having appeared off the coast of Portugal, the minister thought it a
favourable opportunity for the execution of his plan. A general being
necessary to command the Portugueze troops dispatched to prevent the
French from landing on the coast, Olivarez conferred this appointment on
the duke of Braganza, with full power to fortify towns, increase or
remove garrisons, dispose of vessels in all the different ports, and, in
short, to act as if the whole kingdom of Portugal was subjected to his
authority alone. In the mean time, he sent secret orders to don Lopez
Ozorio, who commanded the Spanish fleet, to put into the same port as
don John, on pretence of distress of weather; and having induced the
latter to accept an entertainment on board, to weigh anchor, and make
sail immediately for Spain. Fortune, however, did not smile on the
minister; for the Spanish admiral being overtaken by a violent tempest,
which destroyed some of his vessels, and dispersed the rest, found it
impossible to approach the coast of Portugal. These different
disappointments did not, however, discourage the count-duke; who
attributed to chance alone the failure of his plan; since, had don Lopez
once entered the port, don John must inevitably have been taken. Another
scheme soon presented itself to the artful minister, who wrote to the
prince in the most affectionate and confidential terms: he even appeared
to regard him as a coadjutor in the ministry and government of the
state; deploring the misfortune befallen the Spanish fleet at a moment
when the enemy was particularly formidable, and adding, that the coasts
of Portugal being left unguarded, the king wished him to visit in
person, those places and ports throughout the kingdom, which might
probably be insulted by the French; sending him at the same time an
order for forty thousand ducats, for the purpose, if necessary, of
levying additional troops, and defraying the expences of his journey.
The minister did not neglect, in the interim, to direct the governors of
the different citadels, most of whom were Spaniards, to secure, if
possible, the person of the duke, and send him off instantly to Spain.
Such marks of confidence, and such exaggerated professions of regard,
were too little comformable to the character of the minister, and to his
usual mode of conduct, for the duke of Braganza to believe them sincere;
this prince therefore mistrusted his design, and contrived to draw him
into the very snare which had been laid for himself. He wrote to the
count-duke that he accepted with the greatest pleasure and gratitude the
appointment of general, that he flattered himself his conduct would
justify his majesty's choice, and prove him worthy of so honourable a
mark of distinction. He now, however, began to entertain hopes of the
possibility of regaining the throne of his ancestors; he accordingly
took advantage of his situation to bestow places and employments on
those of his friends who might hereafter be useful to his cause, and
disposed of the money received from Spain in gaining new partizans, and
securing them in his interest. He also took care to be accompanied by
such a numerous retinue on visiting the different places and forts, that
not the smallest shadow of hope remained to his enemies of ever
succeeding in making themselves masters of his person.
The supreme authority with which he had been invested, did not fail to
excite the jealousy of the whole court of Spain; every one expressed his
disapprobation in the highest terms, and the king alone being in the
secret of the prime minister, attempts were made to injure him in the
opinion of that prince, to whom he was represented as a favourer and
ally of the house of Braganza. His enemies warmly accused him of
imprudence in giving the command of the Portugueze troops to a man,
whose claims to the throne of Portugal were of a very serious nature,
and who, being thus armed with power to assert his right, might
probably be tempted to turn those very arms against his sovereign. The
king, however, was still more confirmed in his resolution of adhering to
the prime minister's plan, on perceiving that no one had the smallest
suspicion of the motive of his conduct.
These circumstances were all very favourable to the designs of the duke
of Braganza, whose high employment authorised him to travel throughout
the whole of Portugal, and it was in this journey he laid the foundation
of his future grandeur. The magnificence of his equipage and attendants
dazzled the eyes of all beholders, and he listened with the most
obliging attention and affability to every one who addressed him. He
curbed the insolence of the soldiery, whilst he bestowed the most
flattering praises on the officers, whom he engaged in his interest by
rewarding them to the utmost of his power. Such suavity of manners
charmed the nobility, whom he received with the distinction due to their
different degrees of rank and merit; he, in short, did so much good
wheresoever he passed, and acted with such kindness and generosity, that
he gained still more friends, from the hopes they entertained of his
future favours, than from those he actually bestowed: thus every one
who beheld him, thought to insure their own happiness by offering up
vows to Heaven for his restoration to the throne of his ancestors. The
friends and followers of this prince were equally anxious to support his
reputation, and neglected nothing which could possibly establish it on
the most solid foundation. On this occasion none was more active than
Pinto Ribeiro, the steward of his household; he indeed, took the most
efficacious steps towards putting the machine in motion, and forming a
regular plan for the aggrandisement of his master. Naturally active,
vigilant, and a consummate politician, he burned with impatience to see
the prince on the throne of Portugal, when he, no doubt, flattered
himself he should have no small share in a government which he had so
greatly contributed to establish. The duke, indeed, had frequently
confessed to him, that he should be happy to take advantage of any
opportunity that might offer itself to become master of the crown; but
that he could not possibly decide on undertaking so great an enterprise,
like a needy adventurer who had nothing to lose. He, however, consented
that Pinto should sound the disposition of the people, and gain friends
to his cause, provided he made no engagements for his master, who was to
appear entirely ignorant of every thing which passed on the occasion.
Pinto had long been very assiduous in finding out, and adding to the
number of mal-contents in Lisbon. He never failed whispering complaints
of the present government throughout the city, and expressed himself
with more or less warmth, according to the character and rank of those
with whom he conversed: these precautions, indeed, were scarcely
necessary, for such was the general hatred of the Portugueze towards the
Spaniards, that there was no danger of any secret being betrayed by the
former which might tend to the destruction of the latter. Pinto never
failed remarking to the nobility, the high and honourable employments
held by their respective families when Portugal was governed by its
legitimate sovereigns; but nothing affected and offended that class
equally with the arriere-ban convoked by the king for serving in
Catalonia; this expedition was represented by Pinto, as an exile, from
which there would be great difficulty in returning; that, independantly
of the enormous expence, they would be treated with the greatest
haughtiness by the Spaniards, whose secret interest it was to expose
the bravest of the Portugueze to the most imminent danger; and that,
without affording them an opportunity of sharing in the glory.
Whenever chance led him into a society of merchants and citizens, he
exclaimed against the injustice of the Spaniards, who had ruined Lisbon,
and indeed the whole of Portugal, by the transfer of the India trade to
Cadiz. His conversation constantly turned on the extreme misery to which
they were reduced by so tyrannical a government, and of the happiness of
those people[7] who had so gloriously emancipated themselves from such
servility. To the clergy he represented the frequent violation of the
immunities and privileges of the church, and that the most considerable
benefices and dignities were become the prey of foreigners, instead of
the just reward due to the merit and learning of the natives of
Portugal. With those whom he knew to be already discontented, he dwelt
on the excellent qualities of the duke, his master, purposely to sound
their inclination on the subject, deploring at the same time the
indolent character of that prince, and expressing his sorrow that the
only person who could effectually remedy such grievances, should be so
little attached to his country, and so indifferent to his personal
aggrandisement. Whenever this conversation appeared to make an
impression on his hearers, he flattered one party with the glorious
title of deliverer of his country, whilst he excited the indignation of
those who had more particularly suffered by the ill treatment of the
Spaniards; and held forth to the rest the most advantageous prospect
from a change of government. Thus, having succeeded in stirring up the
minds of the people in general, and in securing a particular party in
his interest, he at last assembled a numerous body of nobility, at the
head of which was the archbishop of Lisbon[8], of one of the first
families of the kingdom[9]. This prelate was learned, skilful in
business, a favourite of the people, and hated by the Spaniards; whom
he in his turn equally detested, from the preference they shewed to the
archbishop of Braga[10], a creature of the vice-queen, on whom they had
bestowed the dignity of president of the chamber de Paço, and whom they
even allowed to take a share in the affairs of the government. Amongst
the people of distinguished rank, who composed this assembly, don Michel
d'Almeida claims particular notice; this venerated old nobleman had ever
been peculiarly esteemed for the superior merit of his character; he
gloried in preferring the honour and happiness of his country, to his
own personal interests; he was afflicted and enraged at seeing it thus
reduced to servitude by an usurper, and had constantly and courageously
persevered in these noble sentiments; nor could the entreaties of his
family, nor the advice of his friends, ever induce him to go to the
palace, or pay his court to the ministers of Spain, to whom such
uncommon firmness did not fail to make him an object of suspicion. Pinto
therefore did not scruple declaring himself more openly to a man of
whose principles he was so perfectly well assured, and whose
sentiments, if in favour of his party, would be of the greatest weight
with the rest of the nobility. Don Antonio d'Almada, the intimate friend
of the archbishop, with don Lewis his son, made part of this assembly;
as did also, don Lewis d'Acugna, that prelate's nephew, who was married
to the daughter of don Antonio d'Almada. Mello, grand huntsman, don
George, his brother, Peter de Mendoça, the grand chamberlain, don
Rodrigo, with several other officers of the royal household, whose
hereditary posts were mere useless titles, since the kingdom of Portugal
had become the prey of a foreign power. The archbishop, naturally
eloquent, addressed the assembly, and drew a most frightful picture of
the distressed state of the nation, since it had been subject to the
dominion of the Spaniards: he represented in strong colours the cruelty
of Philip the IId, in destroying a great number of the nobility, in
order to ensure his conquest; adding, that he had not even spared the
clergy; witness the celebrated brief of absolution[11] obtained from the
pope for having put to death two thousand priests and friars who stood
in the way of his usurpation; that, since those dreadful times, the
Spaniards still persevered in the same system of politics, that they had
condemned to death, on various pretences, several persons of superior
merit, whose only crime was their attachment to their country: that
neither the life nor property of a single person in the present assembly
was in safety; that the nobility were treated with every mark of
contempt, and never allowed any share in the government, or named to any
employments; that the clergy had been composed of the most unworthy
members, since Vasconcellos had taken upon him to bestow benefices as
rewards for the services of his creatures; that the people were loaded
with taxes, the country destitute of husbandmen, and the towns deserted
by soldiers, who were forcibly carried off to Catalonia; that the late
orders received for the nobles to repair to that country, on pretence of
arriere-ban, was the finishing stroke of the prime minister's politics,
who wished by these means to rid himself of the principal persons of the
nation, whom he regarded as the only obstacles to his pernicious
designs; that the least evil they had to apprehend was, a tedious
banishment; that they would thus grow old, miserable, exiles in the
interior of Castille, whilst a new colony would take possession of their
property as a right of conquest; that as to himself, the frightful
prospect of such accumulated misfortunes, would make him pray for a
speedy death, sooner than behold the total destruction of his country,
were it not for the hope that so great a number of distinguished persons
as were then present, would never have assembled in vain.
This harangue greatly affected the assembly, and revived the
recollection of former miseries. Every individual brought forward some
instance of cruelty in Vasconcellos. Some had been deprived of their
property by his injustice, whilst others complained of being
dispossessed of hereditary employments and governments, in favour of his
friends and followers. Several had been unjustly imprisoned as suspected
persons, and others regretted their fathers, brothers, and friends, who
were either detained in Madrid, or sent to Catalonia as hostages for the
fidelity of their countrymen. In short, there was not one amongst them
who, in the general cause, had not likewise some private injury which
called for vengeance. The Catalonia business was an object of universal
indigustion; since nothing could be more clear, than that their
complete destruction, and not the want of this aid, was the motive which
induced the court of Spain to send them so far from home. All these
considerations, joined to the flattering hope of revenging such repeated
injuries, decided them on taking effectual measures to throw off so
heavy a yoke; and foreseeing no possible means of mitigating their
misery, they reproached themselves for their patient submission, which
they began to regard as mean and cowardly, whilst all agreed in the
pressing necessity of driving out the Spaniards, though they differed in
the mode of government they should afterwards adopt.
One part of the assembly lent towards a republic[12], nearly on the same
model as that established in Holland; whilst the other preferred a
monarchy. Of the latter, some proposed the duke of Braganza, others the
marquis de Villa-Real, and a third party the duke d'Aveiro, all three
princes of the blood royal of Portugal. Each gave his opinion on this
occasion according to the affection he bore these different princes, and
his own private interest; but the archbishop, ever devoted to the family
of Braganza, skilfully took advantage of his sacred character to
represent in the most energetic terms, that the choice of government was
not arbitrary, since they could not in conscience break their oath of
allegiance to the king of Spain in favour of any other than the lawful
heir to the crown, which was universally known to be the duke of
Braganza; they had therefore no choice left, but to acknowledge him as
king, or patiently remain for ever under the government of Spain. He
next proceeded to set forth the great power, immense riches, and
considerable number of vassals belonging to that prince, from whom
nearly one-third of the kingdom held their lands; adding, that there
could be but little hopes of driving the Spaniards out of Spain, unless
they chose him for their chief; and to induce him to accept so important
a post, it would be necessary to offer the crown to his acceptance, even
were it not his incontestable right as first prince of the blood. The
archbishop did not fail expatiating on the amiable qualities of the
duke, dwelling particularly on his prudence, wisdom, and the mildness
and goodness which distinguished all his actions: he, in short, made so
strong an impression on the minds of his hearers, that the universal
voice was in favour of Braganza; and they decided, before they parted,
to leave no means untried to engage him in their project. The assembly
then broke up, after having fixed particular days and hours for future
meetings, in order to deliberate on the best steps to be taken for the
speedy and happy execution of this design.
Pinto no sooner perceived this favourable turn of affairs, than he wrote
to his master, entreating him to move towards Lisbon, where his presence
would so greatly tend to animate the conspirators, and where he would be
enabled to concert with them the proper measures for succeeding in so
arduous an undertaking. This truly able man was indeed the master spring
which set in motion the whole machine, and that without appearing to
have any private interest in the business, or any other motive than zeal
for the public good: he even expressed his doubts whether his master
could ever be induced to enter into a plot so repugnant to his natural
disposition, which led him to avoid all hazardous enterprizes, or
indeed any thing which required attention and perseverance; thus raising
difficulties, which prevented all possible suspicion of any secret
intelligence between him and the duke, and were at the same time of a
nature to be easily over-ruled; exciting, rather than otherwise, the
spirit of the people to pursue their design with redoubled ardour.
The duke, in a few days after receiving Pinto's letter, quitted Villa
Vicosa, and arrived at Almada, a castle in the neighbourhood of Lisbon,
from which indeed it is only separated by the Tagus. This journey was
not calculated to raise suspicion, and appeared taken in the course of
his other visits to the different fortresses in the kingdom. He was
escorted on this occasion by so many people of distinction and officers
of the army, and his equipages were in such a style of magnificence,
that he appeared much more like a sovereign taking possession of his
dominions, than a mere governor visiting the places committed to his
charge. On arriving so near the capital of Portugal, he judged a visit
to the vice-queen absolutely indispensable. The great court of the
palace, and all the avenues leading towards it, were on this occasion
thronged with people, anxious to see him pass, and the whole body of the
nobility waited upon him to accompany him to the vice-queen; the whole
city, indeed, wore the appearance of a public festival, and such was the
joy his presence inspired, that nothing appeared wanting to place him on
the throne, but a herald to proclaim him king, or sufficient resolution
in himself to claim that title as his due. This prince, however, was
much too wise and prudent to trust the completion of so great a design
to the transports of a light and inconstant people, who generally gave
way to first emotions, very different from that persevering approbation
so necessary in an enterprise of so momentous a nature. He, therefore,
after taking leave of the vice-queen, returned to Almada without passing
through the town, or even visiting the palace of Braganza, lest he
should give umbrage to the Spaniards, who were already but too much
alarmed at the testimonies of joy expressed by the people.
Pinto did not fail remarking to his friends the cautious, nay, timid
conduct of his master on this occasion, representing that they ought not
to neglect the opportunity of his visit to Almada, to enter into a full
explanation of their design, and even to insist on his accepting the
crown, as the only means of redeeming his country from utter ruin. This
advice being approved by the conspirators, Pinto was entreated to use
his influence with his master, to give them an opportunity of explaining
their intentions in person, a commission he joyfully accepted. The duke
of Braganza was prevailed upon to consent to the interview, on condition
that only three of the deputies should be admitted to his presence at
the same time, not chusing to explain his sentiments before a more
numerous society.
Michel d Almeida, Antoine d'Almada, and Mendoça being chosen for this
purpose, were secretly admitted in the night to the prince's closet;
when Almada represented to him, in the strongest colours, the miserable
situation of the kingdom, in which all ranks of people were equal
sufferers, from the cruelty and injustice of the Castillians; that even
the duke himself, notwithstanding his princely dignity, was not safe
from their malice, since he could not possibly be blind to the various
plans formed by the prime minister to effect his ruin; that in order to
escape such deep laid schemes, he had no other resource than mounting
the throne of his ancestors, and that to assist him in achieving so
great a design, he was deputed by a great number of the most
distinguished persons in the kingdom, who made an offer of their
services, and were ready to sacrifice their lives and fortunes to
promote his interest, and to revenge the cause of Portugal on the
tyrannical and usurping Spaniards. Almada then proceeded to prove, that
the situation of Spain was greatly changed since the days of Charles the
Ist and Philip the IId, when that country gave the law and spread terror
throughout the whole of Europe, that the same monarchy, which at that
time formed such extensive views of empire, could now scarcely preserve
its own domains from the frequent and successful attacks of France and
Holland, with which it was then at war. That the greatest part of its
forces were employed in Catalonia; that it was in want of troops and
money, and was governed by a weak prince, who himself was governed by a
minister universally and deservedly detested by the whole of the
kingdom. He next set forth the alliances the duke might reasonably
expect to form with the greatest part of the princes of Europe, who, as
natural enemies of the house of Austria, would assuredly grant him
their protection; that Holland and Catalonia ought to teach him what may
be expected from a great minister[13], whose sublime and elevated genius
seemed wholly bent on the complete destruction of the same family: that
the vicinity of Portugal to the sea would enable him to receive all
necessary assistance; in short, that the greatest part of the Spanish
garrisons having left the country to augment the army in Catalonia, he
could never have so favourable an opportunity to prove his right to the
crown, to secure his property, life, and family, and deliver the nation
from slavery and oppression.
The duke of Braganza, though inwardly charmed with this discourse,
replied with his usual calmness and moderation, and though he did not
absolutely refuse the proposal of the deputies, he said nothing which
could make them believe he was decided on accepting it. He, indeed,
assured them, that he was convinced as well as themselves of the
deplorable state of the nation, and that his own situation was far from
secure: he praised their zeal for the good of their country, and
expressed the high sense he had of their views in his favour; but that
he could not help doubting the time was not yet come for such violent
measures, which, if not taken effectually, were ever attended by the
most dreadful consequences.
This answer, the only one they could possibly obtain, was accompanied by
such amiable and caressing manners, and by such polite acknowledgments
to each deputy, that they had every reason to believe their commission
was far from disagreeable to the duke; but that the only steps he could
be induced to take in the business, would be to give his consent, when,
through their endeavours, the success of the enterprise should be no
longer doubtful.