CHAPTER XXXVI.

REPUBLIC--REMARKS ON ITS MAIN THESIS.

[Side-note: Summary of the preceding chapter.]

The preceding Chapter has described, in concise abstract, that

splendid monument of Plato's genius, which passes under the name

of the [Greek: Politei/a] or Republic. It is undoubtedly the

grandest of all his compositions; including in itself all his

different points of excellence. In the first Book, we have a

subtle specimen of negative Dialectic,--of the Sokratic

cross-examination or Elenchus. In the second Book, we find two

examples of continuous or Ciceronian pleading (like that ascribed

to Protagoras in the dialogue called by his name), which are

surpassed by nothing in ancient literature, for acuteness and

ability in the statement of a case. Next, we are introduced to

Plato's most sublime effort of constructive ingenuity, in putting

together both the individual man and the collective City: together

with more information (imperfect as it is even here) about his

Dialectic or Philosophy, than any other dialogue furnishes. The

ninth Book exhibits his attempts to make good his own thesis

against the case set forth in his own antecedent

counter-pleadings. The last Book concludes with a highly poetical

mythe, embodying a [Greek: Nekui/a] shaped after his own fancy,--and

the outline of cosmical agencies afterwards developed, though with

many differences, in the Timæus. The brilliancy of the Republic

will appear all the more conspicuous, when we come to compare it

with Plato's two posterior compositions: with the Pythagorean

mysticism and theology of the Timæus--or with the severe and

dictatorial solemnity of the Treatise De Legibus.

[Side-note: Title of the Republic, of ancient date, but only

a partial indication of its contents.]

The title borne by this dialogue--the Republic or

Polity--whether affixed by Plato himself or not, dates at least

from his immediate disciples, Aristotle among them.[1] This title

hardly presents a clear idea either of its proclaimed purpose or

of its total contents.

[Footnote 1: See Schleiermacher, Einl. zum Staat, p. 63 seq.;

Stallbaum, Proleg. p. lviii. seq.]

The larger portion of the treatise is doubtless employed in

expounding the generation of a commonwealth generally: from whence

the author passes insensibly to the delineation of a

Model-Commonwealth--enumerating the conditions of aptitude for its

governors and guardian-soldiers, estimating the obstacles which

prevent it from appearing in the full type of goodness--and

pointing out the steps whereby, even if fully realised, it is

likely to be brought to perversion and degeneracy. Nevertheless

the avowed purpose of the treatise is, not to depict the ideal of

a commonwealth, but to solve the questions, What is Justice? What

is Injustice? Does Justice, in itself and by its own intrinsic

working, make the just man happy, apart from all consequences,

even though he is not known to be just, and is even treated as

unjust, either by Gods or men? Does Injustice, under the like

hypothesis, (_i.e._ leaving out all consideration of

consequences either from Gods or from men), make the unjust man

miserable? The reasonings respecting the best polity, are means to

this end--intermediate steps to the settlement of this problem. We

must recollect that Plato insists strongly on the parallelism

between the individual and the state: he talks of "the polity" or

Republic in each man's mind, as of that in the entire city.[2]

[Footnote 2: Plato, Repub. ix. p. 591 E. [Greek: a)poble/pôn pro\s

tê\n e)n au(tô=| politei/an.] x. p. 608 B: [Greek: peri\ tê=s e)n

au(tô=| politei/as dedio/ti], &c.]

[Side-note: Parallelism between the Commonwealth and the

Individual.]

The Republic, or Commonwealth, is introduced by Plato as being the

individual man "writ large," and therefore more clearly

discernible and legible to an observer.[3] To illustrate the

individual man, he begins by describing (to use Hobbes's language)

the great Leviathan called a "Commonwealth or State, in Latin

Civitas, which is but an artificial man, though of greater stature

and strength than the natural, for whose protection and defence

it was intended".[4] He pursues in much detail this parallel

between the individual and the commonwealth, as well as between

the component parts and forces of the one, and those of the other.

The perfection of the commonwealth (he represents) consists in its

being One:[5] an integer or unit, of which the constituent

individuals are merely functions, each having only a fractional,

dependent, relative existence. As the commonwealth is an

individual on a large scale, so the individual is a commonwealth

on a small scale; in which the constituent fractions,

Reason,--Energy or Courage,--and many-headed Appetite,--act each for

itself and oppose each other. It is the tendency of Plato's imagination

to bestow vivid reality on abstractions, and to reason upon

metaphorical analogy as if it were close parallelism. His language

exaggerates both the unity of the commonwealth, and the

partibility of the individual, in illustrating the one by

comparison with the other. The commonwealth is treated as capable

of happiness or misery as an entire Person, apart from its

component individuals:[6] while on the other hand, Reason, Energy,

Appetite, are described as distinct and conflicting Persons,

packed up in the same wrapper and therefore looking like One from

the outside, yet really distinct, each acting and suffering by and

for itself: like the charioteer and his two horses, which form the

conspicuous metaphor in the Phædrus.[7] We are thus told, that

though the man is apparently One, he is in reality Many or

multipartite: though the perfect Commonwealth is apparently Many,

it is in reality One.

[Footnote 3: Plato, Repub. ii. p. 368 D.

"New presbyter is but old priest writ large."--(Milton.)]

[Footnote 4: This is the language of Hobbes. Preface to the

Leviathan. In the same treatise (Part ii. ch. 17, pp. 157-158,

Molesworth's edition) Hobbes says:--"The only way to erect such a

common power as may be able to defend men from the invasion of

foreigners and the injury of one another, is to confer all their

power and strength upon one man or one assembly of men, that may

reduce all their wills by plurality of voices to one will: which

is as much as to say, to appoint one man or assembly of men to

bear their person. This is more than consent or concord: _it is

a real unity of them all in one and the same person_, made by

covenant of every man with every man. This done, the multitude so

united in one person, is called a Commonwealth, in Latin Civitas.

This is the generation of that great Leviathan," &c.]

[Footnote 5: Plato, Republic, iv. p. 423.]

[Footnote 6: Plato, Republic, iv. pp. 420-421.]

[Footnote 7: Plato, Republic, ix. p. 588, x. p. 604, iv. pp.

436-441. ix. p. 588 E: [Greek: ô(/ste tô=| mê\ duname/nô| ta\

e)nto\s o(ra=|n, a)lla\ to\ e)/xô mo/non e)/lutron o(rô=nti, e(\n

zô=on phai/nesthai, a)/nthrôpon.]]

[Side-note: Each of them a whole, composed of parts distinct

in function and unequal in merit.]

Of the parts composing a man, as well as of the parts composing a

commonwealth, some are better, others worse. A few are good and

excellent; the greater number are low and bad; while there are

intermediate gradations between the two. The perfection of a

commonwealth, and the perfection of an individual man, is attained

when each part performs its own appropriate function and no

more,--not interfering with the rest. In the commonwealth there are

a small number of wise Elders or philosophers, whose appropriate

function it is to look out for the good or happiness of the whole;

and to controul the ordinary commonplace multitude, with a view to

that end. Each of the multitude has his own special duty or

aptitude, to which he confines himself, and which he executes in

subordination to the wise or governing Few. And to ensure such

subordination, there are an intermediate number of trained, or

disciplined Guardians; who employ their force under the orders of

the ruling Few, to controul the multitude within, as well as to

repel enemies without. So too in the perfect man. Reason is the

small but excellent organ whose appropriate function is, to

controul the multitude of desires and to watch over the good of

the whole: the function of Energy or Courage is, while itself

obeying the Reason, to assist Reason in maintaining this controul

over the Desires: the function of each several desire is to obey,

pursuing its own special end in due harmony with the rest.

[Side-note: End proposed by Plato. Happiness of the

Commonwealth. Happiness of the individual. Conditions of

happiness.]

The End to be accomplished, and with reference to which Plato

tests the perfection of the means, is, the happiness of the entire

commonwealth,--the happiness of the entire individual man. In

order to be happy, a commonwealth or an individual man must be at

once wise, brave, temperate, just. There is however this

difference between the four qualities. Though all four are

essential, yet wisdom and bravery belong only to separate

fractions of the commonwealth and separate fractions of the

individual: while justice and temperance belong equally to all the

fractions of the commonwealth and all the fractions of the

individual. In the perfect commonwealth, Wisdom or Reason is found

only in the One or Few Ruling Elders:--Energy or Courage only in

the Soldiers or Guardians: but Elders, Guardians, and the working

multitude, alike exhibit Justice and Temperance. All are just,

inasmuch as each performs his appropriate business: all are

temperate, inasmuch as all agree in recognising what is the

appropriate business of each fraction--that of the Elders is, to

rule--that of the others is, to obey. So too the individual: he is

wise only in his Reason, brave only in his Energy or Courage: but

he is just and temperate in his Reason, Courage, and Appetites

alike--each of these Fractions acting in its own sphere under

proper relations to the rest. In fact, according to the

definitions given by Plato in the Republic, justice and temperance

are scarce at all distinguishable from each other--and must at any

rate be inseparable.

[Side-note: Peculiar view of Justice taken by Plato.]

Now in regard to the definition here given by Plato of Justice,

which is the avowed object of his Treatise, we may first remark

that it is altogether peculiar to Plato; and that if we reason

about Justice in the Platonic sense, we must take care not to

affirm of it predicates which might be true in a more usual

acceptation of the word. Next, that even adopting Plato's own

meaning of Justice, it does not answer the purpose for which he

produces it--_viz._: to provide reply to the objections, and

solution for the difficulties, which he had himself placed in the

mouths of Glaukon and Adeimantus.

[Side-note: Pleadings of Glaukon and Adeimantus.]

These two speakers (in the second Book) have advanced the position

(which they affirm to be held by every one, past and

present)--That justice is a good thing or a cause of happiness to

the just agent--not in itself or separately, since the performance

of just acts is more or less onerous and sometimes painful,

presenting itself in the aspect of an obligation, but--because of

its consequences, as being indispensable to procure for him some

ulterior good, such as esteem and just treatment from others.

Sokrates on the other hand declares justice to be good, or a cause

of happiness, to the just agent, most of all in itself--but also,

additionally, in its consequences: and injustice to be bad, or a

cause of misery to the unjust agent, on both grounds also.

Suppose (we have seen it urged by Glaukon and Adeimantus) that a

man is just, but is mis-esteemed by the society among whom he

lives, and believed to be unjust. He will certainly be hated and

ill-used by others, and may be ill-used to the greatest

possible extent--impoverishment, scourging, torture, crucifixion.

Again, suppose a man to be unjust, but to be in like manner

misconceived, and treated as if he were just. He will receive from

others golden opinions, just dealing, and goodwill, producing to

him comfortable consequences: and he will obtain, besides, the

profits of injustice. Evidently, under these supposed

circumstances, the just man will be miserable, in spite of his

justice: the unjust man will, to say the least, be the happier of

the two.

Moreover (so argues Glaukon), all fathers exhort their sons to be

just, and forbid them to be unjust, admitting that justice is a

troublesome obligation, but insisting upon it as indispensable to

avert evil consequences and procure good. So also poets and

teachers. All of them assume that justice is not inviting for

itself, but only by reason of its consequences: and that injustice

is in itself easy and inviting, were it not for mischievous

consequences and penalties more than countervailing the

temptation. All of them either anticipate, or seek to provide,

penalties to be inflicted in case the agent commits injustice, and

not to be inflicted if he continues just: so that the treatment

which he receives afterwards shall be favourable, or severe,

conditional upon his own conduct. Such treatment may emanate

either from Gods or from men: but in either case, it is assumed

that the agent shall be known, or shall seem, to be what he really

is: that the unjust agent shall seem, or be known, to be

unjust--and that the just shall seem also to be what he is.

[Side-note: The arguments which they enforce were not

invented by the Sophists, but were the received views anterior to

Plato.]

It is against this doctrine that the Platonic Sokrates in the

Republic professes to contend. To refute it, he sets forth his own

explanation, wherein justice consists. How far, or with what

qualifications, the Sophists inculcated the doctrine (as various

commentators tell us) we do not know. But Plato himself informs us

that it was current and received in society, before Protagoras and

Prodikus were born: taught by parents to their children, and by

poets in their compositions generally circulated.[8] Moreover,

Sokrates himself (in the Platonic Apology) recommends virtue

on the ground of its remunerative consequences to the agent in the

shape of wealth and other good things.[9] Again, the Xenophontic

Sokrates, as well as Xenophon himself, agree in the same general

doctrine: presenting virtue as laborious and troublesome in

itself, but as being fully requited by its remunerative

consequences in the form of esteem and honour, to the attainment

of which it is indispensable. In the memorable Choice of Heraklês,

that youth is represented as choosing a life of toil and painful

self-denial, crowned ultimately by the attainment of honourable

and beneficial results--in preference to a life of easy and

inactive enjoyment.[10]

[Footnote 8: Plato, Republic, ii. pp. 363-364.]

[Footnote 9: Plato, Apolog. Sokrat. p. 30 B.

[Greek: le/gôn o(/ti ou)k e)k chrêma/tôn a)retê\ gi/gnetai, a)ll'

e)x a)retê=s chrê/mata kai\ ta)/lla a)gatha\ toi=s a)nthrô/pois

a(/panta kai\ i)di/a kai\ dêmosi/a|.]

Xenophon in the Cyropædia puts the following language into the

mouth of the hero Cyrus, in addressing his officers (Cyrop. i. 5,

9). [Greek: Kai/toi e)/gôge oi)=mai, ou)demi/an a)retê\n

a)skei=sthai u(p' a)nthrô/pôn, ô(s mêde\n ple/on e)/chôsin oi(

e)sthloi\ geno/menoi tô=n ponêrô=n; a)ll' oi(/ te tô=n parauti/ka

ê(donô=n a)pecho/menoi, ou)/ch i(/na mêde/pote eu)phranthô=si,

tou=to pra/ttousin, a)ll' ô(s dia\ tau/tên tê\n e)gkra/teian

pollapla/sia ei)s to\n e)/peita chro/non eu)phranou/menoi, ou(/tô

paraskeua/zontai], &c.

The love of praise is represented as the prominent motive of Cyrus

to the practice of virtue (i. 5, 12, i. 2, 1).

Compare also Xenophon, Cyropæd. ii. 3, 5-15, vii. 5, 82, and

Xenophon, Economic. xiv. 5-9; Xenophon, De Venatione, xii.

15-19.]

[Footnote 10: Xenophon, Memorab. ii. 1, 19-20, &c. We read in

the 'Works and Days' of Hesiod, 287:--

[Greek: Tê\n me/n toi kako/têta kai\ i)lado\n e)/stin e)le/sthai

R(êi+di/ôs; lei/ê me\n o(do/s, ma/la d' e)ggu/thi nai/ei.

Tê=s d' a)retê=s i(drô=ta theoi\ propa/roithen e)/thêkan

A)tha/natoi; makro\s de\ kai\ o)/rthios oi)=mos e)p' au)tê/n,

Kai\ trê=chus toprô=ton; e)pê\n d' ei)s a)/kron i(/kêai,

R(êi+di/ê d' ê)peita pe/lei, chalepê/ per e)ou=sa.]

It is remarkable that while the Xenophontic Sokrates cites these

verses from Hesiod as illustrating and enforcing the drift of his

exhortation, the Platonic Sokrates cites them as misleading, and

as a specimen of the hurtful errors instilled by the poets

(Republic, ii. p. 364 D).]

We see thus that the doctrine which the Platonic Sokrates impugns

in the Republic, is countenanced elsewhere by Sokratic authority.

It is, in my judgment, more true than that which he opposes to it.

The exhortations and orders of parents to their children, which he

condemns--were founded upon views of fact and reality more correct

than those which the Sokrates of the Republic would substitute in

place of them.

[Side-note: Argument of Sokrates to refute them. Sentiments

in which it originates. Panegyric on Justice.]

Let us note the sentiment in which Plato's creed here originates.

He desires, above every thing, to stand forward as the champion

and panegyrist of justice--as the enemy and denouncer of

injustice. To praise justice, not in itself, but for its

consequences--and to blame injustice in like manner--appears

to him disparaging and insulting to justice.[11] He is not

satisfied with showing that the just man benefits others by his

justice, and that the unjust man hurts others by his injustice: he

admits nothing into his calculation, except happiness or misery to

the agent himself: and happiness, moreover, inherent in the

process of just behaviour--misery inherent in the process of

unjust behaviour--whatever be the treatment which the agent may

receive from either Gods or men. Justice _per se_ (affirms

Plato) is the cause of happiness to the just agent, absolutely and

unconditionally: injustice, in like manner, of misery to the

unjust--_quand même_--whatever the consequences may be either

from men or Gods. This is the extreme strain of panegyric

suggested by Plato's feeling, and announced as a conclusion

substantiated by his reasons. Nothing more thoroughgoing can be

advanced in eulogy of justice. "Neither the eastern star nor the

western star is so admirable"--to borrow a phrase from

Aristotle.[12]

[Footnote 11: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 368 B-C. [Greek: de/doika

ga\r mê\ ou)d' o(/sion ê)=| parageno/menon dikaiosu/nê|

kakêgoroume/nê| a)pagoreu/ein kai\ mê\ boêthei=n], &c.]

[Footnote 12: Aristot. Ethic. Nikom. v. 3 (1), 1129, b. 28.

[Greek: ou)/th' e(/speros ou)/th' e(ô=|os ou(/tô thaumasto/s.]]

Plato is here the first proclaimer of the doctrine afterwards so

much insisted on by the Stoics--the all-sufficiency of virtue to

the happiness of the virtuous agent, whatever may be his fate in

other respects--without requiring any farther conditions or

adjuncts. It will be seen that Plato maintains this thesis with

reference to the terms _justice_ and its opposite

_injustice_; sometimes (though not often) using the general

term _virtue_ or wisdom, which was the ordinary term with the

Stoics afterwards.

[Side-note: Different senses of justice--wider and narrower

sense.]

The ambiguous meaning of the word _justice_ is known to Plato

himself (as it is also to Aristotle). One professed purpose of the

dialogue called the Republic is to remove such ambiguity. Apart

from the many other differences of meaning (arising from

dissentient sentiments of different men and different ages), there

is one duplicity of meaning which Aristotle particularly dwells

upon.[13] In the stricter and narrower sense, justice comprehends

only those obligations which each individual agent owes to

others, and for the omission of which he becomes punishable as

unjust--though the performance of them, under ordinary

circumstances, carries little positive merit: in another and a

larger sense, justice comprehends these and a great deal more,

becoming co-extensive with wise, virtuous, and meritorious

character generally. The narrower sense is that which is in more

common use; and it is that which Plato assumes provisionally when

he puts forward the case of opponents in the speeches of Glaukon

and Adeimantus. But when he comes to set forth his own

explanation, and to draw up his own case, we see that he uses the

term justice in its larger sense, as the condition of a mind

perfectly well-balanced and well-regulated: as if a man could not

be just, without being at the same time wise, courageous, and

temperate. The just man described in the counter-pleadings of

Glaukon and Adeimantus, would be a person like the Athenian

Aristeides: the unjust man whom they contrast with him, would be

one who maltreats, plunders, or deceives others, or usurps power

over them. But the just man, when Sokrates replies to them and

unfolds his own thesis, is made to include a great deal more: he

is a person in whose mind each of the three constituent elements

is in proper relation of controul or obedience to the others, so

that the whole mind is perfect: a person whose Reason, being

illuminated by contemplation of the Universals or self-existent

Ideas of Goodness, Justice, Virtue, has become qualified to

exercise controul over the two inferior elements: one of which

(Energy) is its willing subordinate and auxiliary--while the

lowest of the three (Appetite) is kept in regulation by the joint

action of the two. The just man, so described, becomes identical

with the true philosopher: no man who is not a philosopher

can be just.[14] Aristeides would not at all correspond to

the Platonic ideal of justice. He would be a stranger to the

pleasure extolled by Plato as the exclusive privilege of the just

and virtuous--the pleasure of contemplating universal Ideas and

acquiring extended knowledge.[15]

[Footnote 13: Aristotel. Eth. Nikom. v. 2 (1), 1129, a. 25.

[Greek: e)/oike de\ pleonachô=s le/gesthai ê( dikaiosu/nê kai\ ê(

a)diki/a.]

Also v. 3 (1), 1130, a. 3. [Greek: dia\ de\ to\ au)to\ tou=to kai\

a)llo/trion a)gatho\n dokei= ei)=nai ê( dikaiosu/nê, mo/nê tô=n

a)retô=n, o(/ti pro\s e(/teron e)stin; a)/llô| ga\r ta\

sumphe/ronta pra/ttei, ê)\ a)/rchonti ê)\ koinô=|.]

This proposition--that justice is [Greek: a)llo/trion

a)gatho/n]--is the very proposition which Thrasymachus is

introduced as affirming and Sokrates as combating, in the first

book of the Republic.

Compare also Aristotle's Ethica Magna, i. 34, p. 1193, b. 19,

where the same explanation of justice is given: also p. 1194, a.

7, where the Republic of Plato is cited, and the principle of

reciprocity, as laid down at the end of the second book of the

Republic, is repeated. We read in a fragment of the lost treatise

of Cicero, De Republicâ (iii. 6, 7):--"Justitia foras spectat, et

projecta tota est atque eminet.--Quæ virtus, præter cæteras, tota

se ad alienas porrigit utilitates atque explicat."]

[Footnote 14: This is the same distinction as that drawn by

Epiktetus between the [Greek: philo/sophos] and the [Greek:

i)diô/tês] (Arrian, Epiktet. iii. 19). An [Greek: i)diô/tês] may

be just in the ordinary meaning of the word. Aristeides was an

[Greek: i)diô/tês]. The Greek word [Greek: i)diô/tês], designating

the ordinary average citizen, as distinguished from any special or

professional training, is highly convenient.]

[Footnote 15: Plato, Republic, ix. p. 582 C. [Greek: tê=s de\ tou=

o)/ntos the/as, oi(/an ê(donê\n e)/chei, a)du/naton a)/llô|

gegeu=sthai plê\n tô=| philoso/phô|.]]

[Side-note: Plato's sense of the word Justice or

Virtue--self-regarding.]

The Platonic conception of justice or Virtue on the one side, and

of Injustice or Vice on the other, is self-regarding and

prudential. Justice is in the mind a condition analogous to good

health and strength in the body--(_mens sana in corpore

sano_)--Injustice is a condition analogous to sickness,

corruption, impotence, in the body.[16] The body is healthy, when

each of its constituent parts performs its appropriate function:

it is unhealthy, when there is failure in this respect, either

defective working of any part, or interference of one part with

the rest. So too in the just mind, each of its tripartite

constituents performs its appropriate function--the rational mind

directing and controuling, the energetic and appetitive minds

obeying such controul. In the unjust mind, the case is opposite:

Reason exercises no supremacy: Passion and Appetite, acting each

for itself, are disorderly, reckless, exorbitant. To possess a

healthy body is desirable for its consequences as a means towards

other constituents of happiness; but it is still more desirable in

itself, as an essential element of happiness _per se_,

_i.e._, the negation of sickness, which would of itself make

us miserable. On the other hand, an unhealthy or corrupt body is

miserable by reason of its consequences, but still more miserable

_per se_, even apart from consequences. In like manner, the

just mind blesses the possessor twice: first and chiefly, as

bringing to him happiness in itself--next also, as it leads to

ulterior happy results:[17] the unjust mind is a curse to its

possessor in itself, and apart from results--though it also

leads to ulterior results which render it still more a curse to

him.

[Footnote 16: Plato, Republic, ix. p. 591 B, iv. p. 444 E.]

[Footnote 17: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 367 C. [Greek: e)peidê\

ou)=n ô(molo/gêsas tô=n megi/stôn a)gathô=n ei)=nai dikaiosu/nên,

a(\ tô=n te a)pobaino/ntôn a)p' au)tô=n e(/neka a)/xia

kektê=sthai, _polu\ de\ ma=llon au)ta\ au(tô=n_], &c.]

This theory respecting justice and injustice was first introduced

into ethical speculation by Plato. He tells us himself (throughout

the speeches ascribed to Glaukon and Adeimantus), that no one

before him had announced it: that all with one accord[18]--both

the poets in addressing an audience, and private citizens in

exhorting their children--inculcated a different doctrine,

enforcing justice as an onerous duty, and not as a

self-recommending process: that he was the first who extolled justice

in itself, as conferring happiness on the just agent, apart from

all reciprocity or recognition either by men or Gods--and the

first who condemned injustice in itself, as inflicting misery on

the unjust agent, independent of any recognition by others. Here

then we have the first introduction of this theory into ethical

speculation. Injustice is an internal taint, corruption of mind,

which (like bad bodily health) is in itself misery to the agent,

however he may be judged or treated by men or Gods; and justice is

(like good bodily health) a state of internal happiness to the

agent, independent of all recognition and responsive treatment

from others.

[Footnote 18: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 364 A. [Greek: pa/ntes e)x

e(no\s sto/matos u(mnou=sin], &c. Also p. 366 D.]

[Side-note: He represents the motives to it, as arising from

the internal happiness of the just agents.]

The Platonic theory, or something substantially equivalent to it

under various forms of words, has been ever since upheld by

various ethical theorists, from the time of Plato downward.[19]

Every one would be glad if it could be made out as true: Glaukon

and Adeimantus are already enlisted in its favour, and only demand

from Sokrates a decent justification for their belief. Moreover,

those who deny its truth incur the reproach of being deficient in

love of virtue or in hatred of vice. What is still more

remarkable--Plato has been complimented as if his theory had been

the first antithesis to what is called the "selfish theory of

morals"--a compliment which is certainly noway merited: for

Plato's theory is essentially self-regarding.[20] He does not

indeed lay his main stress on the retribution and punishments

which follow injustice, because he represents injustice as being

itself a state of misery to the unjust agent: nor upon the rewards

attached to justice, because he represents justice itself as a

state of intrinsic happiness to the just agent. Nevertheless the

motive to performance of justice, and to avoidance of injustice,

is derived in his theory (as it is in what is called the selfish

theory) entirely from the happiness or misery of the agent

himself. The just man is not called upon for any self-denial or

self-sacrifice, since by the mere fact of being just, he acquires

a large amount of happiness: it is the unjust man who, from

ignorance or perversion, sacrifices that happiness which just

behaviour would have ensured to him. Thus the Platonic theory is

entirely self-regarding; looking to the conduct of each separate

agent as it affects his own happiness, not as it affects the

happiness of others.

[Footnote 19: It will be found maintained by Shaftesbury and

Hutcheson and impugned by Rutherford in his Essay on Virtue: also

advocated by Sir James Mackintosh in his Dissertation on Ethical

Philosophy, prefixed to the Encyclopædia Britannica; and

controverted, or rather reduced to its proper limits, by Mr. James

Mill, in his very acute and philosophical volume, Fragment on

Mackintosh, published in 1835, see pp. 174-188 seq. Sir James

indeed uses the word Benevolence where Plato uses that of Justice:

he speaks of "the inherent delights and intrinsic happiness of

Benevolence," &c.]

[Footnote 20: Stallbaum, Proleg. ad Plat. Rep. p. lvii. "Quo facto

deinceps ad gravissimam totius sermonis partem ita transitur, ut

inter colloquentes conveniat, justitiæ vim et naturam eo modo esse

investigandam, ut emolumentorum atque commodorum ex eâ

redundantium nulla plané ratio habeatur."

This is not strictly exact, for Plato claims on behalf of justice

not only that the performance of it is happy in itself, but also

that it entails an independent result of ulterior happiness. But

he dwells much less upon the second point; which indeed would be

superfluous if the first could be thoroughly established. Compare

Cicero, Tusc. Disput. v. 12-34, and the notes on Mr. James

Harris's Three Treatises, p. 351 seq., wherein the Stoical

doctrine--[Greek: Pa/nta au(tou= e(/neka pra/ttein]--is

explained.]

[Side-note: His theory departs more widely from the truth

than that which he opposes. Argument of Adeimantus discussed.]

So much to explain what the Platonic theory is. But when we ask

whether it consists with the main facts of society, or with the

ordinary feelings of men living in society, the reply must be in

the negative.

"If" (says Plato, putting the words into the counter-pleading of

Adeimantus)--"If the Platonic theory were preached by all of you,

and impressed upon our belief from childhood, we should not have

watched each other to prevent injustice; since each man would have

been the best watch upon himself, from fear lest by committing

injustice he should take to his bosom the maximum of evil."[21]

[Footnote 21: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 367 A. [Greek: ei) ga\r

ou(/tôs e)le/geto e)x a)rchê=s u(po\ pa/ntôn u(mô=n kai\ e)k ne/ôn

ê(ma=s e)pei/thete, ou)k a)\n a)llê/lous e)phula/ttomen mê\

a)dikei=n, a)ll' au)to\s au(tou= ê)=n e(/kastos a)/ristos phu/lax,

dediô\s mê\ a)dikô=n tô=| megi/stô| kakô=| xu/noikos ê)=|.]

These words are remarkable. They admit of two constructions:--1. If

this Platonic theory were true. 2. If the Platonic theory,

though not true, were constantly preached and impressed upon every

one's belief from childhood.

Understanding the words in the first of these two constructions,

the hypothetical proposition put into the mouth of Adeimantus is a

valid argument against the theory afterwards maintained by

Sokrates. If the theory were conformable to facts, no precautions

would need to be taken by men against the injustice of each other.

But such precautions have been universally recognised as

indispensable, and universally adopted. Therefore the Sokratic

theory is not conformable to facts. It is not true that the

performance of duty (considered apart from consequences) is

self-inviting and self-remunerative--the contrary path self-deterring

and self-punitory--to each individual agent. Plato might perhaps

argue that it would be true, if men were properly educated; and

that the elaborate education which he provides for his Guardians

in the Republic would suffice for this purpose. But even if this

were granted, we must recollect that the producing Many of his

Republic would receive no such peculiar education.

Understanding the words in the second construction, they would

then mean that the doctrine, though not true, ought to be preached

and accredited by the lawgiver as an useful fiction: that if every

one were told so from his childhood, without ever hearing either

doubt or contradiction, it would become an established creed which

each man would believe, and each agent would act upon: that the

effect in reference to society would therefore be the same as if

the doctrine were true. This is in fact expressly affirmed by

Plato in another place.[22] Now undoubtedly the effect of

preaching and teaching, assuming it to be constant and unanimous,

is very great in accrediting all kinds of dogmas. Plato believed

it to be capable of almost unlimited extension--as we may see by

the prescriptions which he gives for the training of the Guardians

in his Republic. But to persuade every one that the path of duty

and justice was in itself inviting, would be a task overpassing

the eloquence even of Plato, since every man's internal

sentiment would refute it. You might just as well expect to

convince a child, through the declarations and encouragements of

his nurse, that the medicine prescribed to him during sickness was

very nice. Every child has to learn obedience as a necessity,

under the authority and sanction of his parents. You may assure

him that what is at first repulsive will become by habit

comparatively easy: and that the self-reproach, connected with

evasion of duty, will by association become a greater pain than

that which is experienced in performing duty. This is to a great

degree true, but it is by no means true to the full extent: still

less can it be made to appear true before it has been actually

realised. You cannot cause a fiction like this to be universally

accredited. A child is compelled to practise justice by the fear

of displeasure and other painful consequences from those in

authority over him: the reason for bringing this artificial motive

to bear upon him, is, that it is essential in the first instance

for the comfort and security of others: in the second instance for

his own. In Plato's theory, the first consideration is omitted,

while not only the whole stress is laid upon the second, but more

is promised in regard to the second than the reality warrants.

[Footnote 22: Plato, Legg. ii. pp. 663-664.]

The opponents whom the Platonic Sokrates here seeks to confute

held--That Justice is an obligation in itself onerous to the

agent, but indispensable in order to ensure to him just dealing

and estimation from others--That injustice is a path in itself

easy and inviting to the agent, but necessary to be avoided,

because he forfeits his chance of receiving justice from others,

and draws upon himself hatred and other evil consequences. This

doctrine (argues Plato) represents the advantages of justice to

the just agent as arising, not from his actually being just, but

from his seeming to be so, and being reputed by others to be so:

in like manner, it represents the misery of injustice to the

unjust agent as arising not from his actually being unjust, but

from his being reputed to be so by others. The inference which a

man will naturally draw from hence (adds Plato) is, That he must

aim only at seeming to be just, not at being just in reality: that

he must seek to avoid the reputation of injustice, not injustice

in reality: that the mode of life most enviable is, to be unjust

in reality, but just in seeming--to study the means either of

deceiving others into a belief that you are just, or of coercing

others into submission to your injustice.[23] This indeed cannot

be done unless you are strong or artful: it you are weak or

simple-minded, the best thing which you can do is to be just. The

weak alone are gainers by justice: the strong are losers by it,

and gainers by injustice.[24]

[Footnote 23: Plato, Republic, ii. pp. 362-367.]

[Footnote 24: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 366 C.]

These are legitimate corollaries (so Glaukon and Adeimantus are

here made to argue) from the doctrine preached by most fathers to

their children, that the obligations of justice are in themselves

onerous to the just agent, and remunerative only so far as they

determine just conduct on the part of others towards him. Plato

means, not that fathers, in exhorting their children, actually

drew these corollaries: but that if they followed out their own

doctrine consistently, they would have drawn them: and that there

is no way of escaping them, except by adopting the doctrine of the

Platonic Sokrates--That justice is in itself a source of happiness

to the just agent, and injustice a source of misery to the unjust

agent--however each of them may be esteemed or treated by others.

[Side-note: A Reciprocity of rights and duties between men

in social life--different feelings towards one and towards the

other.]

Now upon this we may observe, that Plato, from anxiety to escape

corollaries which are only partially true, and which, in so far as

they are true, may be obviated by precautions--has endeavoured to

accredit a fiction misrepresenting the constant phenomena and

standing conditions of social life. Among those conditions,

reciprocity of services is one of the most fundamental. The

difference of feeling which attaches to the services which a man

renders, called duties or obligations--and the services which he

receives from others, called his rights--is alike obvious and

undeniable. Each individual has both duties and rights: each is

both an agent towards others, and a patient or sentient from

others. He is required to be just towards others, they are

required to be just towards him: he in his actions must have

regard, within certain limits, to their comfort and security--they

in their actions must have regard to his. If he has obligations

towards them, he has also rights against them; or (which is the

same thing) they have obligations towards him. If punishment

is requisite to deter him from doing wrong to them, it is equally

requisite to deter them from doing wrong to him. Whoever theorises

upon society, contemplating it as a connected scheme or system

including different individual agents, must accept this

reciprocity as a fundamental condition. The rights and

obligations, of each towards the rest, must form inseparable and

correlative parts of the theory. Each agent must be dealt with by

others according to his works, and must be able to reckon

beforehand on being so dealt with:--on escaping injury or hurt,

and receiving justice, from others, if he behaves justly towards

them. The theory supposes, that whether just or unjust, he will

appear to others what he really is, and will be appreciated

accordingly.[25]

[Footnote 25: Euripid. Herakleid. 425.

[Greek: Ou) ga\r turanni/d', ô(/ste barba/rôn, e)/chô,

A)ll', ê)\n di/kaia drô=, di/kaia pei/somai.]

In a remarkable passage of the Laws, Plato sets a far higher value

upon correct estimation from others, which in the Republic he

depicts under the contemptuous appellation of show or seeming.

Plato, Legg. xii. p. 950 B. [Greek: Chrê\ de\ ou)/pote peri\

smikrou= poiei=sthai to\ dokei=n a)gathou\s ei)=nai toi=s a)/llois

ê)\ mê\ dokei=n; ou) ga\r o(/son ou)si/as a)retê=s a)pesphalme/noi

tugcha/nousin oi( polloi/, tosou=ton kai\ tou= kri/nein tou\s

a)/llous oi( ponêroi\ kai\ a)/chrêstoi, thei=on de/ ti kai\

eu)/stocho/n e)sti kai\ toi=s kakoi=s. ô(/ste pa/mpolloi kai\ tô=n

spho/dra kakô=n eu)= toi=s lo/gois kai\ tai=s do/xais diairou=ntai

tou\s a)mei/nous tô=n a)nthrô/pôn kai\ tou\s chei/rous. Dio\

kalo\n tai=s pollai=s po/lesi to\ parake/leusma/ e)sti, protima=|n

tê\n eu)doxi/an pro\s tô=n pollô=n; to\ me\n ga\r o)rtho/taton

kai\ me/giston, o)/nta a)gatho\n a)lêthô=s ou(/tô to\n eu)/doxon

bi/on thêreu/ein--chôri\s de\ mêdamô=s, to/n ge te/leon a)/ndra

e)so/menon.]]

The fathers of families, whose doctrine Plato censures, adopted

this doctrine of reciprocity, and built upon it their exhortations

to their children. "Be just to others: without that condition, you

cannot expect that they will be just to you." Plato objects to

their doctrine, on the ground, that it assumed justice to be

onerous to the agent, and therefore indirectly encouraged the

evading of the onerous preliminary condition, for the purpose of

extorting or stealing the valuable consequent without earning it

fairly. Persons acting thus unjustly would efface reciprocity by

taking away the antecedent. Now Plato, in correcting them, sets up

a counter-doctrine which effaces reciprocity by removing the

consequent. His counter-doctrine promises me that if I am just

towards others, I shall be happy in and through that single

circumstance; and that I ought not to care whether they behave

justly or unjustly towards me. Reciprocity thus disappears. The

authoritative terms _right_ and _obligation_ lose all

their specific meaning.

[Side-note: Plato's own theory, respecting the genesis

of society, is based on reciprocity.]

In thus eliminating reciprocity--in affirming that the performance

of justice is not an onerous duty, but in itself happiness-giving,

to the just agent--Plato contradicts his own theory respecting the

genesis and foundation of society. What is the explanation which

he himself gives (in this very Republic) of the primary origin of

a city? It arises (he says) from the fact, that each individual

among us is not self-sufficing, but full of wants. All having many

wants, each takes to himself others as partners and auxiliaries to

supply them: thus grows up the aggregation called a city.[26] Each

man gives to another, and receives from another, in the belief

that it will be better for him to do so. It is found most

advantageous to all, that each man shall devote himself

exclusively to one mode of production, and shall exchange his

produce with that of others. Such interchange of productions and

services is the generating motive which brings about civic

communion.[27] Justice and injustice will be found in certain

modes of carrying on this useful interchange between each man and

the rest.[28]

[Footnote 26: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 369 B-C. [Greek: gi/gnetai

po/lis, e)peidê\ tugcha/nei ê(mô=n e(/kastos ou)k au)ta/rkês

a)lla\ pollô=n e)ndeê/s . . . metadi/dôsi dê\ a)/llos a)/llô|,

ei)/ ti metadi/dôsin, ê)\ metalamba/nei, _oi)o/menos au(tô=|

a)/meinon ei)=nai_ . . . poiê/sei de\ au)tê\n (tê\n po/lin),

ô(s e)/oiken, ê)\ _ê(mete/ra chrei/a_.]]

[Footnote 27: Plato, Republic, ii. pp. 371 B. [Greek: Ti/ de\ dê/?

e)n au)tê=| tê=| po/lei pô=s a)llê/lois metadô/sousin ô(=n a)\n

e(/kastoi e)rga/zôntai? _ô(=n dê\_ e(/neka _kai\ koinôni/an

poiêsa/menoi po/lin ô)|ki/samen_.]]

[Footnote 28: Plato, Republ. ii. pp. 371 E-372 A. [Greek: Pou=

ou)=n a)/n pote e)n au)tê=| (tê=| po/lei) ei)/ê ê(/ te dikaiosu/nê

kai\ ê( a)diki/a? . . . E)gô\ ou)k e(nnoô=, ei) mê/ pou _e)n

au)tô=n tou/tôn chrei/a| tini\ tê=| pro\s a)llê/lous_.]]

Here Plato expressly declares the principle of reciprocity to be

the fundamental cause which generates and sustains the communion

called the city. No man suffices to himself: every man has wants

which require supply from others: every man can contribute

something to supply the wants of others. Justice or injustice have

place, according as this reciprocal service is carried out in one

manner or another. Each man labours to supply the wants of others

as well as his own.

This is the primitive, constant, indispensable, bond whereby

society is brought and held together. Doubtless it is not the only

bond, nor does Plato say that it is. There are other auxiliary

social principles besides, of great value and importance: but they

presuppose and are built upon the fundamental

principle--reciprocity of need and service--which remains when we

reduce society to its lowest terms; and which is not the less real

as underlying groundwork, though it is seldom enunciated separately,

but appears overlaid, disguised, and adorned, by numerous

additions and refinements. Plato correctly announces the

reciprocity of need and service as one indivisible, though complex

fact, when looked at with reference to the social communion.

Neither of the two parts of that fact, without the other part,

would serve as adequate groundwork. Each man must act, not for

himself alone, but for others also: he must keep in view the

requirements of others, to a certain extent, as well as his own.

In his purposes and scheme of life, the two must be steadily

combined.

[Side-note: Antithesis and correlation of obligation and

right. Necessity of keeping the two ideas together, as the basis

of any theory respecting society.]

It is clear that Plato--in thus laying down the principle of

reciprocity, or interchange of service, as the ground-work of the

social union--recognises the antithesis, and at the same time the

correlation, between obligation and right. The service which each

man renders to supply the wants of others is in the nature of an

onerous duty; the requital for which is furnished to him in the

services rendered by others to supply his wants. It is payment

against receipt, and is expressly so stated by Plato--which every

man conforms to, "believing that he will be better off thereby".

Taking the two together, every man is better off; but no man would

be so by the payment alone; nor could any one continue paying out,

if he received nothing in return. Justice consists in the proper

carrying on of this interchange in its two correlative parts.[29]

[Footnote 29: We may remark that Plato, though he states the

principle of reciprocity very justly, does not state it

completely. He brings out the reciprocity of need and service; he

does not mention the reciprocal liability of injury. Each man can

do hurt to others: each man may receive hurt from others.

Abstinence on the part of each from hurting others, and security

to each that he shall not be hurt by others, are necessities quite

as fundamental as that of production and interchange.

The reciprocal feeling of security, or absence of all fear of

ill-usage from others ([Greek: to\ kath' ê(me/ran a)dee\s kai\

a)nepibou/leuton pro\s a)llê/lous], to use the phrase of

Thucydides iii. 37), is no less essential to social sentiment,

than the reciprocal confidence that each man may obtain from

others a supply of his wants, on condition of supplying theirs.]

We see therefore that Plato contradicts his own fundamental

principle, when he denies the doing of justice to be an onerous

duty, and when he maintains that it is in itself

happiness-giving to the just agent, whether other men account him

just and do justice to him in return--or not. By this latter doctrine

he sets aside that reciprocity of want and service, upon which he had

affirmed the social union to rest. The fathers, whom he blames,

gave advice in full conformity with his own principle of

reciprocity--when they exhorted their sons to the practice of

justice, not as self-inviting, but as an onerous service towards

others, to be requited by corresponding services and goodwill from

others towards them. If (as he urges) such advice operates as an

encouragement to crime, because it admits that the successful

tyrant or impostor, who gets the services of others for nothing,

is better off than the just man who gets them only in exchange for

an onerous equivalent--this inference equally flows from that

proclaimed reciprocity of need and service, which he himself

affirms to be the generating cause of human society. If it be true

(as Plato states) that each individual is full of wants, and

stands in need of the services of others--then it cannot be true,

that payment without receipt, as a systematic practice, is

self-inviting and self-satisfying. That there are temptations for

strong or cunning men to evade obligation and to usurp wrongful

power, is an undeniable fact. We may wish that it were not a fact:

but we gain nothing by denying or ignoring it. The more clearly

the fact is stated, the better; in order that society may take

precaution against such dangers--a task which has always been

found necessary and often difficult. In reviewing the Gorgias,[30]

we found Sokrates declaring, that Archelaus, the energetic and

powerful king of Macedonia, who had usurped the throne by means of

crime and bloodshed, was thoroughly miserable: far more miserable

than he would have been, had he been defeated in his enterprise

and suffered cruel punishment. Such a declaration represents the

genuine sentiment of Sokrates as to what he _himself_ would

feel, and what ought to be (in his conviction) the feeling of

every one, after having perpetrated such nefarious acts. But it

does not represent the feeling of Archelaus himself, nor that of

the large majority of bystanders: both to these latter, and

to himself, Archelaus appears an object of envy and

admiration.[31] And it would be a fatal mistake, if the peculiar

sentiment of Sokrates were accepted as common to others besides,

and as forming a sound presumption to act upon: that is, if, under

the belief that no ambitious man will voluntarily bring upon

himself so much misery, it were supposed that precautions against

his designs were unnecessary. The rational and tutelary purpose of

punishment is, to make the proposition true and obvious to

all--That the wrong-doer will draw upon himself a large preponderance

of mischief by his wrong-doing. But to proclaim the proposition by

voice of herald (which Plato here proposes) as if it were already

an established fact of human nature, independent of all such

precautions--would be only an unhappy delusion.[32]

[Footnote 30: See above, ch. xxiv., vol. ii., pp. 325-29.]

[Footnote 31: Xenophon, Cyropæd. iii. 3, 52-53. Cyrus says:--

[Greek: A)=r' ou)k, ei) me/llousi toiau=tai dia/noiai

e)ggenê/sesthai a)nthrô/pois kai\ e)/mmonoi e)/sesthai, prô=ton

me\n no/mous u(pa/rxai dei= toiou/tous, di' ô(=n _toi=s me\n

a)gathoi=s e)/ntimos kai\ e)leuthe/rios o( bi/os

paraskeuasthê/setai_, toi=s _de\ kakoi=s tapeino/s te kai\

a)lgeino\s_ kai\ a)bi/ôtos o( ai)ô\n e)panakei/setai? E)/peita

de\ didaska/lous, oi)/mai, dei= kai\ a)/rchontas e)pi\ tou/tois

gene/sthai, oi(/tines dei/xousi/ te o)rthô=s kai\ dida/xousi kai\

e)thi/sousi tau=ta dra=|n, e)/st' a)\n e)gge/nêtai au)toi=s, tou\s

me\n _a)gathou\s kai\ eu)kleei=s eu)daimonesta/tous_ tô=|

o)/nti nomi/zein, tou\s de\ _kakou\s kai\ duskleei=s

a)thliôta/tous_ a(pa/ntôn ê(gei=sthai.]

Xenophon here uses language at variance with that of Plato, and

consonant to that of the fathers of families whom Plato censures.

To create habits of just action, and to repress habits of unjust

action, society must meet both the one and the other by a suitable

response. Assuming such conditional reciprocity to be realised,

you may then persuade each agent that the unjust man, whom society

brands with dishonour, is miserable ([Greek: oi( kakoi\

_kai\_ duskleei=s]).]

[Footnote 32: Xenophon, Economic. xiii. 11. Ischomachus there

declares:--

[Greek: Pa/nu ga/r moi dokei=, ô)= Sô/krates, a)thumi/a

e)ggi/gnesthai toi=s a)gathoi=s, o(/tan o(rô=si ta\ me\n e)/rga

di' au)tô=n katapratto/mena, tô=n de\ o(moi/ôn tugcha/nontas

e(autoi=s tou\s mê/te ponei=n mê/te kinduneu/ein e)the/lontas,

o(/tan de/ê|.]--Also xiv. 9-10.]

[Side-note: Characteristic feature of the Platonic

Commonwealth--specialization of services to that function for

which each man is fit--will not apply to one individual

separately.]

The characteristic feature of the Platonic commonwealth is to

specialize the service of each individual in that function for

which he is most fit. It is assumed, that each will render due

service to the rest, and will receive from them due service in

requital. Upon this assumption, Plato pronounces that the

community will be happy.

Let us grant for the present that this conclusion follows from his

premisses. He proceeds forthwith to apply it by analogy to another

and a different case--the case of the individual man. He

presumes complete analogy between the community and an

individual.[33] To a certain extent, the analogy is real: but it

fails on the main point which Plato's inference requires as a

basis. The community, composed of various and differently endowed

members, suffices to itself and its own happiness: "the individual

is not sufficient to himself, but stands in need of much aid from

others"[34]--a grave fact which Plato himself proclaims as the

generating cause and basis of society. Though we should admit,

therefore, that Plato's commonwealth is perfectly

well-constituted, and that a well-constituted commonwealth will be

happy--we cannot from thence infer that an individual, however

well-constituted, will be happy. His happiness depends upon others

as well as upon himself. He may have in him the three different

mental varieties of souls, or three different persons--Reason,

Energy, Appetite--well tempered and adjusted; so as to produce a

full disposition to just behaviour on his part: but constant

injustice on the part of others will nevertheless be effectual in

rendering him miserable. From the happiness of a community, all

composed of just men--you cannot draw any fair inference to that

of one just man in an unjust community.

[Footnote 33: The parallel between the Commonwealth and the

individual is perpetually reproduced in Plato's reasoning.

Republic, ii. pp. 368-369, vii. p. 541 B, ix. pp. 577 C-D, 579 E,

&c.]

[Footnote 34: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 369 B.]

Thus much to show that the parallel between the community and the

individual, which Plato pursues through the larger portion of the

Republic, is fallacious. His affirmation--That the just man is

happy in his justice, _quand même_--in his own mental

perfection, whatever supposition may be made as to the community

among whom he lives--implies that the just man is self-sufficing:

and Plato himself expressly declares that no individual is

self-sufficing. Indeed, no author can set forth more powerfully than

Plato himself in this very dialogue--the uncomfortable and

perilous position of a philosophical individual, when standing

singly as a dissenter among a community with fixed habits and

sentiments--unphilosophical and anti-philosophical. Such a person

(Plato says) is like a man who has fallen into a den of wild

beasts: he may think himself fortunate, if by careful

retirement and absence from public manifestation, he can preserve

himself secure and uncorrupted: but his characteristic and

superior qualities can obtain no manifestation. The philosopher

requires a community suited to his character. Nowhere does any

such community (so Plato says) exist at present.[35]

[Footnote 35: Plato, Repub. vi. pp. 494 E, 496 D, 497 B. [Greek:

ô(/sper ei)s thêri/a a)/nthrôpos e)mpesô/n], &c. Compare also

ix. p. 592 A.]

[Side-note: Plato has not made good his refutation--the

thesis which he impugns is true.]

I cannot think, therefore, that the main thesis which Sokrates

professes to have established, against the difficulties raised by

Glaukon, is either proved or provable. Plato has fallen into

error, partly by exaggerating the parallelism between the

individual man and the commonwealth: partly by attempting to

reason on justice and injustice in abstract isolation, without

regard to the natural consequences of either--while yet those

consequences cannot be really excluded from consideration, when we

come to apply to these terms, predicates either favourable or

unfavourable. That justice, taken along with its ordinary and

natural consequences, tends materially to the happiness of the

just agent--that injustice, looked at in the same manner, tends to

destroy or impair the happiness of the unjust--these are

propositions true and valuable to be inculcated. But this was the

very case embodied in the exhortations of the ordinary moralists

and counsellors, whom Plato intends to refute. He is not satisfied

to hear them praise justice taken along with its natural

consequences: he stands forward to panegyrise justice

abstractedly, and without its natural consequences: nay, even if

followed by consequences the very reverse of those which are

ordinary and natural.[36] He insists that justice is eligible and

pleasing _per se_, self-recommending: that among the three

varieties of _Bona_ (1. That which we choose for itself and

from its own immediate attractions. 2. That which is in itself

indifferent or even painful, but which we choose from regard to

its ulterior consequences. 3. That which we choose on both

grounds, both as immediately attractive and as ultimately

beneficial), it belongs to the last variety: whereas the opponents

whom he impugns referred it to the second.

[Footnote 36: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 367 B. [Greek: ei) ga\r mê\

a)phairê/seis e(kate/rôthen] (_i.e._ both from justice and

from injustice) [Greek: ta\s a)lêthei=s, ta\s de\ pseudei=s

prosthê/seis, ou) to\ di/kaion phê/somen e)painei=n se, a)lla\ to\

dokei=n, ou)de\ to\ a)/dikon ei)=nai pse/gein, a)lla\ to\ dokei=n,

kai\ parakeleu/esthai a)/dikon o)/nta lantha/nein], &c.]

[Side-note: Statement of the real issue between him and his

opponents.]

Here the point at issue between the two sides is expressly set

forth. Both admit that Justice is a Bonum--both of them looking at

the case with reference only to the agent himself. But the

opponents contend, that it is Bonum (with reference to the agent)

only through its secondary effects, and noway Bonum or attractive

in its primary working: being thus analogous to medical treatment

or gymnastic discipline, which men submit to only for the sake of

ulterior benefits. On the contrary, Plato maintained that it is

good both in its primary and secondary effects: good by reason of

the ulterior benefits which it confers, but still better and more

attractive in its direct and primary effect: thus combining the

pleasurable and the useful, like a healthy constitution and

perfect

senses. Both parties agree in recognising justice as a good: but

they differ in respect of the grounds on which, and the mode in

which, it is good.

[Side-note: He himself misrepresents this issue--he

describes his opponents as enemies of justice.]

Such is the issue as here announced by Plato himself: and the

announcement deserves particular notice because the Platonic

Sokrates afterwards, in the course of his argument, widens and

misrepresents the issue: ascribing to his opponents the invidious

post of enemies who defamed justice and recommended injustice,

while he himself undertakes to counterwork the advocates of

injustice, and to preserve justice from unfair calumny[37]--thus

professing to be counsel for Justice _versus_ Injustice. Now

this is not a fair statement of the argument against which

Sokrates is contending. In that argument, justice was admitted to

be a Good, but was declared to be a Good of that sort which is

laborious and irksome to the agent in the primary proceedings

required from him--though highly beneficial and indispensable to

him by reason of its ulterior results: like medicine, gymnastic

discipline, industry,[38] &c. Whether this doctrine be correct

or not, those who hold it cannot be fairly described as

advocates of injustice and enemies of Justice:[39] any more than

they are enemies of medicine, gymnastic discipline, industry,

&c., which they recommend as good and indispensable, on the

same grounds as they recommend justice.

[Footnote 37: Plato, Repub. ii. p. 368 B-C. [Greek: de/doika ga\r

mê\ ou)d' o(/sion ê)=| parageno/menon dikaiosu/nê| kakêgoroume/nê|

a)pagoreu/ein kai\ mê\ boêthei=n, e)/ti e)mpne/onta kai\

duna/menon phthe/ggesthai.]]

[Footnote 38: Plato, Republic, ii. pp. 357-358.]

[Footnote 39: In the lost treatise De Republicâ of Cicero, Philus,

one of the disputants, was introduced as spokesman of the

memorable discourse delivered by Karneades at Rome, said to have

been against Justice, and in favour of Injustice--"patrocinium

injustitiæ". Lælius replied to him, as "_Justitiæ defensor_".

The few fragments preserved do not enable us to appreciate the

line of argument taken by Karneades: but as far as we can judge,

it seems to have been very different from that which is assigned

to Glaukon and Adeimantus in the Platonic Republic. See the

Fragments of the third book De Republicâ in Orelli's edition of

Cicero, pp. 460-467.]

It may suit Plato's purpose, when drawing up an argument which he

intends to refute, to give to it the colour of being a panegyric

upon injustice: but this is no real or necessary part of the

opponent's case. Nevertheless the commentators on Plato bring it

prominently forward. The usual programme affixed to the Republic

is--Plato, the defender of Justice, against Thrasymachus and the

Sophists, advocates and panegyrists of Injustice. How far the real

Thrasymachus may have argued in the slashing and offensive style

described in the first book of the Republic, we have no means of

deciding. But the Sophists are here brought in as assumed

preachers of injustice, without any authority either from Plato or

elsewhere: not to mention the impropriety of treating the Sophists

as one school with common dogmas. Glaukon (as I have already

observed) announces the doctrine against which Sokrates contends,

not as a recent corruption broached by the Sophists, but as the

generally received view of Justice: held by most persons, repeated

by the poets from ancient times downwards, and embodied by fathers

in lessons to their children: Sokrates farther declares the

doctrine which he himself propounds to be propounded for the first

time.[40]

[Footnote 40: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 358 A. [Greek: Ou) toi/nun

dokei= _toi=s polloi=s_, a)lla\ tou= e)pipo/nou ei)/dous],

&c. 358 C-D: [Greek: a)kou/ôn Thrasuma/chou kai\ muri/ôn

a)/llôn. to\n de\ u(pe\r tê=s dikaiosu/nês lo/gon ou)deno/s pô

a)kê/koa ô(s bou/lomai.] 362 E-364: [Greek: le/gousi de/ pou kai\

parakeleu/ontai pate/res te ui(e/si kai\ pa/ntes oi(/ tinôn

kêdo/menoi], &c.--[Greek: tou/tois de\ pa=si toi=s lo/gois

ma/rturas poiêta\s e)pa/gontai] (p. 364 C). Also p. 366 D.]

[Side-note: Farther arguments of Plato in support of his

thesis. Comparison of three different characters of men.]

Over and above the analogy between the just commonwealth and the

just individual, we find two additional and independent arguments,

to confirm the proof of the Platonic thesis, respecting the

happiness of the just man. Plato distributes mankind into three

varieties. 1. He in whom Reason is preponderant--the

philosopher. 2. He in whom Energy or Courage is preponderant--the

lover of dominion and superiority--the ambitious man. 3. He in

whom Appetite is preponderant--the lover of money. Plato considers

the two last as unjust men, contrasting them with the first, who

alone is to be regarded as just.

The language of Plato in arguing this point is vague, and requires

to be distinguished before we can appreciate the extent to which

he has made out his point. At one time, he states his conclusion

to the effect--That the man who pursues and enjoys the pleasures

of ambition or enrichment, but only under the conditions and

limits which reason prescribes, is happier than he who pursues

them without any such controul, and who is the slave of violent

and ungovernable impulses.[41] This is undoubtedly true.

[Footnote 41: Plato, Republic, ix. pp. 586-587.]

But elsewhere Plato puts his thesis in another way. He compares

the pleasures of the philosopher, arising from intellectual

contemplation and the acquisition of knowledge--with the pleasures

of the ambitious man and the money-lover, in compassing their

respective ends, the attainment of power and wealth. If you ask

(says Plato) each of these three persons which is the best and

most pleasurable mode of life, each will commend his own: each

will tell you that the pleasures of his own mode of life are the

greatest, and that those of the other two are comparatively

worthless.[42] But though each thus commends his own, the judgment

of the philosopher is decidedly the most trustworthy of the three.

For the necessities of life constrain the philosopher to have some

experience of the pleasures of the other two, while they two are

altogether ignorant of his: moreover, the comparative estimate

must be made by reason and intelligent discussion, which is his

exclusive prerogative. Therefore, the philosopher is to be taken

as the best judge, when he affirms that his pleasures are the

greatest, in preference to the other two.[43] To establish this

same conclusion, Plato even goes a step farther. No pleasures,

except those peculiar to the philosopher, are perfectly true and

genuine, pure from any alloy or mixture of pain. The

pleasures of the ambitious man, and of the money-lover, are

untrue, spurious, alloyed with pain and for the most part mere

riddances from pain--appearing falsely to be pleasures by contrast

with the antecedent pains to which they are consequent. The

pleasures of the philosophic life are not preceded by any pains.

They are mental pleasures, having in them closer affinity with

truth and reality than the corporeal: the matter of knowledge,

with which the philosophising mind is filled and satisfied, comes

from the everlasting and unchangeable Ideas and is thus more akin

to true essence and reality, than the perishable substances which

relieve bodily hunger and thirst.[44]

[Footnote 42: Plato, Republic, ix. p. 581 C-D.]

[Footnote 43: Plato, Republic, ix. pp. 582-583.]

[Footnote 44: Plato, Republic, ix. pp. 585-586.]

[Side-note: His arguments do not go to the point which he

professes to aim at.]

It is by these two lines of reasoning, and especially by the last,

that Plato intends to confirm and place beyond dispute the triumph

of the just man over the unjust.[45] He professes to have

satisfied the requirement of Glaukon, by proving that the just man

is happy by reason of his justice--_quand même_--however he

may be esteemed or dealt with either by Gods or men. But even if

we grant the truth of his premisses, no such conclusion can be

elicited from them. He appears to be successful only because he

changes the terminology, and the state of the question. Assume it

to be true, that the philosopher, whose pleasures are derived

chiefly from the love of knowledge and of intellectual

acquisitions, has a better chance of happiness than the ambitious

or the money-loving man. This I believe to be true in the main,

subject to many interfering causes--though the manner in which

Plato here makes it out is much less satisfactory than the

handling of the same point by Aristotle after him.[46] But when

the point is granted, nothing is proved about the just and the

unjust man, except in a sense of those terms peculiar to Plato

himself.

[Footnote 45: Plato, Republic, ix. p. 583 B. [Greek: Tau=ta me\n

toi/nun ou)/tô du/' e)phexê=s a)\n ei)/ê kai\ di\s nenikêkô\s o(

di/kaios to\n a)/dikon; to\ de\ tri/ton . . . tou=t' a)\n ei)/ê

me/gisto/n te kai\ kuriô/taton tô=n ptôma/tôn.]]

[Footnote 46: Aristot. Ethic. Nikom. i. 5, p. 1095 b, 1096 a, x.

6-9, pp. 1176-1179.]

Nor indeed is Plato's conclusion proved, even in his own sense of

the words. He identifies the just man with the philosopher or man

of reason--the unjust man with the pursuer of power or wealth.

Now, even in this Platonic meaning, the just man or

philosopher cannot be called happy _quand même_: he

requires, as one condition of his happiness, a certain amount of

service, forbearance, and estimation, on the part of his fellows.

He is not completely self-sufficing, nor can any human being be

so.

[Side-note: Exaggerated parallelism between the Commonwealth

and the individual man.]

The confusion, into which Plato has here fallen, arises mainly

from his exaggerated application of the analogy between the

Commonwealth and the Individual: from his anxiety to find in the

individual something like what he notes as justice in the

Commonwealth: from his assimilating the mental attributes of each

individual, divisible only in logical abstraction,--to the really

distinct individual citizens whose association forms the

Commonwealth.[47] It is only by a poetical or rhetorical metaphor

that you can speak of the several departments of a man's mind, as

if they were distinct persons, capable of behaving well or ill

towards each other. A single man, considered without any reference

to others, cannot be either just or unjust. "The just man"

(observes Aristotle, in another line of argument), "requires

others, towards whom and with whom he may behave justly."[48] Even

when we talk by metaphor of a man being just towards himself,

reference to others is always implied, as a standard with which

comparison is taken.

[Footnote 47: Plato, Republic, i. pp. 351 C, 352 C. [Greek: ou)

ga\r a)\n a)pei/chonto a)llê/lôn komidê=| o)/ntes a)/dikoi, a)lla\

dê=lon o(/ti e)nê=n tis au)toi=s dikaiosu/nê, ê(\ au)tou\s

e)poi/ei mê/ toi kai\ a)llê/lous ge kai\ e)ph' ou(\s ê)/|esan

a(/ma a)dikei=n, di' ê(\n e)/praxan a(\ e)/praxan, ô(/rmêsan de\

e)pi\ ta\ a)/dika a)diki/a| ê(mimo/chthêroi o)/ntes], &c.

We find the same sentiment in the Opera et Dies of Hesiod, 275,

contrasting human society with animal life:--

[Greek: i)/chthusi me\n kai\ thêrsi\ kai\ oi)ônoi=s peteê/nois

e)/sthein a)llê/lous, e)pei\ ou) di/kê e)sti\n e)n au)toi=s;

a)nthrô/poisi d' e)/dôke (Zeu\s) di/kên, ê(\ pollo\n a)ri/stê

gi/netai.]]

[Footnote 48: Aristotel. Ethic. Nikomach. x. 7. [Greek: o(

di/kaios dei=tai pro\s ou(\s dikaiopragê/sei, kai\ meth' ô(=n.]]

[Side-note: Second Argument of Plato to prove the happiness

of the just man--He now recalls his previous concession, and

assumes that the just man will receive just treatment and esteem

from others.]

In the main purpose of the Republic, therefore--to prove that the

just man is happy in his justice, and the unjust miserable in his

injustice, whatever supposition may be made as to consequent

esteem or treatment from Gods or men--we cannot pronounce Plato to

have succeeded. He himself indeed speaks with triumphant

confidence of his own demonstration. Yet we find him at the close

of the dialogue admitting that he had undertaken the defence of a

position unnecessarily difficult. "I conceded to you" (he

says) "for argument's sake that the just man should be accounted

unjust, by Gods as well as men, and that the unjust man should be

accounted just. But this is a concession which I am not called

upon to make; for the real fact will be otherwise. I now compare

the happiness of each, assuming that each has the reputation and

the treatment which he merits from others. Under this supposition,

the superior happiness of the just man over the unjust, is still

more manifest and undeniable."[49]

[Footnote 49: Plato, Republic, x. pp. 612-613.]

Plato then proceeds to argue the case upon this hypothesis, which

he affirms to be conformable to the reality. The just man will be

well-esteemed and well-treated by men: he will also be favoured

and protected by the Gods, both in this life and after this life.

The unjust man, on the contrary, will be ill-esteemed and

ill-treated by men: he will farther be disapproved and punished by

the Gods, both while he lives and after his death. Perhaps for a time

the just man may seem to be hardly dealt with and miserable the

unjust man to be prosperous and popular but in the end, all this

will be reversed.[50]

[Footnote 50: Plato, Republic, x. p. 613.]

The second line of argument is essentially different from the

first. Plato dispatches it very succinctly, in two pages: while in

trying to prove the first, and in working out the very peculiar

comparison on which his proof rests, he had occupied the larger

portion of this very long treatise.

In the first line of argument, justice was recommended as

implicated with happiness _per se_ or absolutely--_quand

même_--to the agent: injustice was discouraged, as implicated

with misery. In the second line, justice is recommended by reason

of its happy ulterior consequences to the agent: injustice is

dissuaded on corresponding grounds, by reason of its miserable

ulterior consequences to the agent.

It will be recollected that this second line of argument is the

same as that which Glaukon described as adopted by parents and by

other monitors, in discourse with pupils. Plato therefore here

admits that their exhortations were founded on solid grounds;

though he blames them for denying or omitting the

announcement, that just behaviour conferred happiness upon

the agent by its own efficacy, apart from all consequences. He

regards the happiness attained by the just man, through the

consequent treatment by men and Gods, as real indeed,--but as only

supplemental and secondary, inferior in value to the happiness

involved in the just behaviour _per se_.

In this part of the argument, too, as well as in the former, we

are forced to lament the equivocal meaning of the word

_justice_: and to recollect the observation of Plato at the

close of the first book, that those who do not know what justice

is, can never determine what is to be truly predicated of it, and

what is not.[51] If by the just man he means the philosopher, and

by the unjust man the person who is not a philosopher,--he has

himself told us before, that in societies as actually constituted,

the philosopher enjoys the minimum of social advantages, and is

even condemned to a life of insecurity; while the unphilosophical

men (at least a certain variety of them) obtain sympathy, esteem,

and promotion.[52]

[Footnote 51: Plato, Republic, i. p. 354 B.]

[Footnote 52: Plato, Republic, vi. pp. 492-494-495-497.]

Now in this second line of argument, Plato holds a totally

different language respecting the way in which the just man is

treated by society. He even exaggerates, beyond what can be

reasonably expected, the rewards accruing to the just man: who

(Plato tells us), when he has become advanced in life and

thoroughly known, acquires command in his own city if he chooses

it, and has his choice among the citizens for the best matrimonial

alliances: while the unjust man ends in failure and ignominy,

incurring the hatred of every one and suffering punishment.[53]

This is noway consistent with Plato's previous description of the

position of the philosopher in actual society: yet nevertheless

his argument identifies the just man with the philosopher.

[Footnote 53: Plato, Republic, x. p. 613 D-E.]

[Side-note: Dependence of the happiness of the individual on

the society in which he is placed.]

Plato appears so anxious to make out a triumphant case in favour

of justice and against injustice, that he forgets not only the

reality of things, but the main drift of his own previous

reasonings. Nothing can stand out more strikingly, throughout this

long and eloquent treatise, than the difference between one

society and another: the necessary dependence of every one's lot,

partly indeed upon his own character, but also most

materially upon the society to which he belongs: the impossibility

of affirming any thing generally respecting the result of such and

such dispositions in the individual, until you know the society of

which he is a member, as well as his place therein. Hence arises

the motive for Plato's own elaborate construction--a new society

upon philosophical principles. This essentially relative point of

view pervades the greater part of his premisses, and constitutes

the most valuable part of them.

Whether the commonwealth as a whole, assuming it to be once

erected, would work as he expects, we will not here enquire. But

it is certain that the commonwealth and the individuals are

essential correlates of each other; and that the condition of each

individual must be criticised in reference to the commonwealth in

which he is embraced. Take any member of the Platonic

Commonwealth, and place him in any other form of government, at

Athens, Syracuse, Sparta, &c.--immediately his condition, both

active and passive, is changed. Thus the philosophers, for whom

Plato assumes unqualified ascendancy as the cardinal principle in

his system, become, when transferred to other systems, divested of

influence, hated by the people, and thankful if they can obtain

even security. "The philosopher (says Plato) must have a community

suited to him and docile to his guidance: in communities such as

now exist, he not only has no influence as philosopher, but

generally becomes himself corrupted by the contagion and pressure

of opinions around him: this is the natural course of events, and

it would be wonderful if the fact were otherwise."[54]

[Footnote 54: Plato, Republic, vi. pp. 487-488-489 B, 497 B-C. 492

C: [Greek: kai\ phê/sein ta\ au)ta\ tou/tois kala\ kai\ ai)schra\

ei)=nai, kai\ e)pitêdeu/sein a(/per a)\n ou(=toi, kai\ e)/sesthai

toiou=ton?] Compare also ix. pp. 592 A, 494 A: [Greek: tou\s

philosophou=ntas a)/ra a)na/gkê pse/gesthai u(p' au)tô=n (tou=

plê/thous).] And vii. p. 517 A.]

[Side-note: Inconsistency of affirming general positions

respecting the happiness of the just man, in all societies without

distinction.]

After thus forcibly insisting upon the necessary correlation

between the individual and the society, as well as upon the

variability and uncertainty of justice and injustice in different

existing societies[55]--Plato is inconsistent with himself in

affirming, as an universal position, that the just man receives

the favour and good treatment of society, the unjust man, hatred

and punishment.[56] You cannot decide this until you know in

what society the just man is placed. In order to make him

comfortable, Plato is obliged to construct an imaginary society

suited to him: which would have been unnecessary, if you can

affirm that he is sure to be well treated in every society.

[Footnote 55: Plato, Republic, v. p. 479, vi. p. 493 C.]

[Footnote 56: Plato, Republic, x. p. 613.]

[Side-note: Qualified sense in which only this can be done.]

There is a sense indeed (different from what Plato intended), in

which the proposition is both true, and consistent with his own

doctrine about the correlation between the individual and the

society. When Plato speaks of the just or the unjust man, to whose

judgment does he make appeal? To his own judgment? or to which of

the numerous other dissentient judgments? For that there were

numerous dissentient opinions on this point, Plato himself

testifies: a person regarded as just or unjust in one community,

would not be so regarded in another. All this ethical and

intellectual discord is fully recognised as a fact, by Plato

himself: who moreover keenly felt it, when comparing his own

judgment with that of the Athenians his countrymen. Such being the

ambiguity of the terms, we can affirm nothing respecting the just

or the unjust man absolutely and generally--respecting justice or

injustice in the abstract: We cannot affirm any thing respecting

the happiness or misery of either, except with reference to the

sentiments of the community wherein each is placed. Assuming their

sentiments to be known, we may pronounce that any individual

citizen who is unjust _relatively to them_ (_i.e._, who

behaves in a manner which they account unjust), will be punished

by their superior force, and rendered miserable: while any one who

abstains from such behaviour, and conducts himself in a manner

which they account just, will receive from them just dealing, with

a certain measure of trust, and esteem: Taken in this relative

sense, we may truly say of the unjust man, that he will be

unhappy; because displeasure, hatred, and punitory infliction from

his countrymen will be quite sufficient to make him so, without

any other causes of unhappiness. Respecting the just man, we can

only say that he will be happy, so far as exemption from this

cause of misery is concerned: but we cannot make sure that he

will be happy on the whole, because happiness is a product to

which many different conditions, positive and negative, must

concur--while the serious causes of misery are efficacious, each

taken singly, in producing their result.

[Side-note: Question--Whether the just man is orthodox or

dissenter in his society?--important in discussing whether he is

happy.]

Moreover, in estimating the probable happiness either of the just

(especially taking this word _sensu Platonico_ as equivalent

to _the philosophers_) or the unjust, another element must be

included: which an illustrious self-thinking reasoner like Plato

ought not to have omitted. Does the internal reason and sentiment

of the agent coincide with that of his countrymen, as to what is

just and unjust? Is he essentially homogeneous with his countrymen

(to use the language of Plato in the Gorgias[57]), a chip of the

same block? Or has he the earnest conviction that the commandments

and prohibitions which they enforce upon him, on the plea of

preventing injustice, are themselves unjust? Is he (like the

philosopher described by Plato among societies actually

constituted, or like Sokrates at Athens[58]) a conscientious

dissenter from the orthodox creed--political, ethical, or

æsthetical--received among his fellow-citizens generally? Does he

(like Sokrates) believe himself to be inculcating useful and

excellent lessons, while his countrymen blame and silence him as a

corruptor of youth, and as a libeller of the elders?[59] Does he,

in those actions which he performs either under legal restraint or

under peremptory unofficial custom, submit merely to what he

regards as _civium ardor prava jubentium_, or as _vultus

instantis tyranni_?

[Footnote 57: Plato, Gorgias, p. 513 B. [Greek: au)tophuô=s

o(/moios tê=| politei/a|], &c.]

[Footnote 58: Plato, Republic, vi. pp. 496-497. Plato, Gorgias, p.

521 D.]

[Footnote 59: Plato, Gorgias, p. 522 B. [Greek: e)a/n te/ ti/s me

ê)\ neôte/rous phê=| diaphthei/rein a)porei=n poiou=nta, ê)\ tou\s

presbute/rous kakêgorei=n le/gonta pikrou\s lo/gous ê)\ i)di/a|

ê)\ dêmosi/a|, ou)/te to\ a)lêthe\s e(/xô ei)pei=n, o(/ti Dikai/ôs

pa/nta tau=ta e)gô\ le/gô kai\ pra/ttô to\ u(me/teron dê\ tou=to,

ô)= a)/ndres dikastai/, ou)/te a)/llo ou)de/n; ô(/ste i)/sôs, o(/,

ti a)\n tu/chô, tou=to pei/somai.]]

[Side-note: Comparison of the position of Sokrates at

Athens, with that of his accusers.]

This is a question essentially necessary to be answered, when we

are called upon to affirm the general principle--"That the just

man is happy, and that the unjust man is unhappy". Antipathy and

ill-treatment will be the lot of any citizen who challenges

opinions which his society cherish as consecrated, or professes

such as they dislike. Such was the fate of Sokrates himself

at Athens. He was indicted as unjust and criminal ([Greek:

A)dikei= Sôkra/tês]), while his accusers, Anytus and Melêtus,

carried away the esteem and sympathy of their fellow-citizens

generally, as not simply just men, but zealous champions of

justice--as resisting the assailants of morality and religion, of

the political constitution, and of parental authority. How

vehement was the odium and reprobation which Sokrates incurred

from the majority of his fellow-citizens, we are assured by his

own Apology[60] before the Dikasts. Now it is to every one a

serious and powerful cause of unhappiness, to feel himself the

object of such a sentiment. Most men dread it so much, like the

Platonic Euthyphron, that they refrain from uttering, or at least

are most reserved in communicating, opinions which are accounted

heretical among their countrymen or companions.[61] The resolute

and free-spoken Sokrates braved that odium; which, aggravated by

particular circumstances, as well as by the character of his own

defence, attained at last such a height as to bring about his

condemnation to death. That he was sustained in this unthankful

task by native force of character, conscientious persuasion, and

belief in the approbation of the Gods--is a fact which we should

believe, even if he himself had not expressly told us so. But to

call him _happy_, would be a misapplication of the term,

which no one would agree with Plato in making--least of all the

friends of Sokrates in the last months of his life. Besides, if we

are to call Sokrates happy on these grounds, his accusers would be

still happier: for they had the same conscientious conviction, and

the same belief in the approbation of the Gods: while they enjoyed

besides the sympathy of their country men as champions of religion

and morality.

[Footnote 60: Plato, Apolog. Sokr. pp. 28 A. 37 D.

[Greek: pollê/ moi a)pechthei/a ge/gone kai\ pro\s pollou/s],

&c.]

[Footnote 61: Plato, Euthyphron, p. 3 C-D. [Greek: A)thênai/ois

ga/r toi ou) spho/dra me/lei, a)/n tina deino\n oi)/ôntai ei)=nai,

mê\ me/ntoi didaskaliko\n tê=s au(tou= sophi/as; o(\n d' a)\n kai\

a)/llous oi)/ôntai poiei=n toiou/tous, thumou=ntai, ei)/t' ou)=n

phtho/nô|, ei)/te di' a)/llo ti.]

_Euthyphr._ [Greek: Tou/tou me\n pe/ri o(/pôs pote\ pro\s

e)me\ e)/chousin, ou) pa/nu e)pithumô= peirathê=nai.]

_Sokrat._ [Greek: I)/sôs ga\r su\ me\n dokei=s spa/nion

seauto\n pare/chein, kai\ dida/skein ou)k e)the/lein tê\n seautou=

sophi/an], &c.]

[Side-note: Imperfect ethical basis on which Plato has

conducted the discussion in the Republic.]

In spite of all the charm and eloquence, therefore, which abounds

in the Republic, we are compelled to declare that the Platonic

Sokrates has not furnished the solution required from him by

Glaukon and Adeimantus: and that neither the first point (ix.

p. 580 D) nor the second point of his conclusion (x. p. 613) is

adequately made out. The very grave ethical problem, respecting

the connexion between individual just behaviour and individual

happiness, is discussed in a manner too exclusively

self-regarding, and inconsistent with that reciprocity which Plato

himself sets forth as the fundamental, generating, sustaining,

principle of human society. If that principle of reciprocity is to

be taken as the starting-point, you cannot discuss the behaviour

of any individual towards society, considered in reference to his

own happiness, without at the same time including the behaviour of

society towards him. Now Plato, in the conditions that he

expressly prescribes for the discussion,[62] insists on keeping

the two apart; and on establishing a positive conclusion about the

first, without at all including the second. He rejects

peremptorily the doctrine--"That just behaviour is performed for

the good of others, apart from the agent". Yet if society be, in

the last analysis (as Plato says that it is), an exchange of

services, rendered indispensable by the need which every one has

of others--the services which each man renders are rendered _for

the good of others_, as the services which they render to him

are rendered _for his good_. The just dealing of each man is,

in the first instance, beneficial to others: in its secondary

results, it is for the most part beneficial to himself.[63] His

unjust dealing, in like manner, is, in the first instance,

injurious to others: in its secondary results, it is for the most

part injurious to himself. Particular acts of injustice may, under

certain circumstances, be not injurious, nay even beneficial, to

the unjust agent: but they are certain to be hurtful to

others: were it not so, they would not deserve to be branded as

injustice. I am required to pay a debt, for the benefit of my

creditor, and for the maintenance of a feeling of security among

other creditors though the payment may impose upon myself severe

privation: indirectly, indeed, I am benefited, because the same

law which compels me, compels others also to perform their

contracts towards me. The law (to use a phrase of Aristotle)

guarantees just dealing by and towards each.[64] The Platonic

Thrasymachus, therefore, is right in so far as he affirms--That

injustice is _Malum Alienum_, and justice _Bonum

Alienum_,[65] meaning that such is the direct and primary

characteristic of each. The unjust man is one who does wrong to

others, or omits to render to others a service which they have a

right to exact, with a view to some undue profit or escape of

inconvenience for himself: the just man is one who abstains from

wrong to others, and renders to others the full service which they

have a right to require, whatever hardship it may impose upon

himself. A man is called just or unjust, according to his conduct

towards others.

[Footnote 62: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 367.]

[Footnote 63: See the instructive chapter on the Moral Sense, in

Mr. James Mill's Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind, ch.

xxiii. vol. ii. p. 280.

"The actions from which men derive advantage have all been classed

under four titles--Prudence, Fortitude, Justice, Beneficence. . .

When those names are applied to our own acts, the first two,

Prudent and Brave, express acts which are useful _to

ourselves_, in the first instance: the latter two, Just and

Beneficent, express acts which are useful _to others_, in the

first instance. . . It is further to be remarked, that those acts

of ours which are primarily useful to ourselves, are secondarily

useful to others; and those which are primarily useful to others,

are secondarily useful to ourselves. Thus, it is by our own

prudence and fortitude that we are best enabled to do acts of

justice and beneficence to others. And it is by acts of justice

and beneficence to others, that we best dispose them to do similar

acts to us."]

[Footnote 64: Aristot. Polit. iii. 9, 1280, b. 10, [Greek: o(

no/mos sunthê/kê, kai\ katha/per e)/phê Luko/phrôn o( sophistê/s,

e)gguêtê\s a)llê/lois tô=n dikai/ôn.] Chrysippus also, writing

against Plato, maintained that [Greek: a)diki/a] was essentially

[Greek: pro\s e(/teron, ou) pro\s e(auto/n] (Plutarch, Stoic.

Repugnant. c. 16, p. 1041 D).]

[Footnote 65: Plato, Republic, ii. p. 367 C. [Greek: kai\

o(mologei=n Thrasuma/chô| o(/ti to\ me\n di/kaion, a)llo/trion

a)gatho/n, xumphe/ron tou= krei/ttonos; to\ de\ a)/dikon, au)tô=|

me\n xumphe/ron kai\ lusitelou=n, tô=| de\ ê(/ttoni,

a)xu/mphoron.]]

[Side-note: Plato in Republic is preacher, inculcating

useful beliefs--not philosopher, establishing scientific theory.

State of Just and Unjust Man in the Platonic Commonwealth.]

In considering the main thesis of the Republic, we must look upon

Plato as preacher--inculcating a belief which he thinks useful to

be diffused; rather than as philosopher, announcing general truths

of human nature, and laying down a consistent, scientific, theory

of Ethics. There are occasions on which even he himself seems to

accept this character. "If the fable of Kadmus and the dragon's

teeth" (he maintains) "with a great many other stories equally

improbable, can be made matters of established faith, surely a

doctrine so plausible as mine, about justice and injustice, can be

easily taught and accredited."[66] To ensure unanimous

acquiescence, Plato would constrain all poets to proclaim and

illustrate his thesis--and would prohibit them from uttering

anything inconsistent with it.[67] But these or similar official

prohibitions may be employed for the upholding of any creed,

whatever it be: and have been always employed, more or less, in

every society, for the upholding of the prevalent creed. Even in

the best society conceivable under the conditions of human life,

assuming an ideal commonwealth in which the sentiments of

_just_ and _unjust_ have received the most systematic,

beneficent, and rational embodiments, and have become engraven on

all the leading minds--even then Plato's first assertion--That the

just man is happy _quand même_--could not be admitted without

numerous reserves and qualifications. Justice must still be done

by each agent, not as a self-inviting process, but as an

obligation entailing more or less of sacrifice made by him to the

security and comfort of others. Plato's second assertion--That the

unjust man is miserable--would be more near the truth; because the

ideal commonwealth is assumed to be one in which the governing

body has both the disposition and the power to punish

injustice--and the discriminating equanimity, or absence of

antipathies, which secures them against punishing anything else.

The power of society to inflict misery is far more extensive than

its power of imparting happiness. But even thus, we have to recollect

that the misery of the unjust person arises not from his in justice

_per se_, but from consequent treatment at the hands of others.

[Footnote 66: See Plato, Legg. ii. pp. 663-664.

Good and simple people, in the earlier times (says Plato) believed

every thing that was told them. They were more virtuous and just

then than they are now (Legg. iii. p. 679 C-E).]

[Footnote 67: Plato, Legg. ii. pp. 661-662. Illustrated in the

rigid and detailed censorship which he imposes on the poets in the

Republic, in the second and third books.

In the Legg., however, Plato puts his thesis in a manner less

untenable than in the Republic:--"Neither to do wrong to others,

nor to suffer wrong from others; this is the happiest condition"

(Legg. ii. p. 663 A). This is a very different proposition from

that which is defended in the Republic; where we are called upon

to believe, that the man who acts justly will be happy, whatever

may be the conduct of others towards him.

Epikurus laid down, as one of the doctrines in his [Greek: Ku/riai

Do/xai] (see Diog. Laert. x. 150): [Greek: To\ tê=s phu/seôs

di/kaion e)sti\ su/mbolon tou= sumphe/rontos, ei)s to\ mê\

bla/ptein a)llê/lous mêde\ bla/ptesthai. O(/sa tô=n zô/|ôn mê\

ê)du/nato sunthê/kas poiei=sthai ta\s u(pe\r tou= mê\ bla/ptein

a)/llêla mêde\ bla/ptesthai, pro\s tau=ta ou)the/n e)stin ou)de\

di/kaion ou)/de\ a)/dikon. Ô(sau/tôs de\ kai\ tô=n e)thnô=n o(/sa

mê\ ê)du/nato, ê)\ mê\ e)bou/leto, ta\s sunthê/kas poiei=sthai

ta\s u(pe\r tou= mê\ bla/ptein a)llê/lous mêde\ bla/ptesthai],

&c.

Lucretius expresses the same--v. 1020:--

"Tunc et amicitiam coeperunt jungere aventes

"Finitimi inter se nec _lædere nec violari_," &c.]

[Side-note: Comparative happiness of the two in actual

communities. Plato is dissatisfied with it--This is his motive for

recasting society on his own principles.]

Thus much for the Platonic or ideal commonwealth. But when we pass

from that hypothesis into the actual world, the case becomes far

stronger against the truth of both Plato's assertions. Of

actual societies, even the best have many imperfections--the less

good, many attributes worse than imperfections:--"_ob virtutes

certissimum exitium_". The dissenter for the better, is liable

to be crucified alongside of the dissenter for the worse: King

Nomos will tolerate neither.

[Side-note: Confusion between the preacher and the

philosopher in the Platonic Republic.]

Plato as a preacher holds one language: as a philosopher and

analyst, another. When he is exhorting youth to justice, or

dissuading them from injustice, he thinks himself entitled to

depict the lot of the just man in the most fascinating colours,

that of the unjust man as the darkest contrast against

it,--without any careful observance of the line between truth and

fiction: the fiction, if such there be, becomes in his eyes a

_pia fraus_, excused or even ennobled by its salutary

tendency. But when he drops this practical purpose, and comes to

philosophise on the principles of society, he then proclaims

explicitly how great is the difference between society as it now

stands, and society as it ought to be: how much worse is the

condition of the just, how much less bad that of the unjust (in

every sense of the words, but especially in the Platonic sense)

than a perfect commonwealth would provide. Between the

exhortations of Plato the preacher, and the social analysis of

Plato the philosopher, there is a practical contradiction, which

is all the more inconvenient because he passes backwards and

forwards almost unconsciously, from one character to the other.

The splendid treatise called the Republic is composed of both, in

portions not easy to separate.

[Side-note: Remarks on the contrast between ethical theory

and ethical precepts.]

The difference between the two functions just mentioned--the

preceptor, and the theorizing philosopher--deserves careful

attention, especially in regard to Ethics. If I lay down a theory

of social philosophy, I am bound to take in all the conditions and

circumstances of the problem: to consider the whole position of

each individual in society, as an agent affecting the security and

comfort of others, and also as a person acted on by others, and

having his security and comfort affected by their behaviour: as

subject to obligations or duties, in the first of the two

characters--and as enjoying rights (_i.e._, having

others under obligation to him) in the second. This reciprocity of

service and need--of obligation and right--is the basis of social

theory: its two parts are in indivisible correlation: alike

integrant and co-essential. But when a preceptor delivers

exhortations on conduct, it is not necessary that he should insist

equally on each of the two parts. As a general fact of human

nature, it is known that men are disposed _proprio motu_ to

claim their rights, but not so constantly or equally disposed to

perform their obligations: accordingly, the preceptor insists upon

this second part of the case, which requires extraneous support

and enforcement--leaving untouched the first part, which requires

none. But the very reason why the second part needs such support,

is, because the performance of the obligation is seldom

self-inviting, and often the very reverse: that is, because the

Platonic doctrine misrepresents the reality. The preceptor ought

not to indulge in such misrepresentation: he may lay stress

especially upon one part of the entire social theory, but he ought

not to employ fictions which deny the necessary correlation of the

other omitted part. Many preceptors have insisted on the

performance of obligation, in language which seemed to imply that

they considered a man to exist only for the performance of

obligation, and to have no rights at all. Plato in another way

undermines equally the integrity of the social theory, when he

contends, that the performance of obligations alone, without any

rights, is delightful _per se_, and suffices to ensure

happiness to the performer. Herein we can recognise only a

well-intentioned preceptor, narrowing and perverting the social

theory for the purpose of edification to his hearers.

Plato and the Other Companions of Sokrates, 3rd ed. Volume 4 · 第 4 / 15 章