turned to important conquests, engaged in this affair with more
eagerness than prudence, and instantly determined on marching in person
to Morocco. He treated the Moorish king in the most distinguished
manner, and promised to reinstate him in his dominions at the head of
the whole army of Portugal. He, indeed, flattered himself with shortly
hoisting the banner of the cross on all the mosques in Morocco; and it
was in vain the most prudent members of his council used every
persuasive argument to dissuade him from so precipitate a measure. His
courage, his Christian zeal, the presumption natural to youth, and
frequently the companion of royalty, joined to the voice of flattery, so
constantly heard in a court, made him regard this victory as easy as
glorious. Thus obstinate in his opinions, and convinced of his superior
abilities, as if sovereign knowledge must necessarily attend on
sovereign power, he refused listening to the voice of his ministers and
council, he crossed the sea, and undertook with an army of scarcely
thirteen thousand men, to dethrone a powerful monarch, esteemed the
greatest general in Africa.
Moluc being informed of the designs and landing of the king of Portugal,
waited his arrival at the head of his whole army. His cavalry consisted
of forty thousand, most of whom were old and experienced soldiers, even
still more formidable from the conduct and capacity of their leader,
than from their personal valour. As to the infantry, it was only
composed of ten thousand regular troops; and he placed very little
dependance on the crowds of Arabs and militia which had hastened to his
assistance. These, indeed, were much more inclined to pillage than
conquer, and were always ready to fly or to declare in favour of the
victorious party. Moluc, however, employed these troops to harrass the
Christian army, and being spread throughout the country, they were
constantly skirmishing in sight of the camp. They had secret orders to
fly from the Portugueze; with a view of drawing them from their
intrenchments on the sea-shore, and at the same time keeping up the
blind confidence of don Sebastian by affected marks of fear. That
prince, more brave than prudent, daily perceiving the Moors unable to
stand before his troops, commanded them to quit their intrenchments, and
marched against Moluc with the certainty of success. The barbarian
monarch seemed at first to retreat, as wishing to avoid a decisive
battle; few of his troops appeared in sight, and he even made different
proposals to don Sebastian, as if he mistrusted his forces and feared
for the event of the war. The king of Portugal, from the idea that the
difficulty consisted, not in conquering, but in coming up, to the enemy,
continued the pursuit. But no sooner did Moluc perceive the Portugueze
sufficiently distant from the shore, and consequently from their fleet,
than he collected his army in the plain, and formed his cavalry in the
form of a crescent to enclose the whole of the Christian forces. His
brother Hamet commanded this corps; but having no great idea of his
courage, he took care to inform him, that he owed this distinction to
his rank alone, assuring him at the same time, that should he be
cowardly enough to fly, he would strangle him with his own hands, and
that he had no choice left but conquest or death. The state of his own
health was such, and his weakness was so great from the effects of his
long consuming illness, that he expected every moment to be his last; he
therefore determined that the day of his death should be the most
glorious of his existence. He himself arranged the order of battle, and
gave his commands with as much clearness and presence of mind as if in
perfect health. He even looked forward to the events which would
probably take place after his death, and gave particular orders to the
officers around him, that should it happen during the heat of the
combat, the news should not be suffered to transpire; that to keep up
the confidence of his soldiers, his aid-de-camp should approach his
litter as usual, and appear to take orders as if he was still in
existence. Such courage and magnanimity can never be sufficiently
admired. It seems, indeed, that this barbarian prince had so arranged
his designs, and given his orders in his last moments, that even death
itself could not rob him of victory. After having taken these measures,
he was carried through the ranks, where his presence, gestures, and
discourse, all tended to exhort the Moors to fight for the defence of
their religion and country.
The battle commenced on each side by a discharge of cannon, when the two
armies moved forward and charged furiously. Presently the combat became
general, and the Moorish infantry, principally composed, as has been
already mentioned, of Alarbs and other vagrants, easily gave way to the
Portugueze, whose courage was animated by the presence of their king.
The duke d'Aveiro even succeeded in driving back a corps of cavalry to
the quarters of the king of Morocco; who, on perceiving his soldiers in
confusion, and shamefully flying, jumped from his litter, and burning
with rage and indignation, decided, though almost in the agonies of
death, to drive them back to the charge, his officers vainly opposed his
design, and he forced a passage through the ranks with his sword; but
this effort entirely exhausted his little remaining strength, and he
fainted in the arms of his equerries, who bore him back to his litter;
when, putting his finger on his mouth to enjoin secrecy, he immediately
expired; but though his death was so sudden, that there was no time to
convey him to his tent, both armies remained ignorant of his fate.
Hitherto success seemed to attend the Christians; but the Moorish
cavalry having formed a large circle, drew together by degrees, and
closing their ranks, entirely surrounded don Sebastian's little army.
The Moorish cavalry then proceeded to charge the Portugueze cavalry on
every side, whilst the latter, overpowered by numbers, fell back on the
infantry, and falling amongst them, overwhelmed the whole with confusion
and dismay. The infidels immediately took advantage of the open and
disordered state of the battalions, and rushing amongst them with their
scymitars, easily obtained a complete victory over troops already more
than half subdued by astonishment and terror. The field of battle then
became a scene of slaughter; nothing but carnage presented itself on
every side; wretches on their knees begging for life, whilst others
sought their safety in flight, but, so hemmed in were they, that it was
impossible to escape, and death attended them from every quarter. The
rash Sebastian fell a victim to his imprudence: but whether from
ignorance of his rank he was killed in the general flight, or whether he
sought death sooner than survive the numerous persons of distinction
murdered by the Moors, whom he had himself led to destruction, has never
been ascertained. Muley Mahamat, the original author of the war,
endeavoured to save himself by flight, but was drowned in passing the
river Mucazen. Thus perished, in one fatal day, three great princes.
Their deaths indeed were different, Moluc losing his life by illness,
Mahamet by water, and Sebastian by the fate of arms[6].
Sebastian was succeeded on the throne of Portugal by his great uncle
cardinal don Henry, the brother of his grandfather, John the IIId, and
the son of king Emmanuel. But this prince being a priest, in an infirm
state of health, and more than sixty-seven years of age, all those who
had any pretensions to the crown, regarded him merely as the guardian
of their rights, each individual therefore endeavoured to prepossess him
in his or her favour.
The candidates on this occasion were numerous, and the greatest part
were descendants, though in different degrees, from king Emmanuel,
Philip the IId, king of Spain, Catherine of Portugal, the wife of don
Jacques, duke of Braganza, the duke of Savoy, the duke of Parma, and
Anthony, knight of Malta, and grand prior of Crato, were all equally
solicitous to bring forward and establish their pretensions. Different
publications appeared in the name of these princes, and the civilians
employed in the cause, endeavoured to regulate the order of succession
in favour of their respective clients.
Philip the IId, was son to the infanta Isabella, the eldest daughter of
Emmanuel. The duchess of Braganza was descended from don Edward, son of
the same Emmanuel. The duke of Savoy was the son of princess Beatrix,
the empress's sister. The mother of the duke of Parma was Mary of
Portugal, daughter of prince Edward, and the eldest sister of the
duchess of Braganza. The grand prior was a natural son of don Louis de
Beja (second son of Emmanuel,) and Violante de Gomez, surnamed the
_Pelican_, one of the most beautiful women of the age she lived in, and
to whom, Anthony affirmed, his father was secretly married. Catherine de
Medicis also entered the lists, and grounded her pretensions to the
crown on being descended from Alphonso the IIId, king of Portugal, and
Mathilda, countess of Boulogne.
Even the pope himself endeavoured to reap some benefit from the king's
being a cardinal, as if the crown in that case must necessarily be
guarded as a benefice devolving on the court of Rome.
These foreign claimants were not very formidable, the greater part being
not in a situation to support their pretensions. The succession
therefore laid principally betwixt the king of Spain, and the duchess of
Braganza. The latter was greatly beloved; and her husband, though not in
a direct line, was descended from the kings of Portugal. She, however,
claimed the crown in her own person, being born a Portugueze, and all
foreign princes, as mentioned in the beginning of this work, being
excluded from the dignity of king, by the fundamental laws of the
nation. Philip agreed to this principle, as far as it tended to the
exclusion of the dukes of Savoy and Parma; but he would never accede to
a king of Spain being deemed a foreigner in Portugal, particularly as
this small kingdom had been more than once subject to the kings of
Castille. Each party had it separate supporters. The cardinal king was
beset with constant solicitations; but he could not venture to decide in
an affair of such importance; neither was he too well pleased with
hearing eternally of his successor. He was desirous of living long, and
reigning quietly: he therefore referred the discussion of the
candidates' claims to a junta, who was not to decide the succession till
after his demise.
The death of this prince, who only enjoyed the regal dignity seventeen
months, involved the country in disputes and confusion. The friends of
the different claimants were warm in their exertions in their favour;
even the most indifferent felt anxious for the decision of the junta
appointed by his late majesty in his last will and testament. In the
mean time, Philip the IId, well aware that causes of such importance
were not terminated by the opinions of civilians, sent a powerful army
into Portugal: this was commanded by the celebrated duke of Alba, who
presently decided the affair, in his master's favour.
It does not appear in history that the duke of Braganza took up arms to
support his claims to the crown. The grand prior alone employed every
possible means to oppose the Castillians; he had been proclaimed king by
the populace, and took the title, as if it had been bestowed on him by
the states general of the nation. His friends raised a military force in
his behalf, but it was presently cut to pieces by the duke of Alba: the
superior skill, indeed, of the Spanish general, surmounted every
obstacle; and the Portugueze, disunited among themselves, without
generals to command them, destitute of regular troops, and with nothing
to support their courage but their natural animosity to the Castillians,
were defeated on many different occasions. The greater part of the
cities and towns entered into separate treaties, from the dread of being
given up to plunder. Philip was acknowledged legitimate sovereign, and
took possession of the kingdom as great nephew and heir of the deceased
king; he, however, regarded the right of conquest as his securest title,
and both he and his successors regulated their conduct on the same
principle, since Philip the IIId, and Philip the IVth, his son and
grandson always treated the Portugueze much more as a conquered people,
than as natural subjects. This kingdom therefore became, as formerly, a
mere province of Spain; and that without the Portugueze ever being in a
situation even to attempt freeing themselves from the Castillian yoke.
The grandees of the nation never ventured to appear with a magnificence
suitable to the dignity of their birth, lest they should excite
suspicion in the breast of the Spanish ministers; since, at that epoch,
riches, birth, or superior merit, were sure to entail mistrust and
persecution on their possessors. The nobility might be said to be
confined in their country houses, whilst the people were oppressed by
taxes.
The count-duke d'Olivares, prime minster to Philip the IVth, king of
Spain, was of opinion, that newly conquered countries could never be too
completely reduced: he was very well aware, that notwithstanding all his
efforts, the old and natural antipathy between the nations was such,
that the Spanish dominion must ever be odious to the Portugueze, who
could never behold, without indignation, important posts and governments
filled either by foreigners, or by men raised from the lowest
situations, whose only merit consisted in being entirely subservient and
devoted to the court. The count-duke therefore thought he could not
more effectually secure the authority of his sovereign, than by
preventing the nobility from taking any share in public affairs, and so
completely impoverishing the people that they could have neither the
courage nor the power to take any steps towards a change of situation:
he also took care to employ all the younger part of the nation, and
indeed all others capable of bearing arms, in foreign service, and that
from the politic motive of removing dissatisfied and turbulent spirits,
lest they should be tempted to disturb the peace of the government.
This plan, if followed to a certain degree, might probably have
succeeded, but the state of affairs at the court of Spain, and the
severe and inflexible disposition of the prime minister having carried
matters too far, it produced a contrary effect. They no longer kept any
terms with the Portugueze, and did not even condescend to make use of
the usual pretences to extort money from the people, but enforced
payment more in the style of contributions from a conquered enemy, than
taxes lawfully levied from faithful subjects. The Portugueze therefore,
having nothing more to lose, and perceiving no hopes of either ending or
mitigating the misery of their situation, without a change of
government, began to reflect on means of freeing themselves from a
dominion, which always appeared unjust, and was now become tyrannical
and intolerable.
Margaret of Savoy, duchess of Mantua, was at that time governess of
Portugal, but though dignified with the title of vice-queen, her power
was very limited; and the secrets of the state, with indeed an almost
unbounded authority, were entrusted to Michel de Vasconcellos, a
Portugueze, who, though entitled secretary of state to the vice-queen,
was in reality an absolute and independant minister. This man received
his instructions directly from the count-duke, whose creature he was,
and to whom he had made himself not only agreeable, but necessary, by
skilfully obtaining frequent and considerable supplies of money from
Portugal; and by a spirit of intrigue, which facilitated the execution
of his most secret intentions, he also created dissensions amongst the
nobility, which he artfully fomented by affecting to shew particular
marks of favour to one party, to which such distinctions were still more
grateful from the resentment and jealousy it caused in the other. Such
divisions amongst the first families of the nation, were calculated to
ensure the safety and quiet of the minister, who had good reason to
believe, that whilst the heads of those families were employed in
planning schemes of private revenge, they would never be tempted to
undertake any thing inimical to the government. The duke of Braganza
alone, throughout the whole of Portugal, was in a situation to cause the
Spaniards the smallest uneasiness. This prince was of a mild and amiable
disposition, but rather inclined to indolence; his understanding was
more solid than lively; in business he constantly attended to the main
point, and presently made himself acquainted with every thing that he
thought worth the pains of acquiring, though in general he was an enemy
to application. His father, don Theodorius, on the contrary, was
impetuous and fiery, and had left no means untried to transmit to his
son his natural antipathy to the Spaniards; whom he always regarded as
usurpers of a crown which properly belonged to himself: he therefore
endeavoured to inspire the young prince, not only with sufficient
ambition to desire the possession of that crown, but with spirit and
courage to undertake so great and dangerous an enterprize. Don John,
indeed, had imbibed all the sentiments of his father, but tempered by
the natural gentleness and moderation of his character, he undoubtedly
detested the Spaniards, though not sufficiently to induce him to make
any great exertions to punish their injustice. He was not devoid of
ambition, and always cherished hopes of one day filling the throne of
his ancestors; he, however, waited that event much more patiently than
his father, and, though decided not to lose sight of so important an
object, he was careful how he risked the loss of a most delightful
existence and the possession of immense riches, for the uncertain
prospect of a crown. This conduct, though very different from the views
of don Theodorius, was the most prudent; for had he pursued the plans of
his father, his designs would certainly have been frustrated. The
count-duke watched him so narrowly, that had his inactivity and love of
pleasure been merely a mask to cover deeper views, he would presently
have been discovered, and his fortune ruined for ever; for it never
could be supposed the court of Spain would have suffered so powerful an
enemy to remain quietly in the bosom of his country.
The most refined politician could not have acted more prudently in
regard to the Spaniards, than don John; and this, merely by following
the bent of his own inclinations. He was, indeed, perfectly convinced,
that though his birth, riches, and claims to the crown, could not justly
be imputed to him as crimes, they would be esteemed as such by political
judges, in whose eyes the most powerful must ever be the most criminal.
He therefore decided on adopting a line of conduct which should banish
all suspicion from the breasts of the Spaniards: fortunately this plan
was not only the most prudent, but the most agreeable to his feelings;
which led him to avoid entering into public affairs, and devoting
himself entirely to pleasure. Villa Vicosa, the usual residence of the
dukes of Braganza, became the seat of every social amusement; the hours
were passed in sporting and feasting, and the society composed of people
whose taste led them to enjoy the pleasures of the country, whilst they
diffused mirth and happiness to all around. Thus nature and fortune
conspired to favour don John; the first endowed him with qualities
suitable to the temper of the times, whilst the latter enabled him to
employ those qualities to the greatest advantage; though not
sufficiently brilliant to alarm the Spaniards with the idea of his one
day attempting the throne, they were solid enough to make the Portugueze
look forward to a mild, wise, and just government, should they
themselves be induced to rise up in his favour.
Notwithstanding the uniform prudence of his conduct, an affair
afterwards took place which made him in some degree suspected by the
prime minister, though don John had not the smallest share in the
business. The people of Evora, made desperate by fresh taxes, rose in
arms, and in the fury of seditious rage, some of the most violent
declaimed against the tyranny of the Spaniards, and publicly breathed
forth wishes in favour of the house of Braganza. It was then perceived,
but too late, how greatly Philip the IId. had erred, in permitting so
rich and powerful a family to remain in a newly conquered country, over
which their right of reigning was but too clearly proved. So
circumstanced, the Spanish council decided on removing the duke of
Braganza from the kingdom; he was accordingly offered the government of
the Milaneze, which he refused, alledging that neither his health, nor
his acquaintance with Italian affairs, would allow of his accepting so
important and difficult an appointment. The minister appeared to
acquiesce in these reasons, whilst he endeavoured to hit upon another
method to engage him to visit the court. The king's projected journey to
the frontiers of Arragon, to punish the rebellious Catalonians, was a
plausible pretence for his joining the party; he therefore wrote
earnestly to exhort him to join the Castillian troops at the head of the
nobility of his country in an expedition which must end gloriously, and
in which the king commanded in person. The prime minister, with a view
of weakening the power of the Portugueze nobles, had already published
an edict of Philip the IVth, commanding all hidalgos to repair
immediately to the army raised against the Catalonians, on pain of
losing their fiefs dependant on the crown; he therefore hoped, that the
duke of Braganza, as hereditary constable of Portugal, could not be
dispensed from marching on the occasion. The duke, however, mistrusting
all propositions on the part of the court, and seeing through the
artifice of its proceedings, entreated the minister to induce the king
to accept his excuses, on account of the enormous expences which must be
incurred by a person of his dignity, and which he declared he was
entirely unable to support.
Such repeated refusals began to alarm the minister; he was, indeed,
perfectly well acquainted with the mild and peaceable disposition of the
duke, yet he could not help fearing, that his claims to the throne
having been forcibly held up to his view, the temptation of reigning
might in the end have surmounted the natural indolence of his character.
Securing the person of the duke was an object of so very great
importance to the king his master, that he was determined on using all
possible means to succeed in his design; but so great was the attachment
of the Portugueze to the family of Braganza, that open force could not
be attempted; he therefore sought to seduce him by the most flattering
caresses, and to draw him from his retreat by professions of the
sincerest friendship, and marks of unlimited confidence.