and this whole nation have experienced in the death of the _dear_ and
great old Duke of Wellington. The sad news will have reached you, I
doubt not, on Wednesday or yesterday. We had gone on Wednesday, as I
had mentioned, to our little Shiel of Allt-na-Giuthasach to spend
two days there, and were enjoying ourselves very much on a beautiful
expedition yesterday, and were sitting by the side of the Dhu Loch,
one of the severest, wildest spots imaginable, when one of our
Highlanders arrived bringing a letter from Lord Derby (who is here),
confirming the report which we had already heard of--but entirely
disbelieved--and sending me a letter from Lord Charles Wellesley,
saying that his dear father had only been ill a few hours, and had
hardly suffered at all. It was a stroke, which was succeeded rapidly
by others, and carried him off without any return of consciousness.
For _him_ it is a blessing that he should have been taken away in
the possession of his great and powerful mind and without a lingering
illness. But for this country, and for us, his loss--though it could
not have been long delayed--is irreparable! He was the pride and the
_bon genie_, as it were, of this country! He was the GREATEST man this
country ever produced, and the most _devoted_ and _loyal_ subject, and
the staunchest supporter the Crown ever had. He was to us a true, kind
friend and most valuable adviser. To think that all this is gone; that
this great and immortal man belongs now to History and no longer to
the present, is a truth which we cannot realise. We shall soon stand
sadly alone; Aberdeen is almost the only personal friend of that kind
we have left. Melbourne, Peel, Liverpool--and now the Duke--_all_
gone!
You will kindly feel for and with us, dearest Uncle.
Lord Hardinge is to be Commander-in-Chief, and he is quite the _only_
man _fit_ for it.
Albert is much grieved. The dear Duke showed him great confidence and
kindness. He was so fond of his little godson Arthur--who will now be
a remaining link of the dear old Duke's, and a pleasant recollection
of him. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _17th September 1852._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--You will be much grieved at the loss of the
Duke. It must give you satisfaction to think that you were always kind
to him, and that he was very sincerely devoted to you and appreciated
Albert. Since 1814 I had known much of the Duke; his _kindness_ to
me had been very _marked_, and I early discovered that he was very
favourable to my marriage with Charlotte, then already in agitation.
Since, he was _always kind_ and _confidential_, even in those days of
persecution against me, the result of the jealousy of George IV.; he
never was influenced by it, or had the meanness of many who, in the
days of misfortune, quickly leave one. The only case in which we were
at variance was about the boundaries of Greece. He had some of the old
absolute notions, which in that case were not in conformity with the
real interests of England and of Europe. Even last year he spoke so
very kindly to me on the subject of our Continental affairs. Rarely
fickle Fortune permits a poor mortal to reach the conclusion of a long
career, however glorious, with such complete success, so undisturbed
by physical or moral causes. The Duke is the noblest example of what
an Englishman may be, and to what greatness he may rise in following
that honourable and straight line.
When one looks at the Manchester school, compared to the greatness to
which men like the Duke raised their country, one cannot help to
be alarmed for the future. You are enjoying the Highlands, but the
weather seems also not very favourable; here it is uncertain, and at
times very cold.... Your truly devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Pageheading: FUNERAL ARRANGEMENTS]
_The Prince Albert to the Earl of Derby._
BALMORAL, _22nd September 1852._
MY DEAR LORD DERBY,--The Queen wishes me to answer your kind letter of
yesterday.
Her letter to you and to Mr Walpole of this morning will have apprised
you that she sanctions the Guard of Honour having been placed at
Walmer, and the Duke's body having been taken possession of formally
on the part of the Crown.
It would be a great pity if Lord Fitzroy were to be obliged to
decline the Peerage on account of poverty; at the same time it may be
difficult to relieve him from the payment of fees by a public grant.
Under these circumstances, rather than leave Lord Fitzroy unrewarded,
and a chance of his feeling mortified at a moment when his cheerful
co-operation with Lord Hardinge is so important to the public
service--the Queen would _herself_ bear the expense of the fees. If
this were to hurt Lord Fitzroy's feelings, you could easily manage it
so that he need never know from what source the L500 came. The Queen
leaves this matter in your hands. Ever yours truly,
ALBERT.
_Queen Victoria to Mr Walpole._
BALMORAL CASTLE, _22nd September 1852._
The Queen has just received Mr Walpole's letter of the 20th, informing
her of the difficulty of having the Funeral Service, _according_ to
the _Liturgy_, performed _twice_; she trusts, however, that means
may be found to enable the Queen's intentions to be carried out, as
communicated to Mr Walpole in Lord Derby's official letter. Whether
this is to be done by leaving the body for two months without the
Funeral Service being read over it, or by reading the Funeral Service
now in the presence of the family, and treating the _Public Funeral_
more as a translation of the remains to their final place of rest,
the Queen must leave to be decided by those who have the means of
personally sounding the feelings of the Duke's family, the dignitaries
of the Church, and the public generally.
An impressive religious ceremony might certainly be made of it at St.
Paul's, even if the actual Funeral Service should not be read on the
occasion....
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd October 1852._
Shortly after the formation of Lord Derby's Government, the Queen
communicated to him a Memorandum respecting the necessity of attending
to our national defences on a systematic plan. The Queen would now
wish to hear how far we have advanced in this important object
since that time. Lord Derby would perhaps call on the General
Commanding-in-Chief, the Master-General of the Ordnance, and the First
Lord of the Admiralty, as well as the Home Secretary, to make a report
upon this. It will soon be necessary to consider what will have to
be done for the future to complete the various plans. The Queen is
no alarmist, but thinks that the necessity of our attending to our
defences once having been proved and admitted by Parliament and two
successive Governments, we should not relax in our efforts until the
plans then devised are thoroughly carried out.
[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th October 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... I must tell you an anecdote relating to Louis
Napoleon's entry into Paris, which Lord Cowley wrote over, as going
the round of Paris. It is: that under one of the Triumphal Arches a
Crown was suspended to a string (which is very often the case) over
which was written, "_Il l'a bien merite_." Something damaged this
crown, and they removed it--_leaving_, however, the _rope_ and
_superscription_, the effect of which must have been somewhat
edifying!
It is not at all true that foreign Officers are not to attend at the
funeral of the dear old Duke; on the contrary, we expect them from
Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and the Duke of Terceira (whom we shall
see to-night) is already come from Portugal to attend the ceremony.
I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th November 1852._
As we seem to be so near the declaration of the Empire in France, and
as so many opinions are expressed on the subject of the title to
be assumed by Louis Napoleon, the Queen is anxious to impress Lord
Malmesbury with the importance of our not committing ourselves on this
point, and not giving our allies to understand that we shall join
them in not acknowledging Napoleon III.[44] Objectionable as this
appellation no doubt is, it may hardly be worth offending France and
her Ruler by refusing to recognise it, when it is of _such_ importance
to prevent their considering themselves the aggrieved party; any
attempt to dictate to France the style of her Ruler would strengthen
Louis Napoleon's position; our object should be to leave France alone,
as long as she is not aggressive.
All of this should be well weighed.
[Footnote 44: Louis Napoleon himself claimed no hereditary
right to the Imperial dignity, but only that conferred by
election: he acknowledged as national all the acts which
had taken place since 1815, such as the reigns of the
later Bourbons and of Louis Philippe. (See _Memoirs of an
ex-Minister_.)]
[Pageheading: NATIONAL DEFENCES]
_The Prince Albert to Viscount Hardinge._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th November 1852._
MY DEAR LORD HARDINGE,--In reference to our conversation of yesterday,
and the Queen's request to Lord Derby that he should call upon the
different departments of the Admiralty, Army, Ordnance, and Home
Office to furnish a report as to how far the measures begun last
spring to put our defences in a state of efficiency have been carried
out, and what remains to be done in that direction--I beg now to
address you in writing. The object the Queen wishes to obtain is, to
receive an account which will show what means we have _really_ at our
disposal for purposes of defence, _ready for action_ at the shortest
possible notice, and what remains to be done to put us into a state of
security, what the supply of the wants may cost (approximately), and
what time it would require.
As it will be not only convenient but necessary that the Horse Guards
and Ordnance should consult together and combine their deliberations,
I beg this letter to be understood to apply as well to Lord Raglan
as to yourself, and that you would meet and give the answer to the
Queen's questions conjointly.
(_A detailed list follows._)
These questions would all present themselves at the moment when we
received the intelligence of a threatened _coup de main_ on the part
of Louis Napoleon, when it would be too late to remedy any deficiency.
The public would be quite ready to give the necessary money for our
armament, but they feel with justice that it is unfair to ask them for
large sums and then always to hear, _We are quite unprepared_. They
don't understand and cannot understand details, but it is upon matters
of detail that our security will have to depend, and we cannot be sure
of efficiency unless a comprehensive statement be made showing the
whole.
I beg this to be as short as possible, and if possible in a tabular
shape. Ever yours truly,
ALBERT.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th November 1852._
The Queen was very sorry to hear from Lord Derby and Mr Disraeli that
Mr Villiers' Motion[45] will create Parliamentary difficulties.
With respect to the financial statement, she must most strongly
impress Lord Derby with the necessity of referring to our defenceless
state, and the necessity of a _large_ outlay, to protect us from
foreign attack, which would almost ensure us against war. The country
is fully alive to its danger, and Parliament has perhaps never been
in a more likely state to grant what is necessary, provided a
comprehensive and efficient plan is laid before it. Such a plan ought,
in the Queen's opinion, to be distinctly promised by the Government,
although it may be laid before Parliament at a later period.
[Footnote 45: This Motion, intended to extort a declaration
from the House in favour of Free Trade, and describing the
Corn Law Repeal as "a just, wise, and beneficial measure," was
naturally distasteful to the Ministers. Their _amour-propre_
was saved by Lord Palmerston's Amendment omitting the
"_odious_ epithets" and affirming the principle of
unrestricted competition.]
[Pageheading: FINANCIAL POLICY]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _14th November 1852._
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
begs permission to enclose an answer to the Address for your Majesty's
approbation, and which should be delivered, if your Majesty pleases,
to the House of Commons to-morrow.
Referring to a letter from your Majesty, shown to him yesterday by
Lord Derby, the Chancellor of the Exchequer also begs permission to
state that, in making the financial arrangements, he has left a very
large margin for the impending year (April 1853-4), which will permit
the fulfilment of all your Majesty's wishes with respect to the
increased defence of the country, as he gathered them from your
Majesty's gracious expressions, and also from the suggestion which
afterwards, in greater detail, His Royal Highness the Prince deigned
to make to him.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer will deeply consider the intimation
graciously made in your Majesty's letter to Lord Derby as to the tone
on this subject to be adopted in the House of Commons, and he will
endeavour in this, and in all respects, to fulfil your Majesty's
pleasure.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer fears that he sent to your Majesty a
somewhat crude note from the House of Commons on Thursday night,
but he humbly begs your Majesty will deign to remember that these
bulletins are often written in tumult, and sometimes in perplexity;
and that he is under the impression that your Majesty would prefer a
genuine report of the feeling of the moment, however miniature, to a
more artificial and prepared statement.
_Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th November 1852._
The Queen has received with much satisfaction Mr Disraeli's letter of
this day's date, in which he informs her of his readiness to provide
efficiently for the defence of the country, the call for which is
_very_ urgent. Lord Malmesbury, with whom the Prince has talked very
fully over this subject, will communicate further with Mr Disraeli and
Lord Derby on his return to Town to-morrow.
[Pageheading: LORD DALHOUSIE]
[Pageheading: INDIA AND THE DUKE]
_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._
GOVERNMENT HOUSE, _23rd November 1852._
The Governor-General still retains some hope of seeing general peace
restored in India before he quits it finally, as your Majesty's
Ministers and the Court of Directors have some time since requested
him not to retire from its administration in January next, as he had
intended to do.
Many private considerations combined to draw him homewards, even
though the honour and the advantages of retaining this Office were
willingly recognised. But the gracious approbation with which his
services here have been viewed was a sufficient motive for continuing
them for some time longer, if they were thought profitable to the
State.
Your Majesty has very recently been pleased to bestow upon him a still
further distinction, which calls not merely for the expression of his
deep and humble gratitude to your Majesty, but for a further devotion
to your Majesty's service of whatever power he may possess for
promoting its interests.
That your Majesty should prefer him at all to an Office of such
traditional distinction as the Wardenship was an honour to which the
Governor-General would never at any time have dreamt of aspiring. But
by conferring it upon him thus--during his absence--and above all, by
conferring it upon him in immediate succession to one whom he must all
his life regard with reverence, affection, and gratitude--your Majesty
has surrounded this honour with so much of honourable circumstance
that the Governor-General is wholly unable to give full expression to
the feelings with which he has received your Majesty's goodness.
The Governor-General is very sensible that in him, as Lord Warden,
your Majesty will have but a sorry successor to the Duke of Wellington
in every respect, save one. But in that one respect--namely in deep
devotion to your Majesty's Crown, and to the true interests of your
Empire--the Governor-General does not yield even to the Master he was
long so proud to follow.
In every part of India the highest honours have been paid to the
memory of the Duke of Wellington, which your Majesty's Empire in the
East and its armies could bestow.
Even the Native Powers have joined in the homage to his fame. In the
mountains of Nepaul the same sad tribute was rendered by the Maharajah
as by ourselves, while in Mysore the Rajah not only fired minute
guns in his honour, but even caused the Dusserah, the great Hindoo
festival, to be stopped throughout the city, in token of his grief.
Excepting the usual disturbance from time to time among the still
untamed mountain tribes upon our north-western border, there is entire
tranquillity in India. The season has been good, and the revenue is
improving.
Respectfully acknowledging the letter which he had lately the honour
of receiving from your Majesty, and the gracious message it contained
to Lady Dalhousie, who, though much improved in health, will be
compelled to return to England in January, the Governor-General has
the honour to subscribe himself with the utmost respect and gratitude,
your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and devoted Subject and
Servant,
DALHOUSIE.
[Pageheading: THE FUNERAL]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd November 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--What you say about Joinville has interested us very
much, and we have confidentially communicated it to Lord Derby, who
is never alarmed enough. There is, however, a belief that the Orleans
family have been very imprudent, and that Louis Napoleon has heard
things and expressions used which did a great deal of harm, and Lord
Derby begged me to warn them very strongly and earnestly on this
point; _I_ cannot do much, but I think _you_ might, for in fact they
might _unintentionally compromise us seriously_. The Government are
rather shaky; Disraeli has been imprudent and blundering, and has done
himself harm by a Speech he made about the Duke of Wellington, which
was borrowed from an _eloge_ by Thiers on a French Marshal!!![46]
You will have heard from your children and from Charles how very
touching the ceremony both in and out of doors was on the 18th. The
behaviour of the millions assembled has been the topic of general
admiration, and the foreigners have all assured me that they never
could have believed _such_ a number of people could have shown such
feeling, such respect, for _not_ a sound was heard! I cannot say
_what_ a deep and _wehmtuehige_ impression it made on me! It was a
beautiful sight. In the Cathedral it was much more touching still! The
dear old Duke! he is an irreparable loss!
We had a great dinner yesterday to all the Officers. There is but one
feeling of indignation and surprise at the conduct of Austria [47]
in taking _this_ opportunity to slight England in return for what
happened to _Haynau_[48] for _his own_ character. Ernest Hohenlohe
was extremely anxious you should know the reason why he may _possibly_
appear one evening at the Elysee (they are gone for three or four days
to Paris).
Louis Napoleon being excessively susceptible, and believing us to be
inimical towards him, we and the Government thought it would not be
wise or prudent for _my_ brother-in-law, just coming _from here_,
purposely to avoid him and go out of his way, which Louis Napoleon
would immediately say was _my doing_; and unnecessary offence we do
not wish to give; the more so as Stockmar was presented to him at
Strasburg, and received the _Legion d'honneur_. I promised to explain
this to you, as Ernest was distressed lest he should appear to be
_timeserving_, and I said I was sure you would understand it.
I must end in a hurry, hoping to write again on Thursday or Friday.
Dear Stockmar is very well and most kind. He is much pleased at your
children spending some time with him every day. Ever your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 46: Marshal Gouvion de St Cyr.]
[Footnote 47: In sending no representative to the funeral of
the Duke of Wellington.]
[Footnote 48: See _ante_, p. 267.]
[Pageheading: CONFUSION OF PARTIES]
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _25th November 1852._
(_Thursday, four_ P.M.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, in obedience to your Majesty's
gracious commands of this morning, proceeds to report to your Majesty
what he finds to have taken place and to be in contemplation; but the
accounts of the latter are so conflicting and contradictory, that his
report must be as unsatisfactory to your Majesty as the state of the
case is unintelligible to himself.
On arriving in London, Lord Derby called on Mr Disraeli, and found
that late last night he had had, by his own desire, a private
interview with Lord Palmerston, who had come to his house with that
object; that Lord Palmerston's language was perfectly friendly towards
the Government; that he assured Mr Disraeli that his only object in
offering his Amendment was to defeat Mr Villiers; that if that could
be done, it was a matter of indifference to him which Amendment was
adopted; and he concluded by declaring that though he sat by Mr Sidney
Herbert in the House of Commons, and was an old personal friend, he
did not act in concert with him or with Mr Gladstone; and that he did
not see, on their part, any disposition to approach the Government!
After this declaration Mr Disraeli felt that it would be useless and
unwise to sound him farther as to his own ulterior views, and the
conversation led to nothing.
As Lord Derby was walking home, he was overtaken by Lord Jocelyn, who
stated, in direct opposition to what had been said by Lord Palmerston,
that he, and the other two gentlemen named, were consulted upon, and
had concocted the proposed Amendment; and that they were decidedly
acting together. He was present at a dinner of the Peelite Party
yesterday at Mr Wortley's, when Speeches were made, and language held
about the reunion of the Conservative Party, resulting, however, in
a declaration that if your Majesty's servants did not accept Lord
Palmerston's Amendment, they, as a body, would vote in favour of Mr
Villiers. Lord Derby has been farther informed that they are willing
to join the Government, but that one of their conditions would be
that Lord Palmerston should lead the House of Commons, Mr Gladstone
refusing to serve under Mr Disraeli. This, if true, does not look like
an absence of all concert.
To complete the general confusion of Parties, the Duke of Bedford, who
called on Lady Derby this morning, assures her that Lord John Russell
does not desire the fall of your Majesty's present Government, and
that in no case will he enter into any combination with the Radical
Party, a declaration quite at variance with the course he has pursued
since Parliament met.
Of course Lord Derby, in these circumstances, has not taken any step
whatever towards exercising the discretion with which your Majesty was
graciously pleased to entrust him this morning.[49] He much regrets
having to send your Majesty so unsatisfactory a statement, and has
desired to have the latest intelligence sent up to him of what may
pass in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour to keep your
Majesty informed of any new occurrence which any hour may produce.
_Half-past six._
Lord Derby has just heard from the House of Commons that Sir James
Graham has given the history of the framing of the Amendment, and has
expressed his intention, if Lord Palmerston's Amendment be accepted,
to advise Mr Villiers to withdraw. Mr Gladstone has held the same
language; there appears to be much difference of opinion, but Lord
Derby would think that the probable result will be the adoption of
Lord Palmerston's proposition. He fears this will lead to a good deal
of discontent among the supporters of the Government; but a different
course would run imminent risk of defeat.
[Footnote 49: The Queen had allowed him to enter into
negotiations with the Peelites and Lord Palmerston on the
distinct understanding that the latter could not receive the
lead of the House of Commons.]
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _26th November 1852._
(_Half-past one o'clock_ A.M.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
reports to your Majesty that the House of Commons has this moment
divided on Mr Villiers' resolution, and in a House of nearly 600
members they have been rejected by a majority of 80.[50]
The debate was very animated and amusing, from the rival narratives of
the principal projectors of the demonstration, who, having quarrelled
among themselves, entered into secret and--in a Party sense--somewhat
scandalous revelations, to the diversion and sometimes astonishment of
the House.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer deeply regrets that, having been
obliged to quit the House early yesterday, he was unable to forward a
bulletin to your Majesty.
He has fixed next Friday for the Budget.
[Footnote 50: Lord Palmerston's Amendment (see _ante_, p.
399) was carried instead, and Protection was thenceforward
abandoned by Mr Disraeli and his followers.]
[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI AND MR GLADSTONE]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th November 1852._
Before the Council held yesterday we saw Lord Derby, who seemed much
pleased with the result of the Division, though a good deal galled by
the tone of the Debate.
Lord Derby had heard it said that Mr Sidney Herbert, although very
bitter in his language, had not meant to be hostile to the Government,
but felt that he owed the duty to speak out to the memory of Sir
Robert Peel; that he was glad to have thrown the load off his mind.
Lord Derby then read us a letter from Lord Claud Hamilton, who had
seen Mr Corry (one of the Peelites), who had given him to understand
that they would _not_ serve under the leadership of Mr Disraeli; that
they were ready, on the other hand, to serve under Lord Palmerston.
This put all further negotiation out of the question, for,
independently of the Queen objecting to such an arrangement, he
himself could not admit of it. On my question why Mr Gladstone could
not lead, he replied that Mr Gladstone was, in his opinion, quite
unfit for it; he had none of that decision, boldness, readiness, and
clearness which was necessary to lead a Party, to inspire it with
confidence, and, still [more], to take at times a decision on the spur
of the moment, which a leader had often to do. Then he said that
he could not in honour sacrifice Mr Disraeli, who had acted very
straightforwardly to him as long as they had had anything to do with
each other, and who possessed the confidence of his followers. Mr
Disraeli had no idea of giving up the lead.
We could quite understand, on the other hand, that the colleagues of
Sir Robert Peel could not feel inclined to serve under Mr Disraeli.
Under these circumstances we agreed that nothing should be done at
present, and that it must be left to time to operate changes, that
much must depend upon the success which Mr Disraeli may have with his
Budget, and that the knowledge that Lord Palmerston could not obtain
the lead would oblige those who wished to join to think of a different
combination.
Lord Derby owned (upon my blunt question) that he did not think Mr
Disraeli had ever had a strong feeling, one way or the other, about
Protection or Free Trade, and that he would make a very good Free
Trade Minister.
The Queen was anxious to know what Lord Derby thought Lord George
Bentinck (if now alive) would do in this conjunction. Lord Derby's
expression was "he would have made confusion worse confounded" from
his excessive violence.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: RECOGNITION OF THE EMPIRE]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._
OSBORNE, _2nd December 1852._
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter, and returns the
enclosure from Lord Cowley. Under these circumstances the course
recommended to be pursued by Lord Malmesbury[51] appears also to the
Queen as the best. It is evident that we have no means of making
Louis Napoleon say what he will not, nor would any diplomatic form of
obtaining an assurance from him give us any guarantee of his not doing
after all exactly what he pleases. Our honour appears therefore to be
best in our own keeping. Whatever he may say, it is in our _note of
recognition_ that we must state _what_ we recognise and what we do
_not_ recognise.
[Footnote 51: Lord Malmesbury advised that a formal repetition
of the interpretation and assurances as to the use of the
numeral "III" in the Imperial title, already verbally made by
the President and the French Ambassador, should be demanded.
This was duly obtained. On the 2nd of December, the
anniversary of the _coup d'etat_, the Imperial title was
assumed; on the 4th, the Empire was officially recognised.]
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _3rd December 1852._
(_Friday night, twelve o'clock_ P.M.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, ventures to hope that your Majesty
may feel some interest in hearing, so far as he is able to give it,
his impression of the effect of Mr Disraeli's announcement of the
Budget[52] this evening. Lord Derby was not able to hear quite the
commencement of the Speech, having been obliged to attend the House
of Lords, which, however, was up at a quarter past five, Mr Disraeli
having then been speaking about half an hour. From that time till
ten, when he sat down, Lord Derby was in the House of Commons, and
anxiously watching the effect produced, which he ventures to assure
your Majesty was most favourable, according to his own judgment after
some considerable experience in Parliament, and also from what he
heard from others. Mr Disraeli spoke for about five hours, with no
apparent effort, with perfect self-possession, and with hardly an
exception to the fixed attention with which the House listened to the
exposition of the views of your Majesty's servants. It was altogether
a most masterly performance, and he kept alive the attention of
the House with the greatest ability, introducing the most important
statements, and the broadest principles of legislature, just at the
moments when he had excited the greatest anxiety to learn the precise
measures which the Government intended to introduce. The Irish part of
the question was dealt with with remarkable dexterity, though probably
a great part of the point will be lost in the newspaper reports. It
is difficult to foresee the ultimate result, but Lord Derby has
no hesitation in saying that the general first impression was very
favourable, and that, as a whole, the Budget seemed to meet with the
approval of the House.
[Footnote 52: Increase of the House Tax, reduction of the Malt
and Tea duties, and relaxation of Income Tax in the case of
farmers, were the salient features of the Budget.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN TO THE EMPEROR]
_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French._
OSBORNE HOUSE, _4th December 1852._
SIR, MY BROTHER,--Being desirous to maintain uninterrupted the union
and good understanding which happily subsist between Great Britain
and France, I have made choice of Lord Cowley, a peer of my United
Kingdom, a member of my Privy Council, and Knight Commander of
the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, to reside at your Imperial
Majesty's Court in the character of my Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary. The long experience which I have had of his talents
and zeal for my service assures me that the choice which I have made
of Lord Cowley will be perfectly agreeable to your Imperial Majesty,
and that he will prove himself worthy of this new mark of my
confidence. I request that your Imperial Majesty will give entire
credence to all that Lord Cowley shall communicate to you on my part,
more especially when he shall assure your Imperial Majesty of my
invariable attachment and esteem, and shall express to you those
sentiments of sincere friendship and regard with which I am, Sir, my
Brother, your Imperial Majesty's good Sister,
VICTORIA R.
To my good Brother,[53] the Emperor of the French.
[Footnote 53: The Czar persisted in addressing him as _Mon
cher Ami_.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._
OSBORNE, _6th December 1852._
The Queen has this morning received Lord Malmesbury's letter of
yesterday, relative to Count Walewski's audience. The manner in which
Lord Malmesbury proposes this should be done the Queen approves, and
only wishes Lord Malmesbury to communicate with the proper authorities
in order that the _Fairy_ may be at Southampton at the right hour,
and the Frigate, as suggested, in attendance off Osborne or Cowes,
according to what the weather may be. The landing at Osborne Pier, in
wet or stormy weather, is very bad, particularly for a lady.
The Queen wishes that the Count and Countess Walewski should come down
here with Lord Malmesbury on _Thursday next_, and we should receive
them at half-past one. We wish then that they should _all three dine
and sleep here that day_.
[Pageheading: A SECRET PROTOCOL]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._
OSBORNE, _8th December 1852._
The Queen was very much surprised to receive this morning in a box
from Lord Malmesbury, without any further explanation, a secret
Protocol[54] signed by the representatives of the four great Powers at
the Foreign Office on the 3rd instant.
A step of such importance should not have been taken without even the
intention of it having been previously mentioned to the Queen, and her
leave having been obtained. She must therefore ask for an explanation
from Lord Malmesbury. Though the purport of the Protocol appears to
the Queen quite right, she ought not to allow the honour of England to
be pledged by her Minister without her sanction.
The exact wording of a document of that nature is a matter of such
serious importance that it requires the greatest consideration, and it
is a question with the Queen whether it be always quite safe to adopt
entirely what is proposed by Baron Brunnow, who is generally the
_redacteur_ of such documents.
[Footnote 54: By this Protocol Louis Napoleon was to be
recognised as Emperor by Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and
Russia.]
_The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _13th December 1852._
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen. He thought
it advisable to acquaint your Majesty as soon as possible with a
conversation which Count Walewski had held of his own accord
in reference to Her Serene Highness the Princess Adelaide of
Hohenlohe,[55] and he requested Lord Derby to repeat it to your
Majesty.
Lord Malmesbury was not mistaken in believing that the Count had not
alluded idly to the subject, as he this day called on Lord Malmesbury,
and stated to him that the Emperor of the French had not decided
to negotiate a marriage with the Princess of Wasa;[56] but, on the
contrary, was rather averse to such an alliance; that he was anxious,
on the contrary, to make one which indirectly "_resserrerait les liens
d'amitie entre l'Angleterre et la France_," and that with this view
he wished Lord Malmesbury to ascertain from your Majesty whether any
objections would be raised on the part of your Majesty, or of the
Princess Adelaide's family, to his contracting a marriage with Her
Serene Highness. Your Majesty may suppose that he received this
intimation by a simple assurance that he would submit the French
Emperor's sentiments to your Majesty, and he added that he foresaw a
serious difficulty to the project in the fact that the Princess was
a Protestant. Count Walewski was evidently sincere in the earnestness
with which he spoke of the subject, and the impatience with which he
pressed Lord Malmesbury to inform your Majesty of his proposal.
[Footnote 55: The Queen's niece, daughter of Princess
Hohenlohe.]
[Footnote 56: The Princess Caroline Stephanie, daughter of
Prince Gustavus de Wasa, who was son of the last King of
Sweden of the earlier dynasty.]
[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR'S PROPOSED MARRIAGE]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
OSBORNE, _14th December 1852._
The Queen sends to Lord Derby a communication which she has received
from Lord Malmesbury.
The Queen is sorry to have been put in a situation which requires on
her part a direct answer, which to have been spared would have been in
every respect more prudent and safe. As it is, however, the Queen is
fully aware that the answer she is forced to give may really have,
or may hereafter be made appear to have, political consequences
disadvantageous to our political relations with France, and injurious
to the Queen's personal character.
The Queen therefore encloses for Lord Derby a draft of the answer she
intends to give to Lord Malmesbury,[57] asking that Lord Derby will
not only give these matters his fullest consideration, but that he
will return to the Queen the draft as soon as possible, with such of
his suggestions or alterations as he may think advisable to propose to
her.
The Queen must also express her decided wish that Lord Derby will not
allow Lord Malmesbury to move a single step in this affair without it
has been previously concerted with Lord Derby.[58]
[Footnote 57:
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._
[_Draft._]
OSBORNE, _14th December 1852._
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday,
reporting his conversation with Count Walewski, who had asked
him to ascertain from the Queen "whether any objections would
be raised on her part or on that of the Princess Adelaide's
family to his (the Emperor's) contracting a marriage with Her
Serene Highness."
In a question which affects the entire prospects and happiness
of a third person, and that person being a near and dear
relation of hers, the Queen feels herself conscientiously
precluded from forming an opinion of her own, and consequently
from taking the slightest part in it either directly or
indirectly. The only proper persons to refer to for the
consideration of and decision on so serious a proposal are the
parents of the Princess and the Princess herself.]
[Footnote 58: In his reply Lord Derby observed that it did not
appear to him that the matter was at present in so critical
a position. Lord Malmesbury would have little difficulty in
showing Count Walewski, without any interruption of a friendly
_entente_, that the intended overtures were not likely to be
favourably received. He suggested that Lord Malmesbury should
be instructed to treat the proposition as emanating, not from
the Emperor, but unofficially, from Count Walewski; and that
he should, also unofficially, dissuade him from pressing the
subject further; such course could have no injurious effect
upon the political aspect of Europe. Lord Derby could not
understand how the affair, however it might turn out, could
affect the Queen's "personal character."
He suggested that the following words should be substituted
for the last paragraph: "And while she fully appreciates
the desire expressed by Count Walewski on the part of his
Government, '_de resserrer les liens de l'amitie entre
l'Angleterre et la France_,' she feels bound to leave the
consideration and decision of so serious a proposal to the
unbiassed judgment of the parents of the Princess and the
Princess herself, the only persons to whom such a question can
properly be referred. The Queen thinks it right to add that
being fully persuaded of the strong religious persuasion of
the Princess, of the extreme improbability of any change
of opinion on her part, and of the evils inseparable from a
difference of opinion on such a subject between the Emperor
and his intended Consort, she wishes Lord Malmesbury to place
this consideration prominently before Count Walewski, before
he takes any other step in the matter, which he appears to
have brought unofficially under the consideration of Lord
Malmesbury."]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND LORD MALMESBURY]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S OPINION]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
OSBORNE, _16th December 1852._
The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 14th inst. She did
not intend to complain personally of Lord Malmesbury, who, the
Queen is sure, was most anxious to do the best he could under the
circumstances; but she still thinks that a question of such importance
should not have been brought immediately before her for her decision;
and although Lord Derby states his opinion that Lord Malmesbury had no
alternative but to promise to Count Walewski that he would bring "_the
Emperor's sentiments before the Queen_," the very suggestion Lord
Derby now makes, viz. "that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed
to treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor,
but _unofficially_ from Count Walewski, and that he should also
_unofficially_ dissuade him from pressing the matter further"--shows
that there was an alternative.
Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury alone can know, whether, after what
may have passed in conversation between Lord Malmesbury and Count
Walewski, this course still remains open.
There can be no doubt that the best thing would be to terminate this
affair without the Queen being called upon to give any opinion at all.
Lord Derby seems to treat the matter as of much less importance than
the Queen, but he will admit that, if the alliance is sought by
the Emperor, "_pour resserrer les liens d'amitie entre la France et
l'Angleterre_," the refusal of it on the part of the Queen must also
have the opposite effect. The responsibility of having produced this
effect would rest personally with the Queen, who might be accused of
having brought it about, influenced by personal feelings of animosity
against the Emperor, or by mistaken friendship for the Orleans family,
or misplaced family pride, etc., etc., etc. The acceptance of the
proposal, on the other hand, or even the consummation of the project
without her _direct_ intervention, cannot fail to expose the Queen
to a share in the just opprobrium attaching in the eyes of all
right-thinking men to the political acts perpetrated in France ever
since 2nd December 1851. And, while it would appear as if her Family
did not care for any such considerations, so long as by an alliance
they could secure momentary advantages, it would give the other
Powers of Europe, whom the Emperor seems to be disposed to treat
very unceremoniously (as shown by Lord Cowley's last reports) the
impression that England suddenly had separated herself from them, and
bound herself to France for a family interest pursued by the Queen.
These are the dangers to "the Queen's personal character," which
presented themselves to her mind when she wrote her last letter, and
which Lord Derby says remained unintelligible to him.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to show this letter to Lord Malmesbury,
whom, under the circumstances, she thinks it best not to address
separately. They will be now both in the fullest possession of the
Queen's sentiments, and she hopes will be able to terminate this
matter without the expression of an opinion on the part of the Queen
becoming necessary.
[Pageheading: DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY]
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _17th December 1852._
(4 A.M.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, regrets to have to submit to your
Majesty that the House of Commons, from which he has this moment
returned, has rejected the resolution for the increase of the House
Tax, by a majority of either nineteen or twenty-one.[59] This majority
is so decisive, especially having been taken on a question which was
understood to involve the fate of the Government, as to leave Lord
Derby no alternative as to the course which it will be his duty to
pursue; and although, as a matter of form, it is necessary that he
should consult his Colleagues, for which purpose he has desired that
a Cabinet should be summoned for twelve o'clock, he can entertain no
doubt but that their opinion will unanimously concur with his own;
that he must humbly ask leave to resign into your Majesty's hands the
high trust which your Majesty has been pleased to repose in him. Lord
Derby, with your Majesty's permission, will endeavour to do himself
the honour of attending your Majesty's pleasure this evening; but it
is possible that he may not be able to find the means of crossing,[60]
in which case he trusts that your Majesty will honour him with an
audience to-morrow (Saturday) morning. Lord Derby trusts he need
not assure your Majesty how deeply he feels the inconvenience and
annoyance which this event will occasion to your Majesty, nor how
anxious will be his desire that your Majesty should be enabled with
the least possible delay to form an Administration possessing more of
the public confidence. He will never cease to retain the deepest and
most grateful sense of the gracious favour and support which he has
on all occasions received at your Majesty's hands, and which he deeply
regrets that he has been unable to repay by longer and more efficient
service.
[Footnote 59: This memorable debate and its sensational
ending, with the notable speeches from Disraeli and Gladstone,
has been repeatedly described. See, _e.g._, Morley's
_Gladstone_ and McCarthy's _History of our own Times_. The
_Times_ leader (quoted by Mr Morley) was cut out and preserved
by the Queen.]
[Footnote 60: To Osborne.]
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S RESIGNATION]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
OSBORNE, _18th December 1852._
Yesterday evening Lord Derby arrived from Town formally to tender his
resignation. We retired to the Queen's room after dinner with him
to hear what he had to say on the crisis. He complained of the
factiousness of the Opposition, which he and his Party hoped,
however, not to imitate; was ready to support, as far as he could,
any Administration which was sincerely anxious to check the growth of
democracy. He said his calculations at the close of the Elections
had been found almost to a man verified in the late vote: 286 members
voting with the Government, and these were their regular supporters;
the other half of the House was composed of 150 Radicals, 50 of the
so-called Irish Brigade, 120 Whigs, and 30 Peelites. It was clear
that, if all these combined, he would be outvoted, though none of
these Parties alone numbered as much as half of his. However, he had
heard lately from good authority that the Whigs and Peelites had
come to an agreement, and were ready to form an Administration on
Conservative principles, to the exclusion of the Radicals, under the
lead of Lord Aberdeen. Although only 150 strong, they thought, that
with all the talent they had at their command, they would be able to
obtain the confidence of the country, and hold the balance between the
two extreme Parties in the House. He felt that after having failed to
obtain the confidence of Parliament himself, he could do nothing
else than retire at once, and he advised the Queen to send for Lord
Lansdowne, who knew better than anybody the state of Parties, and
would give the best advice. He did not advise the Queen to send for
Lord Aberdeen at once, because, if it were reported that he had given
this advice, many of his Party--who had already been distressed at
his declaration to them that if he was defeated he would withdraw from
public life--would think it necessary to join Lord Aberdeen as their
new appointed leader; and then the other half, which felt the deepest
indignation at the treatment they had received from the Peelites,
would throw themselves into a reckless alliance with the Radicals, to
revenge themselves upon the new Government, so the great Conservative
Party would be broken up, which it was so essential for the country to
keep together and moderate.
I interrupted Lord Derby, saying that, constitutionally speaking, it
did not rest with him to give advice and become responsible for it,
and that nobody therefore could properly throw the responsibility of
the Queen's choice of a new Minister upon him; the Queen had thought
of sending for Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen together. This, Lord
Derby said, would do very well; he knew that, strictly speaking, the
Sovereign acted upon her own responsibility, but it was always said on
such occasions, for instance, "Lord John advised the Queen to send for
Lord Derby," etc., etc.
He then gave it rather jokingly as his opinion that he thought less
than 32 could hardly be the number of the new Cabinet, so many former
Ministers would expect to be taken in; the Whigs said 36. Lord John
Russell was designated for the Home Office, Lord Canning for the
Foreign, Mr Gladstone for the Colonial Department, Lord Clanricarde
for the Post Office, Lord Granville for Ireland. These were the
reports.
ALBERT.
_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne._
OSBORNE, _18th December 1852._
The Queen has received Lord Lansdowne's letter, from which she was
very sorry to learn that he is suffering from the gout. Although the
Queen was very anxious to have consulted with him before taking a
definite step for the formation of a new Government consequent on the
resignation of Lord Derby, she would have been very unhappy if Lord
Lansdowne had exposed his health to any risk in order to gratify her
wishes. Time pressing, she has now sent a telegraphic message to Lord
Aberdeen to come down here alone, which, from the terms of the Queen's
first summons, he had thought himself precluded from doing. Should
Lord Lansdowne not be able to move soon, Lord Aberdeen will confer
with him by the Queen's desire immediately on his return to Town.
[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
OSBORNE, _19th December 1852._
Lord Aberdeen arrived here at three o'clock and reported that he had
seen Lord Lansdowne, and had come to a perfect understanding with him;
he had also consulted with his friends, and with Lord John Russell. It
would now depend upon the decision of the Queen whom she would charge
with the formation of a Government. The Queen answered that she
thought Lord Lansdowne was too old and infirm to undertake such
arduous duties, and that she commissioned Lord Aberdeen. He replied
he was fully aware of his own unworthiness for the task, and had
expressed his disinclination to Lord Lansdowne, while Lord Lansdowne,
on the other hand, had pressed him to take the responsibility himself;
but since the Queen had commissioned him, he wished to say that it was
of the greatest importance that only one person should be charged with
the task and be responsible for it, and that the new Government should
not be a revival of the old Whig Cabinet with an addition of some
Peelites, but should be a liberal Conservative Government in the
sense of that of Sir Robert Peel; he thought this would meet with
the confidence of the country, even if excluding the Radicals. Lord
Aberdeen said he meant to propose to the Queen Lord John Russell as
Leader of the House of Commons and Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, which _he_ thinks he would accept. (The Queen sanctioned
this.) He would then consult Lord John upon his appointments, but
he (Lord Aberdeen) would be responsible, taking care that Lord John
should be satisfied. There was no doubt that Lord John had full claims
to be Prime Minister again, but that he could give him no greater
proof of confidence, having been his opponent all his life, than to
give him the lead of the House of Commons, which made him virtually
as much Prime Minister as he pleased, and the Foreign Office combined
with it would satisfy Lord John as following the precedent of Mr Fox.
The Peelites would not have served under Lord Lansdowne, much less
under Lord John; but a great many Whigs even objected to Lord John.
This was a temporary and undeserved unpopularity, and still Lord John
remained the first man in the country, and might be Prime Minister
again. The Peelites would know and learn to respect him when meeting
him in office. Lord Aberdeen hoped even many Conservatives now going
with Lord Derby would support such a Government, but to preserve to
it a Conservative character, two Secretaries of State at least must be
_Peelites_.
We next talked of Lord Palmerston, whom we agreed it would be
imprudent to leave to combine in opposition with Mr Disraeli. Lord
Aberdeen had thought of Ireland for him; we felt sure he would not
accept that. I gave Lord Aberdeen a list of the possible distribution
of offices, which I had drawn up, and which he took with him as
containing "valuable suggestions." He hoped the Queen would allow him
to strengthen himself in the House of Lords, where there was nobody to
cope with Lord Derby, by the translation of Sir James Graham or Mr
S. Herbert, if he should find this necessary. Sir James might gain in
moving from the House of Commons, as he lately fettered himself with
inconvenient Radical pledges. He felt he would have great difficulty
in the formation of his Government, for although everybody promised to
forget his personal wishes and interests, yet when brought to the test
such professions were often belied. The difficulty of measures lies
chiefly in the Budget, as the Income Tax would have to be settled,
and he was anxious to keep a good surplus. As to Reform, he felt that,
considering the Queen to have recommended it by a Speech from the
Throne, and Lord John to have actually introduced a Measure as Prime
Minister, the door could not be closed against it; but it might be
postponed for the present, and there was no real wish for it in the
country.
He was very sorry that the Government had been upset, and if the
Budget had been such that it could have been accepted he should much
have preferred it. Lord Derby seemed very much offended with him
personally for his speech in the House of Lords. Lord Aberdeen kissed
hands, and started again at four o'clock.
[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
(_Undated._)[61]
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty, that
on his return from Osborne last night, he saw Lord Lansdowne and Lord
John Russell, and found them in the same disposition with respect to
the formation of the new Administration. This morning, however,
Lord John Russell, partly from an apprehension of the fatigue of the
Foreign Office, and partly from the effect likely to be produced on
his political friends by his acceptance of office, has expressed his
unwillingness to form part of the Administration, although anxious to
give it his best support. Lord Aberdeen has discussed this matter
very fully with Lord John, and has requested him not to decide finally
until to-morrow morning, which he had promised accordingly. In the
meantime, Lord Aberdeen humbly submits to your Majesty that his
position is materially affected by this irresolution on the part
of Lord John. Had he not felt warranted in relying upon Lord John's
co-operation, he would not have ventured to speak to your Majesty with
the confidence he yesterday evinced. With the most earnest desire to
devote himself to your Majesty's service, it becomes doubtful whether
he could honestly venture to attempt the execution of your Majesty's
commands should Lord John persevere in his present intention. At
all events, nothing further can be done until this matter shall be
decided; and Lord Aberdeen will have the honour of reporting the
result to your Majesty.
[Footnote 61: Apparently written on the 20th of December
1852.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _20th December 1852._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is
grateful for your Majesty's condescension in informing him that your
Majesty has charged the Earl of Aberdeen with the duty of constructing
a Government.
Lord John Russell is desirous of seeing a durable Government, and he
will consider with the utmost care how far he can, consistently
with his own honour and his health and strength, contribute to this
end.[62]
[Footnote 62: He consulted Lord Lansdowne, and Macaulay,
happening to call, threw his influence into the scale in
favour of his serving under Aberdeen (Walpole's _Russell_,
chap, xxiii.).]
[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI AND PRINCE ALBERT]
_Mr Disraeli to the Prince Albert._
DOWNING STREET, _20th December 1852._
SIR,--I have the honour to return to your Royal Highness the State
paper[63] which your Royal Highness entrusted to me. I have not
presumed to keep a copy of it, but my memory is familiar with its
contents, and in case hereafter there may be any opportunity formed
to forward the views of your Royal Highness in this respect, I may
perhaps be permitted, if necessary, again to refer to the document.
I hope I am not presumptuous if, on this occasion, I offer to your
Royal Highness my grateful acknowledgments of the condescending
kindness which I have received from your Royal Highness.
I may, perhaps, be permitted to say that the views which your Royal
Highness had developed to me in confidential conversation have not
fallen on an ungrateful soil. I shall ever remember with interest and
admiration the princely mind in the princely person, and shall at all
times be prepared to prove to your Royal Highness my devotion. I
have the honour to remain, Sir, your Royal Highness's most obedient
Servant,
B. DISRAELI.
[Footnote 63: It is impossible to ascertain what this was; it
was probably one of the Prince's political Memoranda.]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _20th December 1852._
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty that
Lord John Russell has finally decided not to undertake the Foreign
Office, being influenced, Lord Aberdeen fully believes, by domestic
considerations, and contrary to the advice of all the most important
of his political friends. Lord Lansdowne has done his utmost to shake
the resolution, but in vain. Lord John proposes to be in the Cabinet,
without office, but to lead the Government business in the House of
Commons. Lord Aberdeen thinks this arrangement objectionable, and a
novelty, although the Duke of Wellington was Leader in the House
of Lords for two years without office when Lord Hill was
Commander-in-Chief. If the arrangement should be found untenable in
a Parliamentary view, Lord John would consent to accept a nominal
office, such as Chancellor of the Duchy. It is with great regret that
Lord Aberdeen makes this announcement to your Majesty, as his own
position is greatly weakened by this change; but he does not think it
a sufficient reason for abandoning the attempt to serve your Majesty,
which he feared might have been the case if Lord John had persevered
in his intention of not forming part of the Administration.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
OSBORNE, _21st December 1852._
The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Derby's letter.
She has since read his Speech in the House of Lords announcing his
resignation most attentively, and must express her doubts, whether
that Speech was calculated to render easier the difficult task
which has been thrown upon the Queen by the resignation of her late
Government.[64]
[Footnote 64: Lord Derby severely attacked Lord Aberdeen, in
his absence, and declared himself the victim of a factious
combination.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
OSBORNE, _21st December 1852._
The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter early this morning, the
contents of which have filled her with no little anxiety.
Still, she relies on the spirit of patriotism which she knows animates
all the parties concerned, and which she feels sure will ultimately
prevail over all difficulties, and enable a strong Government to be
formed, which the country so earnestly demands and requires. The Queen
is not surprised at Lord John Russell's fearing the fatigue of the
Foreign Office, together with the lead in the House of Commons, which
Lord Aberdeen's wish to show him entire confidence had prompted him to
offer to Lord John; but _this_ difficulty, she trusts might easily be
obviated. We intend leaving this place for Windsor to-morrow morning,
and being there by two o'clock.
The Queen would wish to see Lord Aberdeen there in the course of the
afternoon--either at three, four, or five--whichever time is most
convenient to him, and requests him to let her find a line from him
on her arrival, informing her of the hour at which he will come. Any
letter, however, sent by the bag to-night or by a messenger will reach
the Queen _here_ to-morrow morning, as we do not go before a quarter
to ten, and the Queen trusts therefore that Lord Aberdeen will let her
hear as soon as possible how matters stand.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _21st December 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your dear and kind letter of the
17th, which was as ever full of love and affection; but you know
_very_ well that your affectionate child will never allow any mention
of _your_ "leaving the premises." You know--too well--how sacred
duties of any kind are, and above all, those of a King, and in these
days; and how impossible it is for _us to shirk_ or abandon any of
those duties which God has imposed on us.
You will have heard of our crisis, and of the resignation of the
Government; its overthrow was inevitable; but we must now get a strong
and durable Government, one combined of the best Conservatives and
Liberals, which is what the country expects, demands, and requires.
Lord Aberdeen has undertaken the task, but I cannot yet announce, as
I wish I could, the formation of the new Government. Ever your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
You will receive a small parcel for my dear Charlotte for Christmas
Eve, and I have directed some prize Christmas beef to be forwarded to
Leo, which I hope he will approve of.
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S JUSTIFICATION]
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _22nd December 1852._
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, learns with the deepest regret,
by the note which he has just had the honour of receiving, that the
statement which he felt it his duty to make in the House of Lords has
appeared to your Majesty not calculated to render easier the difficult
task which has been thrown upon your Majesty by the resignation
of himself and his colleagues. Lord Derby begs humbly, but most
sincerely, to assure your Majesty that nothing could have been farther
from his intention than to let fall a single word which could increase
the difficulties of the present position. He feels the full extent of
those difficulties, and he may perhaps be forgiven if he entertains a
strong opinion that a due appreciation of their magnitude might have
been expected to have some weight with those Conservative statesmen,
whose opposition thrown into the adverse scale turned the balance
against your Majesty's servants, and rendered their retirement from
office inevitable. Lord Derby does not affect to deny that he thinks
he has some reason, personally and politically, to find fault with the
course which they have pursued: but to suffer any such consideration
to influence his public conduct, with regard to the Government now in
process of formation, would be entirely at variance with his sense of
public duty, and inconsistent with the deep gratitude which he must
ever feel for the confidence with which your Majesty has honoured him.
Lord Derby confesses himself at a loss to understand in what manner
Lord Aberdeen can be enabled to reconcile the many and serious
discrepancies, in matters both of Church and State, which would appear
to exist among his presumed future colleagues; but it will give him
unfeigned satisfaction to see these difficulties surmounted in such
a sense as to enable him to give to the Government his independent
support; and in the meantime it is his determination honestly to
undertake the task, difficult as it must be, of keeping together a
powerful Party, without the excitement of opposition to a Government
by which their own leaders have been superseded, and of some members
of which they think they have reason to complain; and even to
induce that Party to give it their support, whenever they can do so
consistently, with their own conscientious convictions.
[Pageheading: THE NEW GOVERNMENT]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1852._
We arrived here from Osborne at half-past one, and saw Lord Aberdeen
at half-past five, who reported the progress he had made in the
formation of his Government.
_The Chancellorship._--He had hoped to be able to offer to Lord St
Leonards to remain, but Lord John Russell insisted, on the part of
his Party (which he personally regretted to have to do), that
the Chancellor should be a Liberal; Lord Aberdeen in consequence
recommended Lord Cranworth.
_The Presidency of the Council._--The Duke of Newcastle, who might
have done for Ireland, but whose presence in the House of Lords would
be a great support to Lord Aberdeen.
_The Privy Seal._--The Duke of Argyll, to whom he had, however, not
yet applied.
_The Secretaries of State._--It appeared that Lord Palmerston had
repented of his decision, for he had addressed Lord Lansdowne, and
told him that he gave him his proxy--putting himself entirely into
his hands, feeling sure that he would take care of his honour. Lord
Lansdowne, who had been throughout very kind in his exertions to bring
about the junction of Parties, was now engaged to prevail upon him
to take the Home Office. We congratulated Lord Aberdeen upon this
symptom, which augured confidence in his success. Lord Aberdeen said
that when he saw Lord Palmerston, who then declined office, nothing
could have exceeded the expressions of his cordiality; he had even
reminded him that in fact they were great friends (!!!) of sixty
years' standing, having been at school together. We could not help
laughing heartily at the _Harrow Boys_ and their friendship. The
Foreign Office Lord John had again positively refused, contrary to the
advice of all his friends, and to please Lady John. This arrangement
failing, Lord Clarendon was to undertake it, but Lord Clarendon was
now gone himself to try to persuade Lord, or rather Lady, John to
accept--at least temporarily--declaring his readiness to take it
off his hands at any time if he should find the work too heavy. Lord
Aberdeen had no hope, however, of Lord Clarendon's success. Then
there would come the grave Constitutional Question of establishing the
novelty of a Leader in the House of Commons who held no office. Lord
John had seen the danger of being exposed to the reproach that he had
slipped into office without having gone through the popular ordeal
of a re-election, and had proposed to obviate this by accepting
the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds, and then having himself
re-elected for the City of London. But this would not meet all the
objections, for it would still be considered unconstitutional that
he should lead the business of the Government in the House of Commons
without the responsibility of office. The Leader of the House of
Commons was an irresponsible person, and Lord John's saying: "I shall
represent you (Lord Aberdeen) in the House of Commons," would be
equally unconstitutional. Lord John must therefore be prevailed upon
to take the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster, though he
felt no inclination to become the successor of Mr Christopher. Lord
Aberdeen read a Memorandum of Lord John's, containing his political
views on the crisis and the principles of the new Government, of which
he is to send the Queen a copy.
_For the Colonial Office._--Lord Aberdeen wavered between Sir J.
Graham and Mr Gladstone; either could be this, or Chancellor of the
Exchequer. Lord John wished Sir James as Chancellor of the Exchequer.
We argued the greater capabilities of Sir James for the Administration
of the Colonies, and Mr Gladstone for the Finances.
_Chancellor of the Exchequer_--therefore, Mr Gladstone.
_Admiralty_--Mr Sidney Herbert.
_Board of Control_--Sir C. Wood.
_Board of Trade_--Lord Granville.
_Board of Works_--Sir F. Baring.
(Baring and Wood being the two men whom Lord John had insisted on
having on the Treasury Bench sitting by his side.)
_Postmaster_--Lord Canning.
_Secretary-at-War_--Mr Cardwell.
These would form the Cabinet. Upon Ireland no decision had been
come to, though Lord Granville was generally pointed out as the best
Lord-Lieutenant.
Lord Aberdeen was very much pleased with the entire confidence
existing between him and Lord John. The Budget would be a formidable
difficulty, as in fact the Government would be an Income Tax
Government.
Lord Derby's intemperate and unconstitutional behaviour would do
no good to the Government; many of his friends were disgusted. Lord
Clanwilliam had called his speech in the House of Lords "a great
outrage." The Radicals might be conciliated in some of the lower
Offices by the appointment of Mr Charles Villiers, Sir William
Molesworth, and others.
[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH]
_The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _23rd December 1852._
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen, and considers
it right to inform your Majesty that Count Walewski again asked him
yesterday where the Prince of Hohenlohe was now residing, adding that
it was the intention of the Emperor to send a person to see him, and
ascertain his feelings with respect to a marriage between him and the
Princess Adelaide. Lord Malmesbury confined himself to replying that
he did not know. Lord Malmesbury might perhaps in his private capacity
endeavour to discourage these advances, but as long as he has the
honour of being one of your Majesty's Ministers, it appears to him
that your Majesty will be _personally_ the least committed by his
interfering as little as possible in the matter.
The Emperor is becoming extremely irritable at the delay of the three
great Powers in recognising the Empire, and he has said to M. Huebner
that, as they had plenty of time to agree among themselves what course
they should pursue when it was proclaimed, he cannot understand how
Austria and Prussia can in the face of Europe humiliate themselves by
waiting for the orders of Russia--"_les ordres de la Russie_."
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1852._
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter. She thinks he is
acting very judiciously in giving Count Walewski no advice whatever as
long as he holds the Seals of Office.
[Pageheading: NEW APPOINTMENTS]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1852._
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's communication of this morning,
and was pleased to hear that Lord John has finally accepted the
Foreign Office. She has also received the second communication, with
the List of the distribution of Offices. The Queen thinks it of such
importance that the Cabinet should be now announced to the world as
complete, that she is unwilling to throw any difficulties in the way.
At the same time, she must observe that in some instances the changes
are, in her opinion, not for the better. Sir J. Graham will be very
unpopular in the Navy; his achievements at the Admiralty in former
times[65] were all _retrenchments_, and have since proved in many
instances injurious to the Service. The Secretary-at-War ought
properly to be left out of the Cabinet for the well working of the
Army;[66] the President of the Board of Trade has always been in the
Cabinet, and in Lord Granville's case, even the Vice-President.
Lord Granville will have a difficulty as Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster, being one of the chief lessees of the Duchy, and, the Queen
believes, even engaged in a law-suit against it. The Queen has no
objection to Sir William Molesworth[67] at the Office of Works. She
hopes that the Presidency of the Council will be filled at once, for
which Lord Clarendon would be best.
Amongst the Under-Secretaries of State, the Queen wishes merely to
express her objection at seeing Mr B. Osborne[68] at the _Foreign_
Office. The Queen sees Lord Chandos's[69] name as Secretary to the
Treasury; she would be very much pleased to see his services secured.
All the other proposals she approves.
The Queen must repeat in conclusion that she considers the rapid
completion of the Government of the first importance, even if none of
the points the Queen has alluded to should be amended.
[Footnote 65: From 1830 to 1834.]
[Footnote 66: The Secretary-at-War was not a Secretary of
State.]
[Footnote 67: M.P. for Southwark; well known as a
philosophical writer, the first member of the Radical Party
included in any Ministry.]
[Footnote 68: Mr Bernal Osborne, a well-known speaker at the
time, became Secretary of the Admiralty.]
[Footnote 69: Afterwards, as Duke of Buckingham, Secretary for
the Colonies and Governor of Madras.]
[Pageheading: THE NEW CABINET]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th December 1852._
The Queen has this moment received Lord Aberdeen's letter, reporting
that new difficulties have arisen in the completion of the Government
by new proposals made by Lord John Russell, since the Queen's sanction
had been given to the arrangements submitted to her by Lord Aberdeen,
which had then been agreed to by Lord John Russell. The Queen begins
to fear serious mischief from the long duration of the crisis. It must
weaken the prestige of the new Government, and, instead of smoothing
difficulties, is, from the nature of things, rather calculated to
invite new ones. The Queen has, in her letter of yesterday, stated
some objections _she_ felt, but added that she would waive them all
for the satisfaction of the immediate want of the country (a strong
Government), and she must express her hope that political parties will
not fall short in patriotic spirit of the example she has thus herself
set.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
[_Draft--from recollection._]
WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th December 1852._
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of this afternoon, and
is very glad to hear that he has overcome the difficulties which he
mentioned this morning, and that he has secured the services of Lord
Lansdowne in the Cabinet. She hopes, however, that Lord Aberdeen will
remain firm on the other points, as difficulties are never overcome by
yielding to more than can be fairly demanded.
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1852._
Lord Aberdeen came this afternoon to announce the completion of his
Cabinet.
From many of them answers have not yet been received.
The day before it looked very bad. Lord John Russell had sent in such
a list of persons whom he required in the Cabinet (Sir Francis
Baring, Sir George Grey, etc., etc.), that, having been very yielding
hitherto, Lord Aberdeen was obliged to be peremptory in his refusal.
Now that the Cabinet was formed on a due proportion, he was inclined
to let Lord John have his own way pretty much with regard to the
minor Offices, considering that he brought 250 followers, and he (Lord
Aberdeen) only 50.
It was to Lord Clarendon that the persuasion of Lady John was finally
due, but Lord Aberdeen had to add his own promise to that of Lord
Clarendon, that the latter would take the Foreign Office whenever she
thought Lord John ought to be relieved from it.
Lady Palmerston had been most anxious to bring her husband into office
again; Lord Aberdeen had seen the first symptom of their joint wish in
the earnestness with which Lord Palmerston's friends declared in all
places that, had he been well enough, he would certainly have voted
against the Government.
Lord Lansdowne's exertions and Lord Clarendon's disinterestedness were
beyond all praise.
Of the Derbyites, he heard that most of them would be very quiet, and
many would be very friendly.
Lord Breadalbane is to be Lord Chamberlain. We recommend a trial to
get Lord Jersey to remain as Master of the Horse.
VICTORIA R.
_The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th December 1852._
MY DEAR LORD ABERDEEN,--I have heard rumours of some appointments in
the Household, for which the writs are to be moved to-morrow. As you
have not yet placed before the Queen your recommendations, I merely
write this to you, fearing that the "Whig Party" may deal out places
before you have had an opportunity of taking the Queen's pleasure.
Ever yours truly,
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S FAREWELL AUDIENCE]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th December 1852._
Lord Derby had his audience of leave yesterday afternoon. He repeated
his thanks to the Queen for the support and countenance she had given
him throughout the period he had been allowed to serve her, adding
his regrets that his services could not have been more efficient or
longer. One thing only distressed him in taking leave, and that
was the idea that the Queen might think he had unnecessarily raised
difficulties to the formation of a new Government by his Speech in
the House of Lords. Now, it had been incumbent upon him to show to
his Party that he had not quitted office on light grounds, after the
sacrifices of opinion they had brought in order to support him; he had
to prove that the vote in the House of Commons was not an accidental
vote, but the preconcerted Union of all Parties (in opposition)
against him, which gave them a real majority. We replied that it was
not his opinion on the late division, to the expression of which the
Queen had objected, but to that of an opinion on the character of
the new Government which the Queen had not yet formed. It was of the
greatest importance to keep that in suspense, and the declaration that
Lord Derby knew Lord Aberdeen to profess Conservative opinions of his
own (Lord Derby's) shade, had at once given the alarm to the Radicals,
and made them insist upon a greater proportion of Liberals in the
Cabinet. Lord Derby rejoined he had expressed his doubts as to how
these differences could be reconciled; and he did not see now how this
was to be done. How could Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell agree
upon the Foreign Policy, for instance? The Queen replied that Lord
John's views were very sound and moderate, and that the line of
Foreign Policy he had formerly had to pursue had been forced upon him
by Lord Palmerston, who had never left a question for the decision of
the Cabinet to which he had not already given a decided bias.
Did Lord Derby know that Lord Palmerston gave it out everywhere that,
had he been well enough, he should certainly have voted _against_
the Government? Lord Derby could only say that he had allowed his
son-in-law, Lord Jocelyn, to go to Italy under the firm conviction
that Lord Palmerston would refuse to join Lord Aberdeen or Lord John
Russell!
Lord Derby took leave after five o'clock.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: LADY DERBY'S LETTER]
_The Countess of Derby to the Marchioness of Ely._[70]
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _27th December 1852._
MY DEAREST LADY ELY,--Lord Derby told me that he saw you yesterday,
but only for a moment. I think he was nervous about his audience of
leave, but he returned deeply touched by the kindness of manner of the
Queen and the Prince. I cannot resist saying to you that, during the
last year, he has been more and more impressed with the admirable
qualities of the Queen, and her noble straightforwardness on all
occasions, and her unvarying kindness have inspired him with the
strongest attachment (if I may venture so to express his feelings for
Her Majesty). During that week of terrible suspense he continually
said to me that his chief anxiety and regret were caused by the fear
of leaving the Queen, particularly before he had had time and power to
do more in her service. I am writing in haste, having much to do this
last day in Town, but I have very often wished that the Queen knew how
warmly and sincerely Lord Derby is devoted to her service. He is also
very grateful to the Prince, for whose abilities he has the highest
admiration, often speaking of his wonderful cleverness. I am delighted
to hear that the Queen is so well; he said she was looking remarkably
well yesterday. He told me that Her Majesty used some kind expression
about myself. If you should have an opportunity of saying to Her
Majesty how grateful I am for all her former kindness, I should be
very much obliged to you. Ever yours very affectionately,
EMMA DERBY.
[Footnote 70: Submitted to the Queen by Lady Ely.]
[Pageheading: THE NEW MINISTRY]
[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th December 1852._
The delivery of the Seals of Office of the outgoing Ministers into the
Queen's hands, and her bestowal of them upon the new Ministers, took
place to-day.
Of the former, Mr Disraeli seemed to feel most the loss of office.
We saw Lord Aberdeen for some time, who submitted the names of all the
persons he recommended for the subordinate Offices, of whom he will
send a list. We asked him what might have passed between the last
Session and this to chill his feelings for Lord Derby, who maintained
that up to the Dissolution he had sent him messages to say that he
perfectly agreed with him, except on the Commercial Policy, and that
he never would join the Whigs. Lord Aberdeen disclaimed all knowledge
of such messages, though he acknowledged to have been very friendly to
Lord Derby. At the General Election, however, it appeared to him
that there was such a total want of principle in him and his Party,
pledging themselves for Protection in one place and Free Trade in
another, and appearing consistent only on one point, viz. their hatred
to Sir Robert Peel's memory and his friends, that he became determined
to have nothing to do with them.
The formation of the Government appeared to give satisfaction to the
country, though of course the number of the disappointed must be even
larger than usual on such occasions. Lord Canning seemed very much
hurt at not being taken into the Cabinet, and felt inclined to refuse
the Post Office. We agreed upon the impolicy of such a step,
and encouraged Lord Aberdeen to press him. Lord Clanricarde, and
particularly Lord Carlisle, were very much grieved at being left out
altogether, but there was no help for it; for each man taken in from
one side, two would be proposed from the other, and the Cabinet was
just large enough to work.
We saw Lord Lansdowne after the Council, who seemed well satisfied
with the Government, a combination he had so much and so long wished.
Lord Carlisle's annoyance was the only thing which personally grieved
him. He said that from the moment he had read Mr Disraeli's Budget he
had felt sure that the Government would fall immediately; the country
would never submit to a new tax with a surplus in the Exchequer.
Lord John Russell, whom we saw afterwards, seemed in very good health
and spirits. He told us that the peaceful parting scene in the House
of Commons had been his doing; he had told Mr Walpole that he thought
Mr Disraeli ought to make an apology to the House for the language he
had used, and which had given pain to a great many persons; and on
Mr Walpole's saying that that was a very delicate thing to tell Mr
Disraeli, he had allowed it to be told him as a message from him (Lord
John). Mr Disraeli declared his readiness, provided others would do
the same, and declared they had meant no offence.[71] We owned that
we had been astonished to find them of a sudden all so _well bred_. We
asked what Lord Palmerston had been about during the crisis? Lord John
told us in reply that Lord Palmerston had certainly been disposed
to join Lord Derby's Government, but always said he could not do so
alone; that if eight of them were to join, then they would have the
majority in the Cabinet. He also said that he believed Lord Palmerston
would have voted _for_ some parts of the Budget and against others.
Lord John does not think that that large Party of Lord Derby's will
long keep together, that some would vote for the Government, others
might try to raise a Protestant cry.
Lord Palmerston looked excessively ill, and had to walk with two
sticks from the gout.
[Footnote 71: "Mr Disraeli ... with infinite polish and grace
asked pardon for the flying words of debate, and drew easy
forgiveness from the member (Mr Goulburn), whom a few hours
before he had mocked as 'a weird sibyl'; the other member (Sir
James Graham), whom he could not say he greatly respected, but
whom he greatly regarded; and the third member (Sir C.
Wood), whom he bade learn that petulance is not sarcasm, and
insolence is not invective. Lord John Russell congratulated
him on the ability and the gallantry with which he had
conducted the struggle, and so the curtain fell." Morley's
_Gladstone_, Book III. chap. viii.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th December 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 24th reached me on Monday,
and I thank you warmly for it. The success of our excellent Aberdeen's
arduous task and the formation of so brilliant and strong a Cabinet
would, I was sure, please you. It is the realisation of the country's
and our _most_ ardent wishes, and it deserves success, and will, I
think, command great support.... It has been an anxious week, and just
on our happy Christmas Eve we were still very uneasy.
As I mean to write again before this year runs out, and I have a long
Council with outgoing and incoming Ministers this afternoon, you will
excuse my taking leave here. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: THE SUGGESTED MARRIAGE]
_The Princess Hohenlohe to Queen Victoria._
LANGENBURG, _30th December 1852._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--According to your wish and our promise, we send
this servant with the most unwelcome news that yesterday morning M.
de Jaux arrived here and told Ernest (as you will see by his letter to
Albert) that the Count Walewski wishes to have an interview with him
to confer on the subject we know of. A quarter of an hour before I
received this letter from Uncle Leopold, which I sent in Ernest's
letter to Ada, and in which he speaks his opinion that we ought not
to say "_No_" _at once_, before telling Ada of it. This is very much
against my wish and Ernest's, for we both would like to make an end
of the affair as soon as possible, but cannot, as we see the truth of
what Uncle Leopold says. I send a letter to Mamma to you, and one for
Ada. Mamma knows of it, as she wrote to me the other day, and I leave
it to you, dearest Victoria, if you or Mamma will tell the poor child
of the transaction. She will be in great distress. I wish she may at
once say "_No_," but am not sure of it; and in our letters we have
not said anything for the thing, but nothing against also but what
naturally is to be said against it. She will not know what to do, and
I am sure you and Mamma will not put it to her in _too_ favourable a
light, as we are of the same opinion on the subject; but yet there may
be some things in its favour too. I wish you would make Charles come
to us--_if you think it wise to do so_--and he not only will try to
engage us to it. But there may be so many reasons for or against which
in a letter it is not possible to explain all, and which we could not
answer in time; besides by him we might learn more accurately what
Ada feels: but I leave it quite to your and Albert's judgment, if this
would be a good plan. I am in great distress, you well may think, my
dearest Victoria. Oh! if we could but say "_No_" at once!...
Many thanks, my dearest Victoria, for your kind letter of the 22nd. In
the papers I have been following with the greatest interest what has
been said on the formation of the new Ministry; there is one name
though which frightens me--Lord Palmerston. Let me wish you joy of the
New Year; may it _bring peace_ not only to the nations, but also
to us. Every blessing and happiness to you, dear Albert, and your
children, and for me your love and affection, which is a blessing to
your devoted Sister,
FEODORA.
Ernest also wishes you all possible happiness. If Ada has the wish to
see the Emperor before she decides, what is to be done?
[Pageheading: NEW YEAR WISHES]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st December 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--On _this_, the last day of the old year, allow me
to offer my most ardent wishes for _many_ and happy returns of the
New Year to you and yours. May it be one of peace and prosperity to
us _all_, and may we have the happiness of seeing _you_ again. May we
still hope to see you this _winter_ or not?
Our Government is very satisfactorily settled. To have my faithful
friend Aberdeen as Prime Minister is a great happiness and comfort
for me personally. Lord Palmerston is terribly altered, and all his
friends think him breaking. He walks with two sticks, and seemed in
great suffering at the Council, I thought. I must now conclude. Ever
your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXII
The opening of the year 1853 saw a strong Coalition Ministry in power;
the necessity of a cordial understanding with France was obvious, but
bitter and indiscreet attacks on the Emperor of the French were made
by certain members of the Government, for which Mr Disraeli took them
severely to task. Lord John Russell, who had been appointed Foreign
Secretary, resigned that office in February, in favour of Lord
Clarendon, being unable to bear the twofold burden of the Leadership
of the House and the Foreign Office. Though the arrangement was
questioned, he continued during the year to lead the House without
office. A Canadian Clergy Reserves Bill, an India Bill, introducing
competitive examination into the Civil Service, and various measures
of Metropolitan improvement were passed. A more important feature of
the Session was Mr Gladstone's first Budget, dealing comprehensively
with the Income Tax, and imposing a duty on successions to real
property.
The Eastern Question, however, overshadowed all other interests. For
some time a dispute had existed between the Latin and Greek Churches
as to the guardianship of the Holy Places (including the Church of
the Holy Sepulchre) in Palestine. After long negotiations between the
French and Russian Governments, as representing these Churches, an
indecisive judgment was pronounced by the Porte, which, however, so
incensed Russia that she began to make warlike demonstrations,
and sent Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople to make peremptory
requisitions as to the Holy Places.
In the meanwhile, the Czar had made confidential overtures to
Sir Hamilton Seymour, the British Ambassador at St Petersburg,
representing the Sultan as a very "sick man," and suggesting that,
on the dissolution of his Empire, a concerted disposal of the Turkish
dominions should be made by England and Russia; these conversations
were reported at once to the British Government. Lord Stratford
de Redcliffe, who had been sent to represent British interests
at Constantinople, arrived there after Prince Menschikoff, and a
settlement of the disputes as to the Holy Places was then easily
effected, Lord Stratford insisting on this question being kept
independent of any other issue. But Prince Menschikoff had come to
the conference with instructions to keep an ulterior object in view,
namely, to advance a claim, by means of a strained interpretation of
the Treaty of Kainardji of 1774, of a Russian protectorate over the
Christian subjects of the Sultan. Influenced by Lord Stratford, the
Porte rejected the claim, and, in retaliation, the Czar occupied the
Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, characterising the
step not as an act of war, but a material guarantee of Russia's just
rights. The French Emperor, anxious to divert the attention of his
subjects from domestic politics, was making preparations for war; and
similar preparations were also being made in England.
Negotiations took place between the Powers with a view of averting
war, and a document known as the Vienna Note, to which Great Britain
and France were parties, and which Russia accepted, was proffered to
the Sultan: again Lord Stratford interposed to prevent its acceptance,
and, when the Russian Government subsequently announced its own
interpretation of the Note, it was apparent that the Western Powers
had been mistaken as to its purport.
An Ultimatum, requiring the evacuation of the Principalities, was
sent by the Porte to Russia and rejected: war broke out, and the first
encounter at Oltenitza, on the 4th of November, resulted in favour of
Turkey. Meanwhile both the British and French fleets had been sent
to the East, and, on the declaration of war, the British Admiral
was instructed to take any action he thought fit to prevent Russian
aggression on Turkish territory. On the 30th of November the Turkish
Fleet in Sinope Harbour was destroyed by the Russian squadron, this
occurrence provoking profound indignation in England, though it had
been urged both within the Cabinet and outside that the despatch of
the combined Western Fleets through the Dardanelles was more likely to
appear as a defiance to Russia than a support to Turkey.
Earlier in the year Lord Aberdeen had desired to retire, but enquiry
soon disclosed that Lord John Russell no longer had the influence
necessary to form a Ministry, and in the face of danger Lord Aberdeen
remained at his post. But there were sharp dissensions in the Cabinet,
especially between Lord Palmerston, representing the anti-Russian
party, on the one hand, and on the other Lord Aberdeen, who distrusted
the Turks, and Mr Gladstone, who disavowed any obligation to uphold
the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In December, Lord Palmerston
resigned office, the ostensible reason being his opposition to the
contemplated Reform Bill of the Government. The real cause was his
opinion that apathy was being shown by his colleagues in reference to
the Eastern Question; however, after arrangements had been made for
replacing him, he was, at his own desire, re-admitted to the Cabinet.