PERSONAL VIGNETTES
We motor through northern Africa--The King of Italy discusses world
politics--Exploring historical ruins with the Mayor of Rome and
Georg Brandes--Two Cardinals--David Lubin, international genius--In
London--William Watson, the British poet, considers residing in
America and asks about cost of living--Lloyd George curious about
Progressives--He guarantees a one-pound note--John Burns discourses
on British history--The notable housing experiment at Hampstead
Garden Suburb--Earl and Lady Grey--At Skibo Castle with Andrew
Carnegie--Indifferent golf, but fine trout fishing--At The Hague
Peace Palace--Some eminent Hollanders--Turning the laugh on the
cartoonists--Rudyard Kipling on having a daughter in society--An
evening with Israel Zangwill--Henri Bergson in an argument with
Roosevelt, with Rodin, the sculptor, a bored listener--To Spain to
attend Kermit Roosevelt's wedding--Spanish politics--A protege of
Bismarck--Recollections of Disraeli--Evidence of Spanish and Jewish
origin of Christopher Columbus.
Motoring leisurely through Algiers and Tunis with Mrs. Straus, I was now
enjoying a delightful holiday, free from cares and responsibility. The
drowsy tropical air invited complete relaxation, and the lazy African
days ushered us into a world unbelievably remote from that of American
politics. Graceful, luminous Algiers, with its brilliant European
hotels, charming cafes, veiled women, and swarthy men, etched lasting
impressions upon our minds. My defeat in the tense Progressive contest
for the governorship of New York had afforded me this opportunity for
another taste of freedom. It was in the spring of the year 1913, and the
mountains through which we toured were full of unexpected and beguiling
scenes. This region is not only rich in historic associations, but the
engineering skill of the French has in turn modernized it with excellent
motor roads. From Tunis we crossed to Sicily, where we visited the
Carthaginian, Greek, and Roman remains of columns and temples that still
bear tragic witness to the conflict between the armies of Hannibal and
Scipio, and between the transplanted Asiatic and European civilizations.
We made our way to Rome, where Ambassador Thomas J. O'Brien showed us
many attentions, and arranged for an audience on April 28th with Victor
Emmanuel III. The King was most affable and agreeable, and spoke perfect
English. He referred to my several missions to Turkey, and said he, too,
was there frequently when he was in the navy. He spoke with an intimate
knowledge of the men and affairs in the Near East that surprised me. We
discussed Arabia and the unrest there due to the incompetency of the
Sultan's Government, and soon the conversation turned to the Balkan
situation. I said I feared that as soon as the treaty then being
negotiated, which was to end the first Balkan War against Turkey, was
signed, a fresh war would break out among the five Balkan Powers. That
would not surprise him, he said, but considered that it might be best to
let them fight it out. I answered that the trouble with that course was
that the fight would involve the Great Powers, as the several Balkan
States were attached to strings that led directly into the chancelleries
of the Great Powers--with which the King did not disagree.
We talked of the Jews, and he said in Italy they were not made a
separate element in the population. "We neither know nor care whether a
man is a Jew or not," he remarked, adding that the only persons who took
special notice of the subject at all were occasional clericals.
Personally he was very fond of the Jews; nearly every ministry had
contained one or more; and General Ottolenghi, a Jew who had been
Minister of War a few years before, had been one of his most favored
instructors. Altogether we had a fine talk of over an hour. The King's
quick and vigorous mind, his clearness of vision and breadth of
intellectual grasp I found very refreshing. Unlike some of the monarchs,
he did not seem detached and weighted down by a sense of his own
importance.
From my friend Isaac N. Seligman, since deceased, of New York, I had
received a letter of introduction to Ernesto Nathan, Mayor of Rome, of
whom I had heard much and whom I was therefore anxious to meet. I sent
Mr. Seligman's letter, together with my card, to the Mayor. The next
morning, when Mrs. Straus and I were leaving our hotel for a motor ride,
a tall, prepossessing gentleman, who impressed me somewhat as a typical
Englishman, came toward me with a look of recognition which I
instinctively answered.
"Is this Mr. Straus? I am Mr. Nathan," he said, in perfect English.
His brother was with him, and we were glad to return to the hotel with
them for a chat. We arranged for a little excursion the next day to the
ancient Roman commercial city of Ostia, whose ruins were being
excavated. In the midst of these plans the Mayor remarked that a friend
of his, Georg Brandes, the Danish savant and critic, was in Rome, and if
agreeable to us he would like to have him join us. Of course it was
agreeable, and in our little party next day were Mayor Nathan, his
brother, his daughter, Georg Brandes, a Signor Cena, editor of a leading
Italian review, and ourselves. The Mayor acted as guide and showed an
astonishing familiarity with things archaeological in a most delightful
way; even the occasional spells of rain in no way dampened our enjoyment
of the trip. Upon our return, the Mayor took us to lunch in a typical
Italian restaurant, where we spent two hours at a sociable repast.
My introduction to Mayor Ernesto Nathan led to a friendship which I
prized highly and enjoyed until his death in April, 1921. He was born in
England of Jewish parents. His father was a banker and a descendant of
the Frankfort family of Nathans, a collateral branch of the Mayer family
from whom is descended the great banking family of Rothschild. After his
father died, his mother took the family to Pisa to live. Here their home
became a refuge for Italian patriots, as it had been in London. At
twenty-five Signor Nathan became business manager of "La Roma del
Popolo," a paper started by Giuseppe Mazzini, a friend of the family,
whose works he later edited. Nathan remained an editor and publisher
until he entered politics. He became Mayor of Rome in 1907, elected by
the anti-clerical party, and during the six years he remained Mayor he
did much to modernize Rome, especially in the improvement of its
street-car service and its sanitation, so that the city's death-rate
became one of the lowest in Europe. He was highly esteemed, and even the
clericals respected his uprightness and efficiency.
Brandes, when I met him, was nearly seventy years old, but
intellectually vigorous and brilliant, although cynical, even if at
times humorously and delightfully so.
Through David Lubin, American delegate to the International Institute of
Agriculture, whom I had known for many years, we met Professor Luigi
Luzzatti, Professor of International Law at the University of Rome, a
leading member of the Italian Chamber, and a convincing orator and
publicist. He was then in his seventies, a large, statesmanlike figure
of distinguished appearance. We spent a pleasant hour in his apartment
on the Via Veneto opposite our hotel. He said he was gratified to find
my views, as expressed in my "Roger Williams" and in my chapter on the
development of religious liberty in my "American Spirit," so much in
accord with his own. He told me about his brochure, "Liberta di
Consciensa e di Sciensa," which had been translated into German under
the title "Freiheit des Gewissens und Wissens." In it he makes
considerable reference to Roger Williams, and pays me the compliment of
saying that he derived the inspiration for his book from mine. He also
quotes extensively from Roosevelt's letter on religious liberty, which I
have embodied in Chapter X of this volume.
I called on Professor Luzzatti a number of times thereafter, which in
his charming way he had begged me to do because he was confined to the
house with a cold and therefore could not call on me. In one of his
notes he wrote that we were friends because our ideas and ideals were
the same, and he wanted to be sure to see me again before I left Rome.
He confirmed what the King had told me, that there was no anti-Semitic
spirit in Italy. He said he was a Jew, but was not brought up
religiously as such, although he was known to be ready on all necessary
occasions to stand up for his people.
Professor Luzzatti was largely responsible for improving Italy's
financial system, and in the establishment of the Banca Popolari, or
People's Banks. He was also influential in the negotiation of Italy's
commercial treaties.
Through the offices of P. R. Mackenzie, who for a number of years had
been Rome correspondent of the "New York Sun," I met Cardinals Rampolla
and Falconio. We called first on the latter, who knew our country well.
For nine years he had been papal legate at Washington, during which time
he became a naturalized citizen. As we entered his reception room, I
observed two little American flags attached to an ornament on the
center table. He informed, me as he greeted me that His Holiness was
quite ill, otherwise he would have advised me to allow Cardinal Rampolla
and himself to arrange for an audience.
Mr. Mackenzie informed the Cardinal that I had been a member of the
Roosevelt Cabinet, which recalled Roosevelt's visit to Rome in 1910. Of
course, I was anxious to learn how both these prelates regarded that
incident. Cardinal Falconio said that the Holy Father had made no
conditions as to the visit, but had merely expressed the hope that there
might be no repetition of the Fairbanks incident; the Holy Father knew
how broad-minded and well-disposed Roosevelt was toward all creeds and
had really wanted very much to meet him. The Cardinal said that of
course Roosevelt could not be blamed; the matter should not have been
handled through the embassy. His remarks implied that the mismanagement
had been there.
We now went within the Vatican district, under the arch on the side, to
the palatial residence of Cardinal Rampolla. On entering, we were led to
the Cardinal's private room next to the formal reception chamber, where
the Cardinal greeted us warmly. He has great charm of manner and is most
gracious; withal he impressed one as a keen, learned, and shrewd
prelate. He was regarded as the ablest and most distinguished of the
cardinals eligible to the Holy See, and it may be remembered that he was
considered the logical successor of Leo XIII, and it was said he would
probably have been elected Pope but for the opposition of the Emperor of
Austria.
In referring to the Roosevelt incident, he too held Roosevelt entirely
blameless, and added that both he and Brother Falconio knew how kindly
Roosevelt felt toward Catholics and the Holy See, and that there should
have been nothing official about that message; if he had been in Merry
Del Val's place, the regrettable misunderstanding would not have
happened. Evidently he blamed the papal secretary.
David Lubin gave a dinner at the Hotel de Russie to Mrs. Straus and me
on May 1st. Among the guests were Mayor Nathan and Marquis Sapelli,
president of the International Institute of Agriculture, and the
Marchioness. Professor Luzzatti had accepted, but his cold still
prevented his going out. Lubin was a rough diamond, so to speak: a man
of vision, unlimited energy and enthusiasm. It was he who induced the
Italian Government to recognize the International Institute of
Agriculture, and he was regarded by that Government as its founder.
Indeed, he was better understood in Rome than in Washington. He knew
nothing and cared less about diplomatic amenities. When I was in the
Cabinet our ambassador at Rome had made an unfavorable report about him
because of some supposed tactless move which was objected to by our
ambassador. This report displeased Secretary Root, and the result would
have been Lubin's recall as our delegate to the Institute, had I not
interceded for him with the President, explaining what manner of man
Lubin was, that he had no manners but genius, and that I felt sure the
King of Italy himself would intercede for him.
As a matter of fact about a year after that there was some question of
appointing another person as American delegate, and the King did
intercede for Lubin. For the help and encouragement that I gave this
worthy man he was always thereafter most grateful to me. It was David
Lubin, too, who first aroused interest in America in the establishment
of an agricultural credit system, as well as in the cooperative banks.
* * * * *
From Rome we went direct to London, where I shortly got in touch with
William Watson, the poet. I had met him the year before in the United
States. I was chairman of the executive committee of the Authors' Club
at the time, and as such its president; the Club gave him a reception;
also he was at my house several times. It was said of him that he was
better known than Robert Bridges and would have been selected as poet
laureate in preference to Bridges had he not written a poem called "The
Woman with the Serpent's Tongue," referring to Margot Asquith, wife of
the Premier, which spoiled his chances for official recognition. He
appeared somewhat disappointed and to be considering permanent residence
in America. He asked me about the cost of living in cities other than
New York, which he considered too extravagant.
Watson gave me a luncheon at the British Empire Club, where I met a
number of his friends--Sir Sidney Lee, editor of the "Dictionary of
National Biography"; Sir William Robertson Nicoll, editor of the
"Bookman" and of the "British Weekly"; H. W. Massingham, editor of the
"Nation"; and a few others. Watson told me that Sir Sidney Lee's
biography of Shakespeare was considered the best extant from an
historical and critical point of view, and that his biography of King
Edward had created a sensation in England, but that its aim was to
portray the human side of King Edward. He told me also that Sir Sidney
was an Israelite. My own conversation with Sir Sidney was very general.
He is a mild man with a reserved manner.
Sir Charles and Lady Henry invited us to luncheon at their beautiful
town house in Carlton Gardens, to meet Lloyd George, who was then
Chancellor of the Exchequer. The other guests were: Sir Alexander Ure,
solicitor-general for Scotland; Dr. Thomas J. MacNamara, parliamentary
secretary to the Admiralty; Robert Donald, editor of the "Daily
Chronicle," a leading labor daily.
Lloyd George explained the important Liberal measures to me,
particularly the National Insurance Act of 1911, amendments to which
were then being considered in the House. He declared that it was
necessary to curb or reform the House of Lords before social justice
measures, such as this insurance act, legislation for old age pensions,
etc., could be put through. He asked about Roosevelt and the status of
the Progressive Party, and whether the newspapers were favorable to the
cause; it seems that the newspapers did not give him adequate
information regarding the Progressives. I had to tell him that many of
our leading dailies were not with us. I explained to him that I thought
the Progressive movement could hardly be regarded as a party, but that I
believed its influence in liberalizing both of the old parties would be
considerable.
When I was in London shortly after the outbreak of the World War, I
remember a humorous incident at another meeting with Lloyd George, at a
small dinner. For emergency use there had been issued one-pound treasury
notes that looked more like a "shinplaster" of our Civil War days than
like a dignified British pound. One of the guests brought in a number of
these, for which some of us exchanged gold. As I took one up I remarked
about the appearance of it and added that before I accepted it I would
require the endorsement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lloyd George
quickly answered, "That can be done," and promptly took the note and
wrote his name on the back of it. It remains in my possession as a
souvenir.
The following Sunday, Sir Charles and Lady Henry again invited us to
luncheon, this time to their country home near Maidenhead, to meet Sir
Rufus and Lady Isaacs. Sir Rufus is now Lord Reading, and it was then
quite well understood that he would be appointed Lord Chief Justice. He
expressed great interest in our parliamentary system as compared with
that of Great Britain, but thought the British method had an advantage
over ours in that members of the Cabinet were at the same time members
of Parliament and could advocate their own measures, and that in England
a Cabinet member must be not only an administrator, but a
parliamentarian as well. He was very anxious to know how administrative
measures in our country are brought forward and enacted into laws. I
explained our system to him and told him I thought the system of
questioning in Parliament members of the Cabinet left very little
opportunity for the Cabinet members to devote themselves to the
administrative work of their departments.
During this stay in London, I again had several pleasant meetings with
Postmaster-General Herbert Samuel, whom I had visited when I passed
through London on my return from Constantinople in 1910. He informed me
that within a month he intended visiting Canada and then the United
States. Later in the year I met him in my own country, where he
delivered several public addresses and made a fine impression.
While we were at tea one afternoon on the terrace of the House of
Commons with Mr. and Mrs. Samuel, the Right Honorable John Burns,
president of the Local Government Board, joined us. He knew both my
brothers and was pleased to meet me. He asked me to accompany him to
his department, which is only a short distance from Westminster Hall. As
we passed the entrance to Westminster, he said to me:
"Let us stop here and let me give you a graphic page of British
history."
So we halted for about ten minutes under the scaffolding of the men who
were doing some repair work on the edifice, while Burns discoursed
eloquently on the well-known facts of British history. I was as much
interested in the man as in the great Gothic structure, and my mind went
on to review the march of democracy from the booted and spurred Cromwell
to the radical labor leader John Burns. The radicalism of Burns was at
one time considered dangerous, but on entering the Cabinet he became
conservative and reliable, proving the effect of responsibility upon
even the more radical minds when in office.
Across the Thames Burns pointed to some factories, saying: "There is
where my father worked as a day laborer, and where I worked." And I was
indeed impressed with the democracy of Great Britain in our day.
We spent a charming evening with Mr. and Mrs. Harry Brittain, now Sir
Harry and Lady Brittain, in their cozy home on Cowley Street. The only
other guest was Earl Grey, former Governor-General of Canada. Earlier in
the year I had met both Sir Harry Brittain and Earl Grey in New York,
when they came over respectively as chairman and secretary of the
British committee for the Celebration of One Hundred Years of Peace.
A few days thereafter Earl Grey invited Mrs. Brittain, Mrs. Straus, and
me to breakfast with him and then to accompany him to the now famous
Hampstead Garden Suburb. I was glad of this opportunity to see that
experiment, because the subject of housing workers in wholesome homes
and surroundings at a moderate cost was one that interested me very
much.
Hampstead is only about five or six miles from the heart of London. In
this beautiful suburb, every house has a garden, and the architecture of
the houses is varied and attractive. Earl Grey knew several of the
tenants, and took us into a number of the houses. At that time the
rental of an entire house per week was six and a half shillings and
upward; and there were large single rooms with cooking facilities for
three and a half shillings a week. The population was almost seven
thousand, and the suburb was being extended. There was an air of
contentment about the place, and the children looked robust and happy.
The wonder of it all was that the plan was on an economically sound
basis and was paying four and a half per cent annually on the capital
invested. The Earl had much to do with the development of this suburb
and, if I mistake not, was chairman of the board at the time.
Mrs. Straus and I were also invited to spend a week-end with Earl and
Lady Grey at Howick, their Northumberland estate. Mrs. Straus, however,
had planned to take a cure at a German health resort, so my son Roger
was invited in her stead. The only other visitor was Henry Vivian, M.P.,
who was associated with Earl Grey in both the Hampstead Garden Suburb
and the organization of the cooperative societies, of which latter Earl
Grey was chairman. I participated in a meeting of the Cooperative
Society of Northern England and saw how practical and inexpensively
conducted they were, cheapening merchandise of all kinds by eliminating
the profits of middlemen and the cost of distribution, and to that
extent lowering the cost of living. Along these lines we have much to
learn in our own country.
Roger and I spent a delightful few days with Earl and Lady Grey. The
Earl represented the finest type of English nobleman. He was a man of
the highest ideals, even regarded by some as rather visionary in his
various plans for the betterment of economic conditions; a man who
recognized, as do so many of the British titled people, the patriotic
responsibilities attached to their position.
I now proceeded to the northern part of Scotland to spend a few days
with Andrew Carnegie at Skibo Castle in Sutherland. It was what Andrew
Carnegie called "university week" at Skibo, for in accordance with an
annual custom he had as his guests the provosts of the several Scotch
universities.
Every morning we were awakened by the music of several Scotch
highlanders dressed in their kilts and playing old native tunes on their
bagpipes. Those were unique and memorable awakenings in the
steel-master's castle; the bagpipes attuned the mind instantly to the
Scotch atmosphere and Scotch tradition. We started our day invariably
with a game of golf, at which we helped each other out as caddies, for
all of us, Mr. Carnegie included, were indifferent players (beyond which
stage I have not even since progressed), so that we all felt quite at
home with one another on the links.
We had hoped to test Carnegie's much-lauded and far-famed salmon pond,
but that season the fish were late in coming up the run, so we were
deprived of that pleasure and had to console ourselves with a little
trout fishing. Two or three were put into each of our baskets for
breakfast, and the remainder were religiously restored to the pond.
At that time Skibo Castle had but recently been built, but already it
was noted for its generous hospitality, which both the British and
American friends of Mr. Carnegie so much enjoyed.
I had promised Mr. Carnegie that I would attend the ceremonies opening
the Peace Palace at The Hague, to which all the members of the Hague
Tribunal had been specially invited. From Skibo, therefore, I returned
to London, to meet my old friend Hakki Pasha, who was one of the Turkish
members of the Tribunal, and together we went on to The Hague.
A word about the origin of the Peace Palace may not prove tedious.
Shortly after the close of the first Hague Conference in 1899 the late
Professor Martens, distinguished Russian international jurist, had a
talk with our ambassador at Berlin, Andrew D. White, who had been
chairman of the American delegation at that conference. Together they
discussed the desirability of a building at The Hague which should serve
as a "palace of justice" for the Permanent Court and as a place of
meetings for international conferences. Subsequently Ambassador White
presented the idea to Andrew Carnegie, and Carnegie invited him to come
to Skibo to discuss it. Ambassador White records in his "Autobiography":
The original idea had developed into something far greater. The
Peace Palace at The Hague began to reappear in a new glory--as a
pledge and sign of a better future for the world. Then there came
from Carnegie the words which assured his great gift to the
nations--the creation of a center as a symbol of a world's desire
for peace and of good will to man.
The programme for the dedication was in keeping with the occasion. The
city itself was decorated with festive drapery and floral arches. It was
a beautiful day and great crowds of people had gathered. The great
conference hall and the galleries of the Palace were filled with
representatives of the nations: the diplomatic corps; about forty
members of the Permanent Court; members of the States General of
Holland; the Queen; Prince Henry; the Queen Mother, and many ladies;
altogether an imposing assembly.
The ceremony opened with the singing of anthems by the choir from
Amsterdam. An historical address was made by the former Minister of
Foreign Affairs, Jonkheer van Karnebeek, president of the Carnegie
Building Foundation. His son, by the way, is Minister of Foreign Affairs
at this writing and was Holland's chief representative at the Washington
Conference of 1921. Mr. Van Swinderen, the retiring Minister of Foreign
Affairs, made the address accepting the custody of the building.
In the evening a banquet to Mr. Carnegie was given in the Hall of
Knights at Binnenhof by the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the name of
the Government, to which were invited the nobility and all the high
officials who had attended the ceremony, and who thereafter were
received in audience by the Queen at the Royal Palace.
The greatest possible distinction was shown to both Mr. and Mrs.
Carnegie, who were brimming over with gratification. Well known as
Carnegie was as one of the greatest captains of industry, he is even
better known, and will be longer remembered throughout the world, by the
extent of his benefactions, in the distribution of which he found his
supreme happiness in the last two decades of his life.
When the World War began, the cartoonists made much sport of the Peace
Palace as the outstanding embodiment of the irony of fate, and with the
peace advocates for the failure of their vision. But evidence is not
entirely lacking that the peace advocates may yet be able to turn the
laugh on the cartoonists. Some of the most constructive features of the
League of Nations were formulated by commissions working under the roof
of the Peace Palace. The International Court of Justice, organized
under the provisions of the covenant of the League of Nations, has its
seat within the Palace and will soon be ready to commence its
constructive work. The Palace is a contribution whose worth to
civilization can hardly be measured in a single generation.
* * * * *
In the fall of that year we returned to New York, but only for a few
months. When Kermit Roosevelt became engaged to Miss Willard, charming
daughter of our ambassador to Spain, my wife promised him that unless we
were unavoidably prevented, we should be present at his marriage in
Madrid early in the following June. We had become very much attached to
our young friend, whom we got to know so well during his stay with us at
Constantinople.
On May 19, 1914, we returned to Europe on the S.S. Lusitania. On board
we were agreeably surprised to find our long-time friend, Mrs. T. J.
Preston, Jr., formerly Mrs. Grover Cleveland, seated at our table in the
dining-saloon. She was traveling alone and was to meet her husband and
daughter in London. Naturally we spoke of Cleveland and of his qualities
as they had revealed themselves to her and to his more intimate friends.
When a man is President and always in the limelight, people get a
perverted impression of him, a fact true more or less since Washington's
day, but perhaps to a greater degree in the case of Cleveland. Mrs.
Preston referred to many incidents that illustrated his gentleness and
consideration, and she gave credit to his advice and guidance for much
of the tact she displayed as mistress of the White House, for she was
scarcely out of her teens when she occupied that important post.
In London I received a letter from Roosevelt saying he would meet us in
Paris on June 7th, and suggesting that I keep in touch with our embassy
there. Miss Catherine Page also was going to the wedding to be one of
the bridesmaids, and Ambassador Page asked us to take her with us, which
of course we were glad to do.
We stayed in London for several days, and soon after our arrival, there
was a young people's dance at the embassy to which the ambassador asked
us to come if only for a short stay. There we met Mr. and Mrs. Rudyard
Kipling. In the course of a pleasant chat, I asked Kipling in what work
he was then engaged.
Kipling pointed to the next room at the dancing, and said: "Sitting up
late nights as I have a daughter in society, which is my principal
occupation at present."
I spent an evening with Israel Zangwill, during which he unfolded to me
a plan he was formulating to call a conference of representative Jews
from various countries to form a central committee which was to be more
internationally representative than the Alliance Israelite of Paris,
which is in reality dominantly French and therefore does not represent
the world of Israel in an international sense. Such a body was to
protect, defend, and plead for the cause of the Jews wherever necessary
and to speak in behalf of the Jewry of the world. He said he had talked
it over with his colleagues and they wanted me to take the presidency of
such a body because of my experience in statesmanship and world
diplomacy. I took care not to discourage him, but told him I should have
to consider the matter, because with me personality sank out of sight
when an important cause was to be carried forward.
When we arrived in Paris, a note awaited us from Ambassador Herrick
asking us to come to the embassy, and informing us that Roosevelt was
there. When I arrived I found Roosevelt in the smoking-room engaged in
an animated conversation with ex-Premier Hanotaux regarding the physical
characteristics of the races of Europe, in which Henri Bergson also
participated, and to which the sculptor Rodin appeared to be a bored
listener. Roosevelt was talking French, and when he could not find the
word he wanted, he used an English term for which Bergson would then
give him the French equivalent.
The next day our party left for Madrid--Roosevelt, his daughter Alice,
their cousin Philip, son of William Emlen Roosevelt, Miss Page, Mrs.
Straus, and myself. We were a jolly party.
Roosevelt and I, of course, talked politics, especially the future of
the Progressive Party. The State campaign for Governor and United States
Senator was being discussed when Roosevelt left home, and he had given
out an interview before sailing regarding the sort of men that should be
chosen, in which he had kindly referred to me as the standard of nominee
for Senator. The press had commented extensively and favorably upon such
a choice and there had appeared many articles and editorials giving
consideration to my name. Roosevelt had, of course, referred to me only
as the type of man to be chosen, and believed that if the nominee for
Governor were chosen from New York City, it might be well to choose the
candidate for Senator from up-State. I told him I had no personal vanity
in the matter, that what we wanted was the candidates that would best
embody the cause. He answered that he knew me well enough for that, but
that every one agreed that next to him I was the most prominent
Progressive, and in New York State even stronger than he, as shown by
the election of 1912. Of course I did not agree with this generous
statement, which was another proof that figures do sometimes lie.
He expressed the hope that the Progressives and the liberal wing of the
Republicans might unite. He lamented the difficulties for the party in
the coming election, and said he was reluctant to enter the campaign,
but, he added: "I must stand by the men who stood by me." If Johnson was
again to be the candidate of the party for Governor of California and
needed his help, he would have to go there, though he could not overtax
his throat, which had been weakened by his fever in the jungles of
Brazil. He said if that fever had overtaken him two weeks earlier, he
would not have pulled through; as it was, he had had a narrow escape.
At Irun, the Spanish border, King Alphonso's private car was hitched on
to our train. From there on to the King's summer palace, where he left
the train, a small guard of honor was drawn up at every stopping-place
and the chief officials of the district came to pay their respects to
their sovereign. The King was only twenty-eight years old, but was
generally conceded to be a man of ability, with enlightened views, and
highly regarded by his subjects. However, among the random notes that I
made at the end of this visit to Spain, I wrote:
I very much doubt if monarchy will last another score of years in
Spain unless the King takes a lesson from Great Britain and is
content to have Parliament govern the country. The democratic
spirit is rapidly growing, but I very much doubt if the people with
their long traditions of monarchical government, will be prepared
for many years for a democratic form of government.
The most powerful man in Parliament, though out of the Ministry at the
time, was the late Premier Maurer. The Conservatives were in power, but
their tenure was precarious. It was said that Maurer's ancestors several
generations ago were Jews, which is also true of several members of the
nobility, whose ancestors were converted during the period of the
Inquisition.
Our ambassador and his staff of secretaries were at the station in
Madrid to meet us. The Roosevelts went to the embassy and we went to the
Ritz Hotel. At eleven o'clock on the morning of June 10th, the civil
marriage took place in the Prefecture of Police before a district judge.
It was a simple proceeding, attended only by the immediate family and a
few intimate friends, perhaps a dozen in all. The ceremony was read from
a book in which was included the marriage contract. The bride and groom
and four witnesses then signed the contract, the witnesses on this
occasion being the father of the bride, the father of the groom, and two
Spanish noblemen.
The following day at high noon the religious ceremony was performed in
the chapel of the British embassy. There were about seventy-five persons
present: the diplomatic corps, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and
several other Spanish officials, and some friends. After the ceremony,
there was a wedding breakfast at the embassy. The Roosevelts left that
same evening for Paris, and I did not see them again in Europe.
This was our second visit to Spain. In 1897 my wife and I had been there
for about a week, and many of the men with whom we had spent pleasant
hours at that time were now no longer living. Chief among these were Sir
Henry Drummond Wolff and Signor Castelar. Sir Henry, who was British
ambassador to Spain at the time, I had not seen since he was special
envoy to Turkey in 1888, and I remember how delighted he was to see us
again and how very much at home he made us feel. We also met Lady Wolff
then, who, however, was not well. She told us of some of her experiences
in Persia; also that Sir Henry was very ill there, having been poisoned
at a dinner given by the Shah.
Another colleague of my first Turkish mission whom I had found at Madrid
in 1897 was Herr von Radowitz, German ambassador. He invited us to dine
one evening at the embassy, and after dinner showed us the throne room
in which hung a picture of the Kaiser. Radowitz explained that it was
painted by a friend of the Emperor, "somewhat theatrical, you see, but
he is fond of appearing grandiose." He started to tell me how he came
into possession of the painting, that he had told the Emperor that the
embassy had no likeness of him, but he corrected himself by saying: "No,
I did not ask for the picture, my wife did." He displayed rather a
slighting estimate of his sovereign. The fact was that he was a protege
of Bismarck, and after the latter's retirement Radowitz was transferred
from Constantinople to Madrid, which was regarded in the nature of a
demotion, and that perhaps largely accounted for his attitude.
As we conversed after dinner, Radowitz made the remark that in 1878 he
was one of the secretaries to the Berlin Congress and that there he met
Disraeli. Disraeli always made specially prepared speeches in English,
which Radowitz took down in French. Then Disraeli would compliment him
and say, "Did I really speak in this nice way or did you only write me
down so elegantly?" When Radowitz replied, "Yes, this is what you said,"
Disraeli would say, "So let it stand."
This led me to draw out Sir Henry, who was also present, regarding
Disraeli. He had known Disraeli very well. He told me that at the age of
twelve he had met Disraeli and had always had access to him. I asked Sir
Henry whether he had not kept a diary. He said he had not, but wished
that he had. "Dizzy," he said, was not a compromiser; if he had
opponents, he recognized them as such and never sought to placate them.
When he first entered Parliament he was a brilliant, flowery speaker, so
much so that his party, the Conservative, was afraid of him. Afterward,
when he became a member of the Ministry, he had trained himself down to
a rather prosy level, yet now and again his speech would glow with
brilliant passages excoriating his opponent. He was quick at repartee
and often held up the other side to ridicule in telling metaphor.
I asked Sir Henry about Dizzy's loyalty to Judaism. He said Dizzy never
denied it, holding up especially the race idea. I remarked that in
reading such of Disraeli's novels as "Coningsby" and "Tancred," and in
the Proceedings of the Berlin Congress, I was impressed with his race
loyalty and his purpose to secure equal political rights for the
oppressed members of his race in the newly constituted Balkan States.
Sir Henry answered me: "I don't recall the novels, but what you say was
true, although of course his loyalty was to England first. Dizzy's idea
was that the race should amalgamate."
I wanted to know whether he recollected when Disraeli's novels first
came out. He said he remembered all but "Vivian Grey," which Dizzy wrote
when he was quite young. He added that Disraeli's writings made him
quite a lion among the literary set, but did not help him politically.
He wanted to count among the best socially, and ever pointed his
political guns toward that target.
When I asked Sir Henry about Disraeli's personal appearance, he said:
"Lord Dufferin (Frederic Blackwood) looked very much like him; so much
so that he might have been taken for Disraeli's son. Dizzy and Mrs.
Blackwood were said to be very good friends. He met her on many of his
frequent visits to the home of Lady Blessington, during the period when
he was beginning to gain popularity."
Sir Henry had been rather critical of Disraeli, but he ended by saying:
"Taking Dizzy all in all, he was the greatest English statesman I have
ever known." And to me Disraeli had always been a fascinating subject,
so much so, indeed, that at one time I had the intention to write a
biography of him.
* * * * *
With Emilio Castelar I had come into correspondence following the
publication of the French edition of my "Origin of the Republican Form
of Government in the United States," in which he was much interested. He
expressed the hope that the next time I came to Europe we might meet,
and when I came to Madrid, Mr. Reed, for many years secretary of our
legation there, made an appointment for me, and accompanied Mrs. Straus
and me to his home.
He was a short, rather stout man of sixty-five, bald, with dark skin and
sparkling brown eyes, and a gray moustache. He was a bachelor. We spoke
French, and though it was an ordinary conversation he was quite
oratorical. He said he was a republican and believed thoroughly in
conservative republicanism such as we had in the United States, but that
Spain was not ripe for republicanism, and that he had parted company
with the Spanish republicans because he could not endure their
principles; they were ready to pull down, but not to build up; they were
anarchists, and not republicans.
He presented Mrs. Straus with his photograph, and when she asked him to
autograph it, he returned to his study and wrote in Spanish on the back
of it a charming sentiment regarding us and our country. He was anxious
to have us come and take Spanish dinner with him, but unfortunately we
were leaving that evening for Seville.
I was interested in some articles Castelar had written for the "Century
Magazine" in 1892-93 regarding Columbus, and especially in those of the
articles in which he referred to the expulsion of the Jews from Spain. I
asked him whether he had finished the work, and he told me he had
brought it out complete in book form in Spanish, in which he had dwelt
more fully on the Jewish expulsion and had published a number of facts
from original research made for the work, though not by himself. He went
to his study to give me a copy of the book, but found that he had none
on hand. He promised to send me one in a few days through Mr. Reed,
which he did.
The expulsion of the Spanish Jews was of great interest to me, and on
this second visit to Madrid I took advantage of the opportunity to see
some of the historical relics from that period. I got in touch with Dr.
Angel Pulido, life senator of Spain, and together with Professor A. S.
Yahuda, we visited the historic city of Toledo, about two and a half
hours by rail out of Madrid. Dr. Pulido had for years advocated measures
to induce Jews to return to Spain, especially those who still retained
the Spanish language, as do many in Turkey and nearly all those in
Morocco who are the descendants of those driven out of Spain.
Toledo is one of the most ancient cities of Spain. It was once the
residence of the kings of Castile, and under the Moors had a population
of some two hundred thousand, of whom seventy-five thousand were
estimated to have been Jews. The population now is about twenty
thousand, and the city is but the bedraggled remains of its former
grandeur. In its ancient glory it was noted for its silk and woolen
industries and for the manufacture of the famous Toledo steel from which
were made swords and other weapons that rivaled those of Damascus; and
it was the home of a number of Jewish scholars and noted men, Eben Ezra
(1119-74), for instance.
There are two old synagogues in the city which I was anxious to see. One
was erected at the end of the twelfth or beginning of the thirteenth
century, and was converted into a church in 1405. It is called Santa
Maria la Blanca. Its architecture is of the best Moorish style; the
interior has twenty-eight horseshoe arches borne by thirty-two octagonal
piers, and the elaborate capitals are ornamented with pine cones.
In the same district, near by, is the Sinagoga del Transito, of similar
style, erected about 1360. It was built at the expense of one Samuel
Levy, treasurer of Peter the Cruel, who was afterward executed by order
of his king. The walls of the interior were decorated with Hebrew
writing, mainly passages from the Psalms. In 1492 this synagogue was
turned over to the Calatrava Order of Knights, and many members of this
order lie buried in the body of the building. Later the synagogue was
consecrated to the death of the virgin.
Near these synagogues also was the Casa del Greco (House of the Greek),
so called because the famous Greek painter, Dominico Theotocopuli,
forerunner of the impressionists, lived there. Among his pictures is a
large one of an "auto da fe" which took place in the main square of the
city, and the square when I saw it still looked much the same as in the
painting. The picture shows the balconies of the houses surrounding the
square filled with eager and gay spectators who had come to witness and
enjoy the burning of Jewish heretics. They must have assembled in about
the same spirit as fashionable people of a later day came to the bull
fights. In the picture the procession is entering the enclosure where
are seated the members of the Holy Office, or inquisitors, at whose side
stand the officers holding torches with which to light the pyre on which
the condemned victims were bound. As I gazed at the square, I could
graphically visualize the scene portrayed in the picture. Such cruelty
and perversion inevitably presaged the spiritual as well as the material
decadence of the inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula.
* * * * *
By the courtesy of Senator Pulido, I met and had several conferences
with the Marques de Dosfuentes, who several years before, as Fernando de
Anton del Olmet, had written an article entitled "La verdadera patrio de
Cristobal Colon," which was published in "La Espana Moderna," a leading
monthly of Spain.
I was very much interested in the data that several of the historians of
Spain had unearthed regarding the ancestry and place of origin of
Columbus. The article by the Marquis just mentioned was based on the
research made by Celso Garcia de la Riega, and both Olmet and Riega came
to the conclusion, based upon their examination of records, that
Columbus was not an Italian, but a Spaniard, and that he was born in
Pontevedra, Galicia, in the northern part of Spain; that his father's
name was Colon (the Spanish for Columbus), and his mother's name
Fonterosa; and that he was of Jewish ancestry.
In his article Olmet says, after going into detail regarding the
nationality of Columbus according to the documents which he was able to
examine:
Nothing seems more logical than the preceding reasoning, and,
moreover, this is the simplest method of explaining that the
Admiral's parents were a Colon and a Fonterosa, which gives us a
clue to the mystery of his life. From the document under notice it
is to be inferred that Domingo de Colon named was a modest trader.
If the admiral was his son, it would not be absurd to suppose that,
given the social prejudices of the times, this should have been a
sufficient motive for hiding his origin and country. But there is
still another reason that fully justifies his secrecy and clears up
all mystery. The patronymic "Fonterosa" appears in the Province of
Pontevedra connected with the names of Jacob the elder, another
Jacob, and Benjamin; Colon's mother was called Susana. "If the
admiral belonged to this family, doubtless Jewish," says Sg. La
Riega, "since we may draw this inference from the Biblical names,
or if he belonged to a family of new Christians, should we not
forgive his action in the matter and declare him fully justified in
his resolution not to reveal such antecedents? We must bear in mind
the then existing hatred toward the Hebrew race and the merciless
fury let loose against it in the latter half of the fifteenth
century."
In another part of the article Olmet says:
Colon never mentioned any relative, paternal or maternal. Even when
Colon was at the zenith of his fame no one in Italy came forward to
claim relationship with him, although he was the most famous
personage of that time. Thus everything goes to corroborate Don
Fernando Colon's affirmation in his "Life of the Admiral" that his
father wished his origin and birthplace to remain unknown.
The research of La Riega was continued to 1914 and published in that
year. The author died early in the year, shortly before I arrived in
Madrid. Other Spanish historians also have published conclusions similar
to those of La Riega. There was, for instance, a brochure by Enrique de
Arribas y Turull, entitled "Cristobal Colon, Natural de Pontevedra,"
which was originally delivered as a lecture before the Madrid Historical
Society. This also sums up, in nineteen points, the reasons for the
conclusion that Columbus was a Spaniard, and of Jewish ancestry.