | | | | the winds |
| | | | | | | (with only |
| | | | | | | two days’ |
| | | | | | | variation) |
| | | | | | | were SE. and |
| | | | | | | S. |
| | | | | | | |
|August | Do. | 3 P.M. | 26½ | 3 A.M. | 17 |Nine days’ |
| | | | | | | rain, only |
| | | | | | | one tornado, |
| | | | | | | on the |
| | | | | | | 2d; winds |
| | | | | | | variable |
| | | | | | | from S. to |
| | | | | | | NW., and one |
| | | | | | | day NNW. |
| | | | | | | |
|September| Do. | 3 P.M. | 26 | When | 17 |Sixteen days’ |
| | | | | raining. | | rain, six |
| | | | | | | tornados, |
| | | | | | | wind |
| | | | | | | variable |
| | | | | | | from E. to |
| | | | | | | S. and W. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|October | Do. | { } | 29 | 4 A.M. | 18 |Three days’ |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | rain, two |
| | | | | | | tornados |
| | | | | | | without |
| | | | | | | rain, wind |
| | | | | | | variable, |
| | | | | | | mostly |
| | | | | | | easterly. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|November | Do. |*{ } | 28 | 4 A.M. | 17 |No rain or |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | tornado, |
| | | | | | | wind chiefly |
| | | | | | | easterly, |
| | | | | | | with a few |
| | | | | | | variations |
| | | | | | | to the N. |
| | | | | | | and W. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|December | Do. |†{ } | 27 | 4 A.M. | 13 |Wind from N. |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | to E. On the |
| | | | | | | 25th at 5 |
| | | | | | | A.M. 12°. |
| | | | | | | |
| 1820. | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|January | Do. |†{ } | 26½ | 4 A.M. | 14 |Same wind as |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | December, |
| | | | | | | with |
| | | | | | | occasional |
| | | | | | | changes to |
| | | | | | | NW. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|February | Do. |†{ } | 28 | 5 A.M. | 14 |Fine clear |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | weather, |
| | | | | | | very hot, |
| | | | | | | with |
| | | | | | | occasional |
| | | | | | | W. winds. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|March | Do. |†{ } | 31 | 5 A.M. | 15 |Strong E. |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | wind, |
| | | | | | | variable to |
| | | | | | | N. One day |
| | | | | | | therm. stood |
| | | | | | | an hour at |
| | | | | | | 34°. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|April | Do. |†{ } | 32 | 5 A.M. | 16 |Strong N. and |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | E. winds. |
| | | | | | | Therm. |
| | | | | | | varied from |
| | | | | | | 23° to 35°. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|May | Do. |†{ } | 33 | 4 A.M. | 17 |A tornado |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | without rain |
| | | | | | | on the 10th; |
| | | | | | | wind from S. |
| | | | | | | to E. and |
| | | | | | | W.; three |
| | | | | | | days’ slight |
| | | | | | | showers. |
| | | | | | | |
|June | Do. | †3 P.M. | 32 | 4 A.M. | 16 |Winds |
| | | | | | | variable |
| | | | | | | in every |
| | | | | | | direction; |
| | | | | | | five |
| | | | | | | tornados, |
| | | | | | | and six |
| | | | | | | days’ rain. |
| | | | | | | |
+---------+--------+------------+-----+----------+----+--------------+
| * The east wind during the day, gave a rise of from 3° to 4°. |
| |
| Do. Do. the night, a fall of from 6° to 7°. |
| |
| During those months, the east wind, which is very hot in the day |
| and cool at night, and until sunrise, is often succeeded by |
| pleasant breezes from the west. |
| |
| The river, which commences rising in the first week of June, |
| reaches 40 feet above its lowest level, and, in 1820, began to fall|
| again about the middle of September. |
| |
| † _Ut suprà_, p. 412, _in notis_. |
+--------------------------------------------------------------------+
G. WOODFALL, ANGEL COURT, SKINNER STREET, LONDON.
Transcriber's note:
The changes indicated in the Errata have been done.
pg xii Changed: Visit to Katoha to: Katoba
caption of plate 1 Changed: TALABUUCHIA to: TALABUNCHIA
pg 13 (footnote 3) Changed: Diudilicouric to: Diudilicourie
pg 43 Changed: Visit to Katoha to: Katoba
pg 94 Changed: through the Simbarri Woods to: Simbani
pg 94 Changed: Arrive at Sausanding to: Sansanding
pg 94 Changed: in the Simbarri woods to: Simbani
pg 113 Changed: Sanda himself to: Saada
pg 132 Changed: almos the whole to: almost
pg 142 Changed: more vere fast to: were
pg 278 Changed: Touca of Tuabo to: Tonca
pg 281 Changed: nominating a new Touca to: Tonca
pg 309 Changed: answers by which time to: answers (by which time
pg 375 Changed: ARTICLE VII.—See Page 223 to: ARTICLE VIII
pg 392 Changed: sqamulis decem to: squamulis
pg 393 Changed _stylus_ fiiliformis to: filiformis
Botanical drawings moved from: after pg 396 to: next to each
species description
Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.
Other spelling errors or inconsistencies have been left unchanged.