CHAPTER XI

SOURCES OF INCOME AND MEANS OF LIVING. THE ROMAN'S DAY

§403. It is evident from what has been said that abundant means were

necessary to support the state in which every Roman of position lived.

It will be of interest to see how the great mass of the people also

earned the scantier living with which they were forced to be content.

For the sake of this inquiry it will be convenient, if not very

accurate, to divide the people of Rome into the three great classes of

nobles, knights, and commons, into which political history has

distributed them. At the same time it must be remembered that there

was no hard and fixed line drawn between any two of these classes; a

noble might if he pleased associate himself with the knights, provided

only that he possessed the required sum of $20,000, and any freeborn

citizen might aspire to the highest offices of the state, however mean

the circumstances of his birth, however poor in pocket or in talent he

might be.

§404. Careers of the Nobles.--The nobles inherited certain of the

aristocratic notions of the old patriciate, which limited their

business activities and had much to do with the corruption of public

life in the last century of the Republic. Men in their position were

held to be above all manner of work, with the hands or with the head,

for the sake of sordid gain. Agriculture alone was free from debasing

associations, as it has been in England within our own time, and

statecraft and war were the only careers fit to engage their energies.

Even as statesmen and generals, too, they served their fellow citizens

without material reward, for no salaries were drawn by the senators,

none were attached to the magistracies or to positions of military

command. This theory had worked well enough in the time before the

Punic wars, when every Roman was a farmer, when the farm produced all

that he needed for his simple wants, when he left it only to serve as

a soldier in his young manhood or as a senator in his old age, and

returned to his fields, like Cincinnatus, when his services were no

longer required by his country. Under the aristocracy that supplanted

the pure democracy of the earlier time, it subverted every aim that it

was intended to secure.

§405. Agriculture.--The farm life that Cicero has described so

eloquently and praised so enthusiastically in his _Catō Māior_ would

have scarcely been recognized by Cato himself and had become a memory

or a dream long before Cicero wrote. The farmer no longer tilled his

fields, even with the help of his slaves. The yeoman class had

practically disappeared from Italy. The small holdings had been

absorbed in the vast estates of the wealthy landowners, and the aims

and methods of farming had wholly changed. Something has been said of

this already (§146 f.), and it will be sufficient here to recall the

fact that grain was no longer raised for the market in Italy, simply

because the market could be supplied more cheaply from over seas. The

grape and the olive had become the chief sources of wealth, and for

them Sallust and Horace complain that less and less space was being

left by the parks and pleasure grounds (§145). Still, the making of

wine and oil under the direction of a careful steward (§148) must have

been very profitable in Italy and many of the nobles had plantations

in the provinces as well, the revenues of which helped to maintain

their state at Rome.

§406. Political Office.--Politics must have been profitable for those

only who played the game to the end. No salaries were attached to the

offices, and the indirect gains from one of the lower would hardly pay

the expenses necessary to secure the next in order. The gain came

always through positions in the provinces. The quaestorship might be

spent in one, the praetorship and the consulship were sure to be

followed by a year abroad. To honest men the places gave the

opportunity to learn of profitable investments, and a good governor

was often selected by a community to look after its interests in the

capital, and this meant an honorarium in the form of valuable presents

from time to time. Cicero's justice and moderation as quaestor in

Sicily earned him a rich reward when he came to prosecute Verres for

plundering that same province, and when he was in charge of the grain

supply during his aedileship. To corrupt officials the provinces were

gold mines. Every sort of robbery and extortion was practiced, and the

governor was expected to enrich not merely himself but also the

_cohors_ (§118) that had accompanied him. Catullus bitterly complains

of the selfishness of Memmius, who had kept for himself all the

plunder of Bithynia. The story of Verres may be read in any history of

Rome; it differs from that of the average governor only in the fate

that overtook the offender.

§407. The Law.--Closely connected with the political career then as

now was that of the law, but Rome knew of no class of professional

advocates practicing for fees and living upon their practice. And

there were no conditions imposed for practicing in the courts, not

even the good moral character which is insisted upon in Indiana.

Anyone could bring suit against anyone else on any charge that he

pleased, and it was no uncommon thing for a young politician to use

this license for the purpose of gaining notoriety, even when he knew

there were no grounds for the charges he brought. On the other hand

the lawyer was forbidden to accept pay for his services. In olden

times the client had of his right gone to his patron for legal advice

(§179), and the lawyer of later times was theoretically at least at

the service of all who applied to him. Men of the highest character

made it a point of honor to put their technical knowledge freely at

the disposal of their fellow citizens. At the same time the statutes

against fees were easily evaded. Grateful clients could not be

prevented from making valuable presents, and it was a very common

thing for generous legacies to be left to successful advocates. Cicero

had no other source of income, so far as we know, but while he was

never a rich man, he owned a house on the Palatine (§221, note) and

half a dozen country seats, lived well, and spent money lavishly on

works of art (§227) that appealed to his tastes, and on books (§402).

Corrupt judges (_praetōrēs_) could find other sources of income then

as now, of course, but we hear more of this in relation to the jurors

(_iudicēs_) than the judges, probably because with a province before

him the _praetor_ did not think it fitting to stoop to petty

bribetaking.

§408. The Army.--The spoils of war went nominally into the treasury of

the state. Practically they passed first through the hands of the

commanding general, who kept what he pleased for himself, his staff

(§118), and his soldiers and sent the rest to Rome. The opportunities

were magnificent, and the Roman general understood how to use them

all. Some of them were legitimate enough according to the usages of

the time, the plunder of the towns and cities that were taken, the

ransom exacted from those that were spared, the sale of captives as

slaves (§134). Entirely illegitimate, of course, were the fortunes

made by furnishing supplies to the army at extravagant prices or

diverting these supplies to private uses. The reconstruction of the

conquered territory brought in returns equally rich; it is safe to say

that the Aedui paid Caesar well for the supremacy in central Gaul that

he assured them after his defeat of the Helvetii. The civil wars that

cost the best blood of Italy made the victors immensely rich. Besides

the looting of the public treasury, the estates of men in the opposing

party were confiscated and sold to the highest bidder. The proceeds

went nominally to the treasury of the new government, but the proceeds

were infinitesimal in comparison with the profits. After Sulla had

established himself in Rome the names of friends and foes alike were

put on the proscription lists, and if powerful influence was not

exerted in their behalf they lost lives and fortunes. For the

influence they had to pay dearly. One example may be cited. The estate

of one Roscius of Ameria, valued at $300,000, was bid in for $100 by

Lucius Chrysogonus, a freedman of Sulla, because no one dared bid

against the creature of the dictator. The settling of the soldiers on

grants of land made good business for the three commissioners who

superintended the distribution of the land. The grants were always of

farms owned and occupied by adherents of the beaten party, and the

bribes came from both sides.

§409. Careers of the Equites.--The name of knight had lost its

original significance long before the time of Cicero. The equites had

become the class of capitalists who found in financial transactions

the excitement and the profit that the nobles found in politics and

war. It was the immense scale of their operations that relieved them

from the stigma that attached to working for gain, just as in modern

times the wholesale dealer may have a social position entirely beyond

the hopes of the small retailer. As a body the equites exerted

considerable political influence, holding in fact the balance of power

between the senatorial and the democratic parties. As a rule they

exerted this influence only so far as was necessary to secure

legislation favorable to them as a class, and to insure as governors

for the provinces men that would not look too closely into their

transactions there. For it was in the provinces that the knights as

well as the nobles found their best opportunities. Their chief

business was the farming of the revenues. For this purpose syndicates

were formed, which paid into the public treasury a lump sum, fixed by

the senate, and reimbursed themselves by collecting what they could

from the province. The profits were beyond all reason, and the word

publican became a synonym for sinner. Besides farming the revenues

they "financed" the provinces and allied states, advancing money to

meet the ordinary or extraordinary expenses. Sulla levied a

contribution of 20,000 talents (about $20,000,000) on Asia. The money

was advanced by a syndicate of Roman capitalists, and they had

collected the amount six times over when Sulla interfered, for fear

that there would be nothing left for him in case of further needs.

More than one pretender was set upon a puppet throne in the East in

order to secure the payment of sums previously loaned him by the

capitalists. Their operations as individuals were only less extensive

and profitable. The grain in the provinces, the wool, the products of

mines and factories could be moved only with the money advanced by

them. They ventured, too, to engage in commercial enterprises abroad

that were barred against them at home, doing the buying and selling

themselves, not merely supplying the means to others. They loaned

money to individuals, too, though at Rome money lending was

discreditable. The usual rate was twelve per cent, but Marcus Brutus

was loaning money at forty-eight per cent in Cilicia, when Cicero went

there as governor in 51 B.C., and expected Cicero to enforce his

contracts for him.

§410. The Soldiers.--The freeborn citizens of Rome below the nobles

and the knights may be roughly divided into two classes, the soldiers

and the proletariate. The civil wars had driven them from their farms

or had unfitted them for the work of farming, and the pride of race or

the competition of slave labor had closed against them the other

avenues of industry, numerous as these must have been in the world's

capital. The best of this class turned to the army. This had long

since ceased to be composed of citizen-soldiers, called out to meet a

special emergency for a single campaign, and disbanded at its close.

It was what we should call a regular army, the soldiers enlisting for

a term of twenty years, receiving stated pay and certain privileges

after an honorable discharge. In time of peace, when there was peace,

they were employed on public works (§385). The pay was small, perhaps

forty or fifty dollars a year with rations in Caesar's time, but this

was as much as a laborer could earn by the hardest kind of toil, and

the soldier had the glory of war to set over against the stigma of

work, and hopes of presents from his commander and the privilege of

occasional pillage and plunder. After he had completed his time he

might if he chose return to Rome, but many had formed connections in

the communities where their posts were fixed and preferred to make

their homes there on free grants of land, an important instrument in

spreading Roman civilization.

§411. The Proletariate.--In addition to the idle and the profligate

attracted to Rome by the free corn and by the other allurements that

bring a like element into our cities now, large numbers of the

industrious and the frugal had been forced into the city by the loss

of their property during the civil wars and the failure to find

employment elsewhere. No exact estimate of the number of these

unemployed people can be given, but it is known that before Caesar's

time it had passed the mark of 300,000. Relief was occasionally given

by the establishing of colonies on the frontiers--in this way Caesar

put as many as 80,000 in the way of earning their living again, short

as was his administration of affairs at Rome--but it was the least

harmful element that was willing to emigrate and the dregs were left

behind. Aside from beggary and petty crimes their only source of

income was the sale of their votes, and this made them a real menace

to the Republic. Under the Empire their political influence was lost

and the state found it necessary to make distributions of money

occasionally to relieve their want. Some of them played client to the

upstart rich (§181), but the most were content to be fed by the state

and amused by the constantly increasing shows and games (§322).

§412. Professions and Trades.--The professions and trades, between

which the Romains made no distinction, in the last years of the

Republic were practically given over to the _lībertīnī_ (§175) and to

foreigners. Of some of these something has been said already. Teachers

were poorly paid (§121), and usually looked upon with contempt.

Physicians were held in no higher esteem, but seem to have been well

paid, if we may judge from those that were attached to the court. Two

of these left a joint estate of $1,000,000, and another received from

the Emperor Claudius a yearly stipend of $25,000. In knowledge and

skill in both surgery and medicine they do not seem to have been much

behind the practitioners of two centuries ago. Bankers united money

changing with money loaning. The former was very necessary in a city

into which came all the coins of the known world; the latter was never

looked upon as entirely respectable for a Roman, but there can be no

doubt that many a Roman of the highest respectability drew large

profits from this business, carried on discreetly in the name of a

freedman. The trades were early organized at Rome in guilds, but their

only purpose seems to have been to hand down and perfect the technique

of the crafts; at least there was no obstacle in the way of workmen

not belonging to the guilds, and there were no such things known as

patents or special privileges in the way of work. Eight of these

guilds are older than history, those of the fullers, cobblers,

carpenters, goldsmiths, coppersmiths, potters, dyers, and (oddly

enough) the fluteblowers. Numerous others were formed as knowledge of

the arts advanced or the division of labor proceeded. Special parts of

the city seem to have been appropriated by special classes of workmen,

as like businesses are apt to be carried on in the same neighborhood

in our cities: Cicero speaks of a street of the Scythemakers.

§413. Business and Commerce.--The commerce of Rome covered all lands

and seas. Pliny tells us that the trade with India and China took from

Rome $5,000,000 yearly. The wholesale trade was to a large extent in

the hands of the capitalist class, the retail business was conducted

by freedmen and foreigners. How large these businesses were we have no

means of telling. The supplying of the food to the city must have

given employment to thousands; the clothing trade has been mentioned

already (§271). Building operations were carried on at an immense cost

and on the largest scale. All the public buildings and many of the

important private buildings were built by contract. There can be

little doubt that the letting of the contracts for the public

buildings was made very profitable for the officers who had it to do,

but it must be admitted on the other hand that the work was well done.

Crassus seems to have done a sort of salvage business. When buildings

seemed certain to be destroyed by fire he would buy them with their

contents at a nominal sum, and then fight the flames with gangs of

slaves that he had trained for the purpose. The slave trade itself was

very considerable and large fortunes were amassed in it (§139). The

heavy work of ordinary laborers was performed almost entirely by

slaves (§148), and it must be remembered that much work was then done

by hand that is now done by machinery. The book business has been

mentioned (§400). Even the place of the modern newspaper was taken by

letters written as a business by persons who collected all the news,

gossip, and scandal of the city, had it copied by slaves, and sent it

to persons away from the city who did not like to trouble their

friends (§379) and were willing to pay for intelligence.

§414. The Civil Service.--The free persons employed in the offices of

the various magistrates were of the lowest class, mostly _lībertīnī_.

They were paid by the state, and while appointed nominally for a year

only, they seem to have practically held their places during good

behavior. This was largely due to the shortness of the term of the

regular magistrates and the rarity of reëlection. Having no experience

themselves in conducting their offices the magistrates would have all

the greater need of thoroughly trained and experienced assistants. The

highest class of these officials formed an _ōrdō_, the _scrībae_,

whose name gives no adequate notion of the extent and importance of

their duties. All that is now done by cabinet officers, secretaries,

department heads, bureau chiefs, auditors, comptrollers, recorders,

and accountants, down to the work of the ordinary clerks and copyists,

was done by these "scribes." Below them came others almost equally

necessary but not equally respected, the lictors, messengers, etc.

These civil servants had special places at the theater and the circus.

The positions seem to have been in great demand, as such places are

now in France, for example. Horace is said to have been a department

clerk.

§415. The Roman's Day.--The way in which a Roman spent his day

depended, of course, upon his position and business, and varied

greatly with individuals and with the particular day. The ordinary

routine of a man of the higher class, the man of whom we read most

frequently in Roman literature, was something like this: The Roman

rose at a very early hour, his day beginning before sunrise, because

it ended so early. After a hurried breakfast (§302) he devoted such

time as was necessary to his private business, looking over accounts,

consulting with his managers, giving directions, etc. Cicero and Pliny

found these early hours the best for their literary work. Horace tells

of lawyers giving free advice at three in the morning. After his

private business was despatched the Roman took his place in the

_ātrium_ (§198) for the _salūtātiō_ (§182), when his clients came to

pay their respects, perhaps to ask for the help or advice that he was

bound to furnish them (§179). All this business of the early morning

might have to be dispensed with, however, if the Roman was asked to a

wedding (§79), or to be present at the naming of a child (§97), or to

witness the coming of age (§128) of the son of a friend, for all these

semi-public functions took place in the early morning. But after them

or after the levee the Roman went to the forum attended by his clients

and carried in his litter (§151) with his _nōmenclātor_ at his elbow.

The business of the courts and of the senate began about the third

hour, and might continue until the ninth or tenth, that of the senate

was bound to stop at sunset. Except on extraordinary occasions all

business was pretty sure to be over before eleven o'clock, and at this

time the lunch was taken (§302).

§416. Then came the midday siesta, so general that the streets were as

deserted as at midnight, and one of the Roman writers fixes upon this

as the proper time for a ghost story. Of course there were no sessions

of the courts or meetings of the senate on the public holidays, and

then the hours generally given to business might be spent at the

theater or the circus or other games. As a matter of fact the Romans

of the better class rather avoided these shows, unless they were

officially connected with them, and many of them devoted the holidays

to visiting their country estates. After the siesta, which lasted for

an hour or more, the Roman was ready for his regular athletic exercise

and bath, either in the Campus and the Tiber (§317) or in one of the

public bathing establishments (§365). The bath proper (§367) was

followed by the lounge (§377), perhaps a promenade in the court, which

gave him a chance for a chat with a friend, or an opportunity to hear

the latest news, to consult business associates, in short to talk over

any of the things that men now discuss at their clubs. After this came

the great event of the day, the dinner (§303), at his own house or at

that of some friend, followed immediately by retirement for the night.

Even on the days spent in the country this programme would not be

materially changed, and the Roman took with him into the provinces the

customs of his home life so far as possible.

[Illustration: FIGURE 192. ANCIENT CALENDAR]

§417. Hours of the Day.--The day itself was divided into twelve hours

(_hōrae_), each being one-twelfth of the time between sunrise and

sunset and varying therefore with the season of the year. The length

of the day and hour at Rome in different times of the year is shown in

the following table:

Month Length Length | Month Length Length

and Day of Day of Hour | and Day of Day of Hour

--------------------------------+--------------------------------

Dec. 23 8° 54' 44' 30" | June 25 15° 6' 1° 15' 30"

Feb. 6 9° 50' 49' 10" | Aug. 10 14° 10' 1° 10' 50"

March 23 12° 00' 1° 00' 00" | Sept. 25 12° 00' 1° 00' 00"

May 9 14° 10' 1° 10' 50" | Nov. 9 9° 50' 49' 10"

§418. Taking the days of June 25 and December 23 as respectively the

longest and shortest of the year, the following table gives the

conclusion of each hour for summer and winter:

Time Summer Winter

-----------------------------------------

Sunrise 4° 27' 00" 7° 33' 00"

1st Hour 5° 42' 30" 8° 17' 30"

2d Hour 6° 58' 00" 9° 02' 00"

3d Hour 8° 13' 30" 9° 46' 30"

4th Hour 9° 29' 00" 10° 31' 00"

5th Hour 10° 44' 30" 11° 15' 30"

6th Hour 12° 00' 00" 12° 00' 00"

7th Hour 1° 15' 30" 12° 44' 30"

8th Hour 2° 31' 00" 1° 29' 00"

9th Hour 3° 46' 30" 2° 13' 30"

10th Hour 5° 02' 00" 2° 58' 00"

11th Hour 6° 17' 30" 3° 42' 30"

12th Hour 7° 33' 00" 4° 27' 00"

In the same way the hours may be calculated for any given day, the

length of the day and the hour of sunrise being known, but for all

practical purposes the old couplet will serve:

The English hour you may fix,

If to the Latin you add six.

When the Latin hour is above six it will be more convenient to

subtract than to add.

The Private Life of the Romans · 第 11 / 12 章