1853
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th January 1853._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... Our new Government will really, I think,
command a large support, and, I trust, be of duration, which is a
great object. Their only difficulty will be the Budget.
The coldness and tardiness of the Northern Powers in recognising _our_
new _bon Frere_ annoys him very much, and produces a bad effect in
France. I don't think it is wise. Unnecessary irritation may produce
_real_ mischief. To squabble about _how_ to call him, after having
praised and supported him after the _Coup d'Etat_, seems to me very
_kleinlich_ and inconsistent, and I think our conduct throughout has
been much more dignified....
I have read with pleasure the loyal addresses of the Chambers, and
with peculiar satisfaction the allusion to Leopold's visit to England.
Let him and Philippe come here often and regularly, and let them study
this country and her laws _a fond_--it will do them more good than
all the studying and reading in the world. They all three express most
warmly to us their hopes of returning to us soon. Do let us have the
hope of seeing you in February. It would be delightful!... I must now
wish you good-bye. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: HEADMASTERSHIP OF ETON]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _9th January 1853._
... Lord Aberdeen also begs to mention to your Majesty that he saw
Dr Hawtrey yesterday and in signifying your Majesty's gracious
intentions[1] towards him, took an opportunity of expressing in very
strong terms the great importance of the choice of his successor as
Headmaster of Eton, and described the requisite qualifications for
such a situation, as well as the objections to which some appointments
might be liable. Lord Aberdeen was perfectly understood by Dr Hawtrey,
although no name was mentioned; and the subject was regarded as being
of the utmost importance, not only to the school itself, but to the
nation at large.
[Footnote 1: Dr E. C. Hawtrey was advanced to the Provostship
of Eton upon the death of the Rev. Francis Hodgson. Dr C. O.
Goodford succeeded to the Headmastership.]
[Pageheading: MARRIAGE OF EMPEROR NAPOLEON]
_Lady Augusta Bruce to the Duchess of Kent._
RUE DE VARENNES 65, _31st January 1853._
DEAREST MADAME,--I fear that I shall not be able to add much to the
newspaper account of yesterday's ceremony,[2] for it was one the
impression of which is best conveyed by a simple and accurate
description of the scene, and of those arrangements and details which
combined to render its effect gorgeous and dazzling. Apart, however,
from the historical interest attached to it as one of the very curious
acts of the extraordinary Drama now enacting in France, the impression
produced was one that would be called forth by a magnificent
theatrical representation, and little more. This seemed to be the
public feeling, for though multitudes thronged the streets, the day
being dry, they appeared to be animated by curiosity chiefly, and that
_sober_ curiosity which now characterises the people of Paris, wearied
as they are of _novelty_ and excitement. As far as one can judge,
it does not seem that the lower orders take much interest in this
marriage; the ambition and vanity of _his_ partisans have been wounded
by it, and, of course, his enemies do not scruple to calumniate and
slander the unfortunate object of his choice disgracefully.
It is very difficult to ascertain anything like truth as regards her,
but her beauty and engaging manners will, it is thought by many, gain
for her, for a time at least, a greater amount of popularity than his
friends who now blame the marriage expect. That he is passionately in
love with her no one doubts, and his countenance on late occasions, as
well as yesterday, wore a radiant and joyous expression very unusual.
She, on the contrary, showed a considerable amount of nervousness at
the Civil Marriage, and was as pale as death yesterday--however, even
with the high and determined spirit she is supposed to have, this
might be expected. Lady Cowley had been kind enough to send us an
invitation, of which we were tempted to avail ourselves.[3] Nothing
could be more splendid than the decorations of the Cathedral--velvet
and ermine--gold and silver--flags and hangings of all colours were
combined and harmonised with the splendid costumes of the Clergy,
the uniforms, civil and military, and the magnificent dresses of the
ladies. The greatest mistake was the _conflict_ of lights--the windows
not having been darkened, though countless thousands of wax candles
were lighted. The music was very fine.... The object of our neighbours
seemed to be to scan and criticise the dress of the Bride, and the
wonderful penetration and accuracy of their eagle glances was to us
something incredible! Certainly, though unable ourselves at such a
distance to appreciate the details of her dress or the expression of
her countenance, we saw her distinctly enough to be able to say that
a more lovely _coup d'[oe]il_ could not be conceived. Her beautifully
chiselled features and marble complexion, her nobly _set-on head_,
her exquisitely proportioned figure and graceful carriage were most
striking, and the whole was like a Poet's Vision! I believe she is
equally beautiful when seen close, but at a distance at which we saw
her the effect was something more than that of a lovely picture, it
was aerial, ideal. On the classically shaped head she wore a diamond
crown or diadem, round her waist a row of magnificent diamonds to
correspond, and the same as trimming round the "basques" of her gown.
Then a sort of cloud or mist of transparent lace enveloped her,
which had the effect of that for which, when speaking of the hills in
Scotland, Princess Hohenlohe could find no English word, "_Duft_." I
hope your Royal Highness will not think me very much carried by what
pleases the eye. I felt all the while that one could view the matter
but as an outside show; as such, in as far as she was concerned,
it was exquisitely beautiful--and I suppose that a sort of national
prejudice made me attribute the grace and dignity of the scene,
for what there was of either came from her, to the blood of
_Kirkpatrick!!!_
The carriages were ugly and the Procession by no means fine, and
those in which the Bridal party afterwards travelled to St Cloud,
were driven by individuals in the famous theatrical costume of the
well-known "Postillon de Longjumeau!"[4]
[Footnote 2: The Emperor of the French was married to
Mademoiselle Eugenie de Montijo on the 29th of January.
William Kirkpatrick, her maternal grandfather, had been a
merchant and American Consul at Malaga, and had there married
Francoise de Grivegnec. Their third daughter, Maria
Manuela, married, in 1817, the Count de Teba, a member of an
illustrious Spanish family, who in 1834 succeeded his brother
as Count de Montijo, and died in 1839. His widow held an
influential social position at Madrid, and her elder daughter
married the Duke of Alba in 1844, while she herself, with
Eugenie, her younger daughter, settled in Paris in 1851.]
[Footnote 3: Lord Cowley had been specifically instructed by
the Government to attend the marriage and be presented to the
Empress.]
[Footnote 4: A comic opera, written by Adolphe Adam, and
performed at Paris in 1836.]
[Pageheading: THE EMPRESS]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _4th February 1853._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my best thanks for your gracious letter
of the 1st. Since I wrote to you _le grand evenement a eu lieu!_ We
truly live in times where at least variety is not wanting; the only
mischief is that like drunkards people want more and more excitement,
and it therefore will probably end by what remains the most exciting
of all--War. Amusing and interesting war is, it must be confessed,
more than anything in the world, and that makes me think that it
must be the bouquet when people will be _blase_ of everything else.
I enclose a letter from our Secretary of Legation at Madrid, Baron
Beyens, who married a great friend of the Queen, Mademoiselle de Santa
Cruz, and is much _au fait_ of all things that interest the public
just now. It seems by what I learned from Paris that the Empress
communicated to a friend a communication of _son cher epoux_ when
she expressed her sense of her elevation to such eminence; as it may
interest you and Albert, I will make an extract of it here: "Vous ne
me parlez, ma chere enfant, que des avantages de la position que je
vous offre, mais mon devoir est de vous signaler aussi ses dangers;
ils sont grands, je serai sans doute a vos cotes l'objet de plus d'une
tentative d'assassinat; independamment de cela, je dois vous confier
que des complots serieux se fomentent dans l'armee. J'ai l'[oe]il
ouvert de ce cote et je compte bien d'une maniere ou d'autre prevenir
toute explosion; le moyen sera _peut-etre la guerre_. La encore il y a
de grandes chances de ruine pour moi. Vous voyez donc bien que vous
ne devez pas avoir de scrupules pour partager mon sort, les mauvaises
chances etant peut-etre egales aux bonnes!"
I was sorry to hear of Lord Melbourne's, _i.e._, Beauvale's, death.
I knew him since 1814, and found him always very kind. For poor Lady
Melbourne, who devoted herself so much, it is a sad blow. We are
longing for a little cold, but it does not come though we have some
east wind. I am held back in some of the _most essential_ measures for
the defence of the country by the tricks of the Chamber. I see that
the Manchester party shines in unusual Bright-ness and Cobden-ness by
a degress of absurdity never as yet heard of. In the American War the
Quakers refused to fight; they did not besides like the extremities
the States had gone to against the mother country; but not to defend
its own country against probable invasion is truly too much.
Pray have the goodness to give my best love to Albert, and believe me,
ever my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th February 1853._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for two most kind letters of
the 4th and 7th (which I have just received) with very interesting
enclosures, which shall be duly returned. The little report of what
the Emperor said to the Empress is very curious, and tallies with what
I have also heard of his thinking much more of the insecurity of his
position than he used to do. The description of the young Empress's
character is an interesting one, and also agrees with what I had
heard from those who know her well. It may be in her power to do much
good--and I hope she may. Her character is made to captivate a man, I
should say--particularly one like the Emperor.
I am sorry that you have had trouble with your Parliament. Ours begins
its work on Thursday. The accounts of the support which our
Government will receive are most satisfactory, and the Cabinet is most
harmonious.... Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: THE CZAR AND TURKEY]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _8th February 1853._
... Lord John Russell read at the Cabinet a despatch received from
your Majesty's Minister at St Petersburg, giving an account of an
interview with the Emperor, at which His Majesty appeared to expect an
early dissolution of the Turkish Empire, and proposed in such a case
to act in perfect concert with the British Government. Lord John also
read the rough draft of a proposed answer to this despatch, which,
with slight alterations, was fully approved.[5]
Lord Aberdeen does not think there is anything very new in this
demonstration by the Emperor. It is essentially the same language he
has held for some years, although, perhaps, the present difficulties
of Turkey may have rendered him more anxious on the subject....
[Footnote 5: _See_ Introductory Note, p. 431. The Emperor had,
no doubt, misunderstood the attitude of the British Ministry
in 1844 on this subject, and regarded Lord Aberdeen as in full
sympathy with himself.]
[Pageheading: THE LEADERSHIP]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _12th February 1853._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has
waited till to-day in order to be able to give some account of the
appearance of the House of Commons.
Lord John Russell's statement of measures to be proposed was well
received, but as it did not contain reform was a disappointment to a
part of the House. Mr Walpole spoke privately to Lord John Russell
as to his future position in leading the Government in the House of
Commons without office. Mr Walpole said it was neither illegal nor
unconstitutional, but might prove inconvenient as a precedent.
The Speaker said in conversation there was clearly no _constitutional_
objection, but that the leadership of the House was so laborious that
an office without other duties ought to be assigned to it....
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S DEFENCE]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th February 1853._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, and
was very glad to hear that he considers the aspect of the House of
Commons as favourable to the Government.
Lord John alludes for the first time in his letter to a question
on which the Queen has not hitherto expressed her opinion to him
personally, viz., how far the proposed new arrangement of Lord John's
holding the leadership of the House of Commons without office was
constitutional or not?[6] Her opinion perfectly agrees with that
expressed by Mr Walpole to Lord John. If the intended arrangement were
_undoubtedly illegal_ it would clearly never have been contemplated at
all; but it may prove a _dangerous precedent_.
The Queen would have been quite prepared to give the proposition
of the Speaker "that the leadership of the House of Commons was so
laborious, that an Office without other duties ought to be assigned
to it," her fullest and fairest consideration, upon its merits and its
constitutional bearings, which ought to have been distinctly set forth
before her by her constitutional advisers for her final and unfettered
decision.
What the Queen complains of, and, as she believes with justice, is,
that so important an innovation in the construction of the executive
Government should have been practically decided upon by an arrangement
intended to meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental
circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing alternative only,
either to forego the exercise of her own prerogative, or to damage by
her own act the _formation_ or _stability_ of the new Government, both
of paramount importance to the welfare of the Country.
[Footnote 6: See _ante_, pp. 417, 421.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _13th February 1853._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He cannot
forbear from vindicating himself from the charge of forming or
being party to an arrangement "intended to meet personal wants
under peculiar and accidental circumstances, leaving the Queen the
embarrassing alternative only, either to forego the exercise of
her own prerogative, or to damage by her own act the _formation_ or
_stability_ of the new Government--both of paramount importance to the
welfare of the Country."
Lord John Russell has done all in his power to contribute to the
formation of a Ministry in which he himself holds a subordinate
situation, from which nearly all his dearest political friends are
excluded, and which is held by some to extinguish the party which for
eighteen years he has led.
He has done all this in order that your Majesty and the Country might
not be exposed to the evil of a weak Ministry liable to be overthrown
at any moment, formed whether by Lord Derby, or by himself at the head
of one party only.
But in consenting to this arrangement he was desirous to maintain his
honour intact, and for this purpose he asked before the Ministry was
formed for the honour of an Audience of your Majesty, that he might
explain all the circumstances of his position.
This Audience was not granted, and Lord John Russell has never been
in a situation to explain to your Majesty why he believes that his
leading the House of Commons without office is not liable to any
constitutional objection.
The Speaker and Mr Walpole both concur that no constitutional
objection to this arrangement exists, but should your Majesty wish to
see the arguments briefly stated by which Lord John Russell has been
convinced, he should be happy to be allowed to lay them before your
Majesty.
[Pageheading: THE REFUGEE QUESTION]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
_25th February 1853._
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
humbly begs to state that Count Colloredo[7] called upon him this
afternoon.... Count Colloredo then said that he had another and more
disagreeable subject to discuss with Lord Clarendon. He commenced
by reading a note from Count Buol[8] complaining bitterly of the
refugees, and the manner in which they abused the hospitality
afforded them in this country, and attributing in great measure to the
proclamations of Kossuth and Mazzini the late insurrection at Milan,
and the attempt on the Emperor's life.[9] This note expressed a
hope and belief that some measure would at once be adopted by
your Majesty's Government to remove the just complaints of
Allied Governments, and intimated that should this hope not
be _spontaneously_ realised some measures on the part of those
Governments would become necessary for their own protection as well as
to mark their sense of the wrong done to them by England.
Lord Clarendon said that your Majesty's Government were as indignant
as that of Austria could be at the disgraceful abuse of the protection
afforded to these refugees; but he could hold out no hope of any
legislation for the purpose of sending them out of the country.
Count Colloredo did not disguise his annoyance and disappointment at
this, and seemed to attribute it to want of goodwill on the part of
your Majesty's Government, which he felt sure would have the support
of public opinion in proposing such a measure as his Government
desired.
The discussion became rather warm, and Lord Clarendon thought it
right to remark that too much importance might be given to these
proclamations and too little to the causes which at home might lead
the subjects of Austria to manifest their discontent by revolutionary
outbreaks, nor could we conceal from ourselves that the complaints
about the refugees were occasionally directed against the free
institutions which gave them protection, and that we were not always
viewed with favour as presenting the single but prosperous exception
to that system of government which otherwise would now almost be
uniform in Europe.[10]
[Footnote 7: Austrian Ambassador.]
[Footnote 8: Austrian Prime Minister.]
[Footnote 9: Kossuth and Mazzini were in England, prosecuting
their schemes against Austria; the Austrian Government
attributed to them the Milanese rising, and the recent attempt
to assassinate the Emperor Francis Joseph at Vienna.]
[Footnote 10: The Refugee Question was debated in the House of
Lords on the 4th of March.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th March 1853._
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter, and the reports on
the Militia which she returns, having marked several parts in them
which show an absence of the most important requisites. Already in
October the Queen observed upon the want of arms for the Militia, and
was invariably answered that they would be immediately provided. But
by these reports this seems still not to be the case.
[Pageheading: PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _18th March 1853._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my best thanks for your gracious letter
of the 15th. I trust that the bitter cold weather we have now again
will not displease you. I fear Albert's heavy cold will not be the
better by the east wind which makes one shiver. I am thunderstruck by
a telegraph despatch from Marseilles of the 17th, which declares that
Prince Menschikoff has not succeeded, and has therefore given orders
for the Russian fleet to come to Constantinople.[11] Heaven grant
that these news may not be true, though bad news generally turn out
correct. I am so sorry to see the Emperor Nicholas, who had been so
wise and dignified since 1848, become so very unreasonable. In Austria
they are still a good deal excited. One can hardly feel astonished
considering circumstances; I trust that reflection may induce them to
modify their measures. The Italian Nobles have shown themselves great
fools by acting as they have done, and thereby giving an opening to
social revolution. By some accident we have been within these few days
well informed of some of the movements of the good people that enjoy
an asylum in England. Kossuth is now the great director and favourite,
and Republics are everywhere to spring up, till he (Kossuth) is to be
again Dictator or Emperor somewhere.... Europe will never recover that
shock of 1848.
My dearest Victoria, your truly devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 11: _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_, pp. 431.]
[Pageheading: THE "HOLY PLACES"]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _22nd March 1853._
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He encloses
a letter from Lord Cowley, which shows a considerable degree of
irritation on the part of the French Government, and of embarrassment
in consequence of the rash step they have taken in ordering the
departure of their fleet from Toulon to the Greek Waters.[12] If no
catastrophe should take place at Constantinople, as Lord Aberdeen
hopes and believes, this irritation will probably subside, and they
may find us useful in assisting them to escape from their difficulty
with respect to the "Holy Places."
Lord Aberdeen has seen the Instructions of Prince Menschikoff, which
relate exclusively to the claims of the Greek Church at Jerusalem; and
although these conditions may humiliate Turkey, and wound the vanity
of France, there is nothing whatever to justify the reproach
of territorial aggression, or hostile ambition. If the Turkish
Government, relying upon the assistance of England and France, should
remain obstinate, the affair might become serious; but even then, Lord
Aberdeen is convinced that no final step will be taken by the Emperor,
without previous communication to England.
Much depends upon the personal character of Prince Menschikoff. If
he can command himself sufficiently to wait for the arrival of Lord
Stratford, Lord Aberdeen does not doubt that the matter will be
settled, without coming to extremities....
[Footnote 12: Even before the Conference met, Menschikoff's
overbearing conduct and demeanour had induced Napoleon to
despatch the French Fleet from Toulon to Salamis, to watch
events.]
[Pageheading: THE CZAR CONCILIATORY]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd March 1853._
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday, and
returns Lord Cowley's. Everything appears to her to depend upon the
real nature of the demands made by Russia, and the Queen was therefore
glad to hear from Lord Aberdeen that he found nothing in Prince
Menschikoff's instructions to justify the reproach of territorial
aggression or hostile ambition. Still the mode of proceeding at
Constantinople is not such as would be resorted to towards a "sick
friend for whose life there exists much solicitude." This ought
clearly to be stated to Baron Brunnow, in the Queen's opinion.
The two Drafts to Sir H. Seymour and Lord Cowley struck the Queen as
very temperate, conciliatory, and dignified.
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
_29th March 1853._
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly
begs to state that he had this afternoon a satisfactory interview with
the French Ambassador, who told him that the Emperor had to a certain
extent been deceived upon the Eastern Question, and that he had given
his decision without fully considering the matter in all its bearings.
But that he had since viewed it in a different light, and had so
far recognised the propriety of the course adopted by your Majesty's
Government, that if the sailing order had not been improperly
published in the _Moniteur_ the French Fleet should not have quitted
Toulon.
Count Walewski further stated that _the Persons_ who had thus advised
the Emperor, finding that their views were not supported by facts as
they hoped, had endeavoured to throw the blame upon England and to
show that France had been abandoned and Russia preferred by your
Majesty's Government, and that hence had arisen the want of cordiality
and good feeling with respect to which Lord Clarendon some days ago
spoke to Count Walewski. He, however, assured Lord Clarendon that all
this had now passed away, and that the Emperor was as anxious as
ever for a good understanding with England, and particularly upon
all matters connected with the East. Lord Clarendon expressed
great satisfaction that this momentary difference between the two
Governments should be at an end.
Count Walewski in confidence requested Lord Clarendon to impress
upon Lord Cowley the necessity of often seeing the Emperor, and not
trusting to the Minister, when any question of difficulty arose.
Count Walewski said the Emperor was particularly anxious that your
Majesty should know that the liberation of the Madiai[13] was owing to
the interference which the French Legation had been instructed by the
Emperor to use in their behalf.
[Footnote 13: Two persons, husband and wife, domiciled in
Florence, who had embraced the English reformed religion. In
1852 they were seized, imprisoned in separate dungeons, and
subjected to great hardships. Lords Shaftesbury and Roden went
to Florence and appealed to the Grand Duke on their behalf,
but were unsuccessful. In March 1853, however, after the
British Government had interposed, the two were released, a
pension being provided for them by public subscription.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th March 1853._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you very much for your kind letter
of the 25th....
I hope that the Oriental Question will be satisfactorily settled.
From all the confidential reports we have received from the Emperor of
Russia, I think I may safely say that though he has treated the Sultan
rather overbearingly and roughly, there is _no_ alteration in
his views--and _no wish whatever_ on his part to appropriate
Constantinople or any of those parts to himself--though he does not
wish us, or France or Austria _or Greece_, to have it either. But he
thinks the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire very imminent, which
I really think is not the case. The Russians accuse us (as we have
preached moderation) of being too French--and the French of being too
Russian!....
Now with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to Lord Clarendon_.
WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th March 1853._
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter with great
satisfaction. We are now reaping the fruits of an honest and
straightforward conduct, and the Queen hopes Lord Clarendon will
likewise in all future cases of difficulty arrest the mischief, sure
to arise from a continuance of mutual suspicion between this
Country and any Power, by at once entering upon full and unreserved
explanations, on the first symptoms of distrust.
As the Emperor deserves great credit, if he really caused the
liberation of the Madiai, the Queen wishes Lord Clarendon to express
to Count Walewski her feelings on this subject.
[Pageheading: THE CZAR'S LETTER]
_The Emperor of Russia to the Prince Albert._
8
ST. PETERSBOURG, _le -- Avril 1853._
20
MONSEIGNEUR,--J'allais Vous adresser mes felicitations sinceres pour
l'heureuse delivrance de Sa Majeste la Reine, quand Votre aimable
lettre est venue me prevenir.[14] Veuillez donc, Monseigneur, etre
persuade, que c'est avec grande joie, que ma femme et moi, nous avons
appris cet heureux evenement, et j'ose aussi vous prier de deposer
aux pieds de Sa Majeste mes humbles hommages et felicitations. Je me
flatte n'avoir pas besoin de Vous assurer tous deux, Monseigneur, de
toute la sincerite des sentiments d'affection que je Vous porte. Cette
fois j'ose y joindre mes remerciments bien sentis a Sa Majeste la
Reine, pour l'indulgence et l'attention qu'Elle a daigne preter aux
communications dont j'avais charge directement Sir Hamilton Seymour,
qui a le merite seul d'avoir su transmettre mes intentions avec une
fidelite et une exactitude parfaites.
Je crois que dans peu Sa Majeste la Reine sera dans le cas de se
persuader, que _Son sincere et fidele ami_ l'a prevenue a temps de
ce qu'il prevoyait devoir infailliblement arriver; non certes dans
l'intention d'etre un _prophete de mauvais augure_, mais dans la
conviction intime, que ce n'est que la confiance la plus intime, la
plus complette et la plus parfaitte identite de vues entre Sa Majeste
et Son tres humble serviteur, c. a. d. entre l'Angleterre et la
Russie, que peuvent commander aux evenements et conjurer de terribles
catastrophes!
Maintenant nous nous entendons, et je m'en remets a Dieu pour tout ce
qui doit arriver.
C'est avec la plus haute consideration et la plus sincere amitie que
je serais, toujours, Monseigneur, de Votre Altesse Royale le tout
devoue Cousin,
NICOLAS.
[Footnote 14: The fourth son of the Queen and Prince,
afterwards Duke of Albany, was born on the 7th of April at
Buckingham Palace.]
[Pageheading: BIRTH OF PRINCE LEOPOLD]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th April 1853._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--My first letter is _this_ time, as last time,
addressed to you; last time it was because dearest Louise, to whom the
first had heretofore always been addressed, was with me--alas! _now_,
she is no longer amongst us! I can report very favourably of
myself, for I have never been better or stronger or altogether more
comfortable.
Stockmar will have told you that _Leopold_ is to be the name of our
fourth young gentleman. It is a mark of love and affection which I
hope you will not disapprove. It is a name which is the dearest to me
after Albert, and one which recalls the almost _only_ happy days of my
sad childhood; to hear "Prince Leopold" again, will make me think of
all those days! His other names will be George Duncan Albert, and
the Sponsors, the King of Hanover, Ernest Hohenlohe, the Princess of
Prussia and Mary Cambridge.
George is after the King of Hanover, and Duncan as a compliment to
dear Scotland.... Ever your devoted Niece and Child,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: MR GLADSTONE'S BUDGET]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _19th April 1853._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is
happy to say that Mr Gladstone's statement last night was one of
the most powerful financial speeches ever made in the House of
Commons.[15]
Mr Pitt in the days of his glory might have been more imposing, but he
could not have been more persuasive.
Lord John Russell is very sanguine as to the success of the plan, both
in the House of Commons and in the country.
[Footnote 15: Mr Gladstone's Budget imposed a duty for the
first time on the succession to real property; he retained
the Income Tax for two years longer, at its then rate of
sevenpence in the pound on incomes above L150, and extended
it, at the rate of fivepence in the pound, to incomes between
L100 and L150. Ireland was made subject to the tax, but
received relief in other directions. Remissions of indirect
taxes were also made, and one of these, the repeal of the
Advertisement Duty, was carried against the Government.]
_The Prince Albert to Mr Gladstone._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _19th April 1853._
MY DEAR MR GLADSTONE,--I must write to you a line in order to
congratulate you on your success of last night. I have just completed
a close and careful perusal of your speech, which I admire extremely,
and I have heard from all sides that the effect it has produced is
very good. Trusting that your Christian humility will not allow you
to become dangerously elated, I cannot resist sending you the report
which Lord John Russell made to the Queen for your perusal; knowing
that it will give you pleasure, and that these are the best rewards
which a public man can look for. Ever yours truly,
ALBERT.
_Mr Gladstone to the Prince Albert._
DOWNING STREET, _19th April 1853._
Sir,--I have to offer my most humble and grateful thanks to Her
Majesty for graciously allowing me to know the terms in which Lord
John Russell's kindness allowed him to describe the statement made by
me last night in the House of Commons; and to your Royal Highness for
the letter which your Royal Highness had been pleased to address to
me.
The reception which you, Sir, gave to my explanation on the 9th
instant of the propositions I had to submit to the Cabinet, was one of
the first and best omens of their favourable fortune.
As a Servant of the Crown, deeply sharing in that attachment which
all servants of Her Majesty must feel both to her Throne and Person,
I venture to hope that the propositions of the Government declared
through me, are in accordance with our faith and loyalty to Her
Majesty.
For myself, Sir, I am most thankful, if it can be said that I have not
by my own defects injured a good and an honest cause; my only title to
reward lies in sincerity of purpose, and by such testimony as that of
your Royal Highness I am already much more than duly rewarded....
I return the letter of Lord John Russell, and I pray your Royal
Highness to believe me, Sir, your most dutiful and most obedient
Servant,
W. E. GLADSTONE.
[Pageheading: THE INDIA BILL]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
OSBORNE, _27th May 1853._
The Queen has read Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday with great
concern. She had been much surprised to hear from Lord John Russell on
the 24th that "in concert with Sir Charles Wood and Sir James Graham,
he had settled last night to propose to the Cabinet on Wednesday to
delay the measure (on the Indian Government) till next Session, and
that Sir James Graham had stated that Lord Aberdeen would be ready
to assent to this course."[16] She did not answer Lord John until she
should have heard from Lord Aberdeen himself. From the explanation he
has now given to the Queen, she must say that it would have a _very
bad_ effect if the measure were withdrawn at the eleventh hour, and
after all that has been publicly and privately stated.[17] Nothing
damages a Government more than the appearance of vacillation and
uncertainty of purpose, and no Government ought to shun this more
than the _present_. The fact of a dissension in the Cabinet on a vital
point, which it cannot be hoped will remain concealed, must besides
much impair its vigour and power....
The Queen earnestly hopes that it will not become necessary to change
the course announced by the Government.
[Footnote 16: The India Bill, which passed during the Session,
threw open the lucrative patronage of the Company (whose
existence was continued but with less absolute control) to
competition. The Mutiny, and the resulting legislation of
1858, tended subsequently to overshadow Sir Charles Wood's
measure.]
[Footnote 17: The matter had been referred to a Cabinet
Committee, reported upon, agreed to in full Cabinet, proposed
to and sanctioned by the Queen and announced to Parliament.]
[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _3 June 1853._
MY DEAREST, BEST VICTORIA,--... The young Emperor[18] I confess I like
much, there is much sense and courage in his warm blue eye, and it is
not without a very amiable merriment when there is occasion for it.
He is slight and very graceful, but even in the _melee_ of dancers and
Archdukes, and all in uniform, he may always be distinguished as
the _Chef_. This struck me more than anything, as now at Vienna the
dancing is also that general _melee_ which renders waltzing most
difficult.... The manners are excellent and free from pompousness or
awkwardness of any kind, simple, and when he is graciously disposed,
as he was to me, _sehr herzlich und natuerlich_. He keeps every one
in great order without requiring for this an _outre_ appearance of
authority, merely because he is the master, and there is that about
him which gives authority, and which sometimes those _who have the
authority cannot succeed in getting accepted or in practising_. I
think he may be severe _si l'occasion se presente_; he has something
very _muthig_. We were several times surrounded by people of all
classes, and he certainly quite at their mercy, but I never saw his
little _muthig_ expression changed either by being pleased or alarmed.
I trust that this family connection may mitigate the only impression
which in Austria has created a hostile feeling, viz. the suspicions
in Palmerston's time that it had become a plan of England _to
destroy_ the Austrian Empire. After the _attentat_ on the Emperor the
impression on those who are attached to their country was, and
still is, that in England a sort of menagerie of Kossuths, Mazzinis,
Lagranges, Ledru Rollins, etc., is kept to be let occasionally loose
on the Continent to render its quiet and prosperity impossible. That
impression, which Lord Aberdeen stated in the House of Lords at the
end of April, is strong everywhere on the Continent, in Prussia as it
is in Austria, and even here our _industriels_ are convinced of it.
About what is to be done by way of graciousness on your part we will
consider. ...Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 18: Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria.]
_The Duke of Newcastle to Queen Victoria._
_7th June 1853._
The Duke of Newcastle presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has the honour of bringing under your Majesty's notice a desire for
some time past felt by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by others
interested in the welfare of the Church of England in the Colonies,
that the extensive See of Capetown should be divided, and that a new
Bishopric of Grahamstown should be erected.
An endowment of L10,000 for the proposed See has lately been provided
by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
The Duke of Newcastle under these circumstances hopes that your
Majesty will approve of the erection of this new See, and has the
honour to recommend to your Majesty that, in that case the Rev. J. W.
Colenso should be appointed to it.
Mr Colenso at present holds a living in the Diocese of Norwich, he was
second wrangler at Cambridge, and was at one time tutor to two of the
sons of the late Sir Robert Peel at Harrow.
The Duke of Newcastle has received a very high character of Mr Colenso
from his Diocesan, and the Archbishop of Canterbury considers him a
fit person to be recommended to your Majesty.
[Pageheading: THE KING OF HANOVER]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd June 1853._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 17th, which
I could not answer on my usual day (yesterday), as we were the whole
day at the Camp, where there was a Review, at which I rode. It was
a very fine sight, but my enjoyment was a good deal spoilt by the
nervousness which I was in at having my poor blind cousin[19] _on_
horseback next to me--_led_. It is a sad sight, and one which keeps
me in a constant state of anxiety, as one is afraid of saying or doing
anything which may pain or distress him, or of his meeting with any
accident; but he manages it wonderfully well, hardly ever makes a
mistake, and manages so well at dinner. He is very cheerful, kind,
and civil, and would be very good looking if it were not for his poor
eyes. He likes to go everywhere and do everything like anybody else,
and speaks of things _as if he saw_ them....
The Oriental Question is at a standstill. It is the Emperor of
Russia who must enable _us_ to help him out of the difficulty. I feel
convinced that _War will_ be _avoided_, but I don't see _how_ exactly.
Our Troops looked beautiful yesterday. I wish your young people could
see our Camp.[20]
With Albert's love, believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 19: King George V. of Hanover.]
[Footnote 20: Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had insisted that
the disputed points as to the guardianship of the Holy Places,
and the Russian demand for a Protectorate over the Christian
subjects of the Sultan, should be kept distinct. After the
former had been arranged and the latter had been rejected by
the Porte acting under Lord Stratford's advice, Menschikoff
abruptly quitted Constantinople, and the Russian troops,
crossing the Pruth, invaded the Danubian principalities of
Moldavia and Wallachia (now united as Roumania). In England,
meanwhile, a military encampment had been established at
Chobham.]
[Pageheading: DEATH OF LADY DALHOUSIE]
_The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._
_12th July 1853._
Lord Dalhousie presents his humble duty to your Majesty, most
gratefully acknowledging the gracious words which your Majesty has
addressed to him in the time of his great affliction.[21]
Your Majesty has been pleased for many years to honour him with
frequent marks of personal distinction. He is indeed most keenly
sensible of the favour which bestowed them all. But his deep gratitude
must ever be given to the goodness which dictated the touching
assurance he has now received of your Majesty's interest in the
piteous fate of one who for eighteen years has been all the world to
him, whose patient, gentle spirit, and whose brave heart had turned
aside so many perils, and who yet has sunk at last under the very
means on which all had securely reckoned as her certain safety.
Lord Dalhousie ought not perhaps to have uttered even this much of his
sorrow, but your Majesty's truly gracious words have melted it from
his heart; and still encourage him to believe that your Majesty will
not regard it as obtrusive.
Lord Dalhousie will not mingle the other topics, on which it is his
duty to address your Majesty, with this respectful expression of the
enduring gratitude, with which he has the honour to subscribe himself,
your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject
and Servant,
DALHOUSIE.
[Footnote 21: Lady Dalhousie died on the 6th of May, on her
passage home from India.]
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ATTITUDE]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _11th September 1853._
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty....
Lord Aberdeen has by no means forgotten the conversation to which your
Majesty has referred; but after full consideration he believes that
the safest and best course has been adopted.[22] Trusting to your
Majesty's gracious condescension, and the confidence with which Lord
Aberdeen has been honoured, he will humbly venture to lay before your
Majesty, without any reserve, the motives which have induced him to
offer this advice to your Majesty.
The situation of Lord Palmerston is peculiar.[23] Unless he should
continue to be a cordial member of your Majesty's Government, he may
very easily become the leader of Opposition. Lord Aberdeen is at this
moment ignorant of his real views and intentions. He has been recently
more than once thwarted in his endeavours to press a hostile policy
upon the Cabinet; and it has been reported to Lord Aberdeen that he
has expressed himself in terms of great hostility. This cannot perhaps
be avoided, and is only the result of taking different views of the
public interest; but it is very essential that Lord Palmerston should
have no personal or private cause of complaint against Lord Aberdeen.
From his office of Home Secretary he might naturally expect to have
the honour of attending your Majesty; and should this not be the
case he might probably resent it and attribute it to the jealousy and
ill-will of Lord Aberdeen. But whether he did this, or not, himself,
the Public and the Press would not fail to do so, and would convert
this neglect into the ground of the most hostile and bitter attacks.
Your Majesty may perhaps be aware that there is no amount of flattery
which is not offered to Lord Palmerston by the Tory party, with the
hope of separating him altogether from the Government.
Lord Aberdeen fully admits that this step which he has humbly proposed
to your Majesty may fail to produce any good effect, and that it may
even be turned hereafter to the injury of the Government; but, at
all events, Lord Aberdeen's conscience will be clear; and if Lord
Palmerston has any generous feelings, it is not impossible that he
may appreciate favourably a proceeding which cannot but afford him
personal satisfaction.
[Footnote 22: Lord Aberdeen had suggested that it would be
advisable for several reasons that Lord Palmerston should
be invited to Balmoral as Minister in attendance, and he
accordingly went there on the 15th of September.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BALMORAL, _24th September 1853._
The Queen has this morning received Lord Clarendon's letter of the
22nd inst. She has not been surprised at the line taken by Austria,
who, Lord Clarendon will remember, the Queen never thought could
be depended upon, as she is not in that independent position which
renders a National Policy possible. The accounts from Constantinople
are very alarming, and make the Queen most anxious for the future. She
quite approves of the steps taken by the Government. The presence of
the Fleets at Constantinople in case of general disturbance will take
from the Emperor of Russia what Lord Cowley calls his _coup de Theatre
a la Sadlers Wells_, viz.: the part of the generous protector of the
Sultan and restorer of Order.[24]
[Footnote 23: Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell led the
war party in the Cabinet; but the latter was pledged to the
introduction of a Reform Bill, while the former was opposed
to the scheme. Lord Aberdeen's pacific views were making him
increasingly unpopular in the country.]
[Footnote 24: Even after the Russian occupation of the
Principalities, which the Russian Minister, Count Nesselrode,
had described as not an act of war, but a material guarantee
for the concession by Turkey of the Russian demands,
the resources of diplomacy were not exhausted. The Four
Powers--England, France, Austria, and Prussia--agreed, in
conference at Vienna, to present a note for acceptance by
Russia and the Porte, to the effect (_inter alia_) that the
Government of the Sultan would remain faithful "to the letter
and to the spirit of the Treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople
relative to the protection of the Christian religion." This
was most unfortunately worded, but, however, the clause had
obtained the sanction of the English Government, and the
Czar expressed his willingness to accept it. Lord Stratford,
however, saw the danger underlying the ambiguity of the
language, and, under his advice, the Porte proposed as an
amendment the substitution of the words "to the stipulations
of the Treaty of Kainardji, confirmed by that of Adrianople,
relative to the protection by the Sublime Porte of the
Christian religion." The Russian Government refused to accept
this amendment, and from that moment war was inevitable. The
British Fleet under Admiral Dundas had been sent from Malta to
the East at the beginning of June.]
[Pageheading: THE VIENNA NOTE]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
BALMORAL, _25th September 1853._
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 23rd, and is very
thankful to him for this full and lucid statement of the present very
critical situation.
She transmits to him a memorandum containing our views, drawn up
by the Prince with the desire he might also communicate it to Lord
Clarendon.[25]
The Queen must say she now rejoices the Fleets should be on their way
to Constantinople.
God grant that any outbreak at Constantinople may yet be averted.
[Footnote 25: The Memorandum stated that it would be fruitless
further to attempt to settle the dispute by the "Redaction" of
Notes to be exchanged between Turkey and Russia, or the
choice of particular words and expressions in public documents
designed in order to avoid naming the real objects in dispute.
"It is evident" (it was added) "that Russia has hitherto
attempted to deceive us in pretending that she did not aim
at the acquisition of any _new_ Right, but required only a
satisfaction of honour and a re-acknowledgment of the Rights
she already possessed by Treaty; that she _does intend_ and
for the first time lays bare that intention, to acquire _new_
Rights of interference which the Porte does _not_ wish to
concede and cannot concede, and which the European Powers have
repeatedly declared she _ought not_ to concede....
"If the views of Russia, for instance, with regard to
'Modification III. of the Note,' were to prevail, the
extension of the advantages and privileges enjoyed by
Christian communities, in their capacity as _foreigners_,
to the Greeks generally, with the Right granted to Russia
to intercede for them to this effect, would simply make
foreigners of 10,000,000 of the subjects of the Porte, or
depose the Sultan as their sovereign, putting the Emperor of
Russia in his place."]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _6th October 1853._
... The Cabinet will meet to-morrow; and Lord Aberdeen will have
the honour of humbly reporting to your Majesty the result of their
discussions. It will be Lord Aberdeen's endeavour to prevent any rash
decision; and, above all, to keep open the possibility of peaceful
communications. No doubt, it may be very agreeable to humiliate the
Emperor of Russia; but Lord Aberdeen thinks that it is paying a little
too dear for this pleasure, to check the progress and prosperity of
this happy country, and to cover Europe with confusion, misery, and
blood.
[Pageheading: MOVEMENTS OF THE FLEET]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _7th October 1853._
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. As your
Majesty will expect to hear from him to-day, he has the honour of
addressing your Majesty, although he could wish that it had been in
his power to give your Majesty a more full and satisfactory account
of the decisions of the Cabinet. The meeting was very long, and
considerable difference of opinion prevailed in the course of the
discussion. At length, however, Lord Aberdeen is happy to say there
was such an agreement as ensured a certain degree of unanimity. With
this view, it was determined to adhere to a defensive principle
of action in the East. The Fleets may perhaps be already at
Constantinople; but, at all events, they are to be brought there
forthwith, and to be stationed either there or in the Bosphorus,
unless the Russians should cross the Danube, or make any attack upon
the Turkish possessions on the coast of the Black Sea. In this case,
the combined Fleets would enter the Black Sea, for the defence of the
Turkish territory.
Considering the position we have already assumed in this unfortunate
affair, perhaps it was impossible to do less than this; and as there
is very little chance of Russia undertaking any active hostilities
of the nature apprehended, it may reasonably be hoped that no actual
collision will take place. At the same time it must be recollected
that Russia will regard the entrance of line of battle-ships into the
Black Sea as a virtual declaration of war against herself.
There is yet no confirmation of the actual declaration of war by
the Porte, and although there is no reason to suspect any serious
impediment to the decision of the Divan being fulfilled, it is rather
strange that intelligence to this effect has not been received. If
Lord Stratford should see great cause for apprehension at the prospect
of the Turks in the prosecution of hostilities, it is just possible
that by his influence he may have arrested the progress of their
warlike measures; but probably this is too much to hope. At all
events, Lord Aberdeen trusts that the path of negotiation is not
finally closed, and that, notwithstanding the equivocal position of
Great Britain in this contest, it may still be possible to employ
words of conciliation and peace....
[Pageheading: WAR IMMINENT]
[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN OVERBORNE]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BALMORAL, _10th October 1853._
I had a long interview with Sir James Graham this morning, and told
him that Lord Aberdeen's last letter to the Queen and him[26] made us
very uneasy. It was evident that Lord Aberdeen was, against his
better judgment, consenting to a course of policy which he inwardly
condemned, that his desire to maintain unanimity at the Cabinet led
to concessions which by degrees altered the whole character of the
policy, while he held out no hope of being able permanently to secure
agreement. I described the Queen's position as a very painful one.
Here were decisions taken by the Cabinet, perhaps even acted upon,
involving the most momentous consequences, without her previous
concurrence or even the means for her to judge of the propriety or
impropriety of course to be adopted, with evidence that the Minister,
in whose judgment the Queen placed her chief reliance, disapproved
of it. The position was morally and constitutionally a wrong one. The
Queen ought to have the whole policy in spirit and ultimate tendency
developed before her to give her deliberate sanction to it, knowing
what it involved her in abroad and at home. She might now be involved
in war, of which the consequences could not be calculated, chiefly by
the desire of Lord Aberdeen to keep his Cabinet together; this might
then break down, and the Queen would be left without an efficient
Government, and a war on her hands. Lord Aberdeen renounced one of his
chief sources of strength in the Cabinet, by not making it apparent
that he requires the sanction of the Crown to the course proposed by
the Cabinet, and has to justify his advice by argument before it can
be adopted, and that it does not suffice to come to a decision at the
table of the Cabinet. Sir James Graham perfectly coincided with this
view and offered to go up to Town immediately. The Queen wrote the
letter to Lord Aberdeen ... which Sir James takes up with him. He
shall arrive at Windsor on Friday (14th), and Lord Aberdeen is to have
an Audience on Saturday. Sir James will tell him that the Queen wants
his deliberate opinion on what course is best to be followed, and
that the course once adopted should be steadily and uninterruptedly
pursued.
ALBERT.
[Footnote 26:
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir James Graham._
[_Submitted to the Queen._]
ARGYLL HOUSE, _8th October 1853._
MY DEAR GRAHAM,--... When we met, Clarendon made a sort of
_resume_ of what had taken place before we all separated, but
ended with no specific proposal. After a few interlocutory
remarks from different quarters, Palmerston proposed his plan.
Lord John faintly supported it in general terms, but did not
seem much in earnest about it. I said that it appeared to
involve the necessity of a declaration of war against Russia,
and the calling together Parliament forthwith. Gladstone
strongly argued against the proposal. Clarendon then read
an outline of his proposed instructions, which were a great
abatement from Palmerston's plan. We came at last to a sort
of compromise; our great difficulty being now to deal with the
question of entering the Black Sea. I consented to this being
done, provided it was strictly in defence of some point of
attack on Turkish territory. I have no fear that this will
take place; and as long as we abstain from entering the Black
Sea, Peace may be possible between us and Russia. We have thus
assumed a strictly defensive position, which for the
moment may be sufficient, and will enable us to carry on
negotiations; but this cannot last long. Under the character
of defensive war, we should inevitably become extensively
engaged. Should the Turks be at all worsted, which is
probable, of course we must increase our assistance. We
should have a French army, and perhaps English money--all for
defence.
The aspect of the Cabinet was, on the whole, very good.
Gladstone, active and energetic for Peace; Argyll, Herbert,
C. Wood, and Granville, all in the same sense. Newcastle,
not quite so much so, but good; Lansdowne, not so warlike
as formerly; Lord John warlike enough, but subdued in
tone; Palmerston urged his views perseveringly, but not
disagreeably. The Chancellor said little, but was cordially
peaceful. Molesworth was not present, there having been some
mistake in sending the notice.
On the whole, therefore, yesterday passed off well enough;
but we shall see what to-day will bring us. Not a syllable was
said in the Cabinet on any other subject. Lord John seemed
in good humour; he came to see me a few minutes before the
Cabinet. I told you that I had spoken to Gladstone very
fully; but I did not press any decision respecting _domestic_
matters, as it would at this moment be quite unseasonable.
Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten altogether. Yours,
etc., etc.,
ABERDEEN.]
[Pageheading: LORD STRATFORD'S INSTRUCTIONS]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BALMORAL, _11th October 1853._
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter. She had written to
Lord Aberdeen that she felt it her duty to pause before giving her
consent to the measures decided on in the Cabinet, until she should
have received an explanation on the views which dictated that
decision, and of the ulterior steps involved in it; and Sir James
Graham is gone up to Town, verbally to explain more fully the Queen's
feelings. She has now received and read the Despatches, which have
in the meantime been sent off to their points of destination without
having received her sanction!
The draft to Vienna the Queen thinks very ably argued, and justly to
define the present position of the question at issue.[27]
The instructions to Lord Stratford,[28] on the other hand, appear to
her very vague, and entrusting him with enormous powers and a latitude
of discretion which is hardly to be called safe. As matters have now
been arranged, it appears to the Queen, moreover, that we have taken
on ourselves in conjunction with France all the risks of a European
war, without having bound Turkey to any conditions with respect to
provoking it. The hundred and twenty fanatical Turks constituting the
Divan at Constantinople are left sole judges of the line of policy
to be pursued, and made cognisant at the same time of the fact
that England and France have bound themselves to defend the Turkish
Territory! This is entrusting them with a power which Parliament has
been jealous to confide even to the hands of the British Crown. It may
be a question whether England ought to go to war for the defence of
so-called Turkish Independence; but there can be none that if she does
so, she ought to be the sole judge of what constitutes a breach
of that independence, and have the fullest power to prevent by
negotiation the breaking out of the war.
The Queen would wish copies of the enclosed papers to be sent for her
use as soon as convenient.
[Footnote 27: In this despatch Lord Clarendon, after referring
to the interpretation which Count Nesselrode had put upon the
Vienna Note, and the Russian rejection of it as amended by
the Porte, told Lord Westmorland that it would be useless and
dishonourable to recommend it in its unaltered form, that the
Czar was contending for privileges for Christian subjects
of the Porte not hitherto enjoyed by them, and that a war
embarked upon in such a cause would be without parallel in
history.]
[Footnote 28: Authority had been given to Lord Stratford to
employ the British Fleet in the manner he might deem most fit
for defending Turkish territory from aggression, and he was
instructed that if the Russian Fleet left Sebastopol, the
British Fleet was to pass through the Bosphorus.]
[Pageheading: RESENTMENT OF THE CZAR]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN AND THE PREMIERSHIP]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _16th October 1853._
We saw Lord Aberdeen yesterday. He went with us through the whole
of the proceedings of the last six weeks with respect to the Eastern
Question. Regretted Count Nesselrode's Note,[29] which Baron Brunnow
owned nobody would regret more than the Count himself, acknowledged
the weakness of Austria, felt sure of Lord Stratford's insincerity
towards him and the Government,... as he had to Lord Aberdeen's
certain knowledge called "the conduct of the Government infamous" and
declared "he would let the world know that his name was Canning." He
acknowledged the disadvantage of the course adopted by the Cabinet,
which left the Turks at liberty to do as they pleased; he had to
concede this to the Cabinet, which would otherwise have been broken
up by Lord John and Lord Palmerston. Had he known what the Queen's
opinion was, he might have been more firm, feeling himself supported
by the Crown, but he had imagined from her letters that there was more
animosity against Russia and leaning to war in her mind.
[Footnote 29: In this despatch to Baron Meyendorff, the
Austrian Foreign Minister, the Count had disclosed the fact
that the Russian interpretation of the Vienna Note differed
from that of the other Powers.]
Yet, under all the adverse circumstances Lord Aberdeen saw still
reason for hope that a peaceable settlement could be obtained. The
French were ready to do anything we pleased, go to war, remain at
peace, etc., etc.; in fact, Louis Napoleon had experienced the great
advantage for his position of the Alliance with England.... Lord
Stratford was thoroughly frightened, and had made a proposal himself,
which accordingly he would support _con amore_. The Emperor of Russia
had failed in his attempt to form a Northern League against the
Western Powers.... The Emperor complained bitterly of the conduct
of the Powers, who had disgraced him before the world by making him
accept a Note, and sanctioning its alteration by Turkey; "now they
should do what they pleased and settle matters with Turkey first, and
bring him only what was settled and fixed, he was wearied of the whole
business, and anxious to get rid of it for ever."
What Lord Aberdeen now proposed was to follow the Emperor's advice and
agree with Turkey upon a Note, leaving out all that she had objected
to in the Vienna Note as Lord Stratford recommended, and taking as
much as possible Redschid Pasha's own words to found the proposal of
it upon the declaration made by the Emperor at Olmuetz to the Powers,
that he sought for _no new_ right, privilege, or advantage, but solely
for the confirmation of the legal _status quo_, but accompanying this
with a declaration, that if Turkey created needless difficulties and
tried to evade a peaceful settlement the Powers would withdraw their
support and leave her to fight her own battle. We went over the
Documents which are not yet settled, even between Lord Aberdeen
and Lord Clarendon, and will require the greatest caution in their
wording. It is evident that the Turks have every inducement not to
let this opportunity slip in going to war with Russia, as they will
probably never find so advantageous a one again, as the whole of
Christendom has declared them in the right, and they would fight with
England and France actively on their side!
At home, Lord Aberdeen said matters do not stand much better. Lord
John has convinced himself that, under present circumstances it
would not do for him to ask Lord Aberdeen to retire from the Prime
Ministership and let him step in in his place; perhaps he has found
out also that the Peelites will not serve under him; his own Whig
colleagues would very much regret if not object to such a change, and
that Lord Palmerston could not well submit to the arrangement. So
he told Lord Aberdeen that he had given up that idea; it was clear,
however, that he was now looking for an opportunity to break up the
Government on some popular ground, which it was impossible to hope
that he should not find. He now had asked for the immediate summoning
of Parliament, called for by the state of the Oriental Question. This
would create the greatest alarm in the country, and embarrassment to
the Government, and was therefore resisted. Lord Aberdeen told Lord
John quite plainly he knew what the proposal meant--he meant to break
up the Government. "I hope not," was Lord John's laughing reply.
The Queen taxed Lord Aberdeen with imprudence in talking to Lord
John of his own readiness to leave office, which he acknowledged, but
called _very natural_ in a man of seventy. Lord John was dissatisfied
with his position;... upon Lord Aberdeen telling him that he had the
most powerful and honourable position of any man in England as leader
of the House of Commons, he answered, "Oh, _there_ I am quite happy!"
I asked how under such circumstances that all-important measure of
Parliamentary Reform, upon which the future stability and well-being
of the Country so much depended, was to be matured and brought
forward? Lord Aberdeen replied that Lord John had it all ready and
prepared in his pocket, and told Lord Aberdeen so, adding, however,
that under present circumstances there was no use in bringing it
forward, to which Lord Aberdeen added: "You mean unless you sit in the
chair which I now occupy?" Lord John laughed.
We discussed the probable consequences of Lord John's retirement. Lord
Aberdeen thought that Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, and even Lord
Clarendon would secede with him, but this by no means implied that the
whole party would; Lord Palmerston would not coalesce with Lord John,
but try for the lead himself; Lord Clarendon quite agreed with Lord
Aberdeen, and had been very angry with Lord John, but was personally
under great obligations to him, and Sir James Graham had (as he said)
been very much struck with the change of tone in Lord Clarendon at
the last meeting of the Cabinet. Most of the Liberals seemed very much
pleased with their situation. Sir James Graham had, of his own accord,
told Lord Aberdeen that, in the event of Lord John's secession, he
himself could not well sit in the House of Commons under so much
younger a man as Mr Gladstone as Leader. He knew that there would be
objections to his assuming the lead himself, but he would be quite
ready to go to the House of Lords to support Lord Aberdeen.
ALBERT.
+++++++++++++
[Pageheading: THE CZAR'S LETTER]
_The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria._[30]
18
TSARSKO, _ce_ -- _Octobre_ 1853.
30
MADAME,--Votre Majeste connait, je l'espere, les sentiments
d'affection sincere qui m'attachent a Sa personne, depuis que j'ai
eu l'honneur de L'approcher. Il m'a semble qu'Elle daignait aussi
m'accorder quelque bienveillance. A la veille d'evenements, peut-etre
fort graves, qu'Elle daigne donc excuser si je m'adresse droit a Elle,
pour essayer de prevenir des calamites, que nos deux pays ont un egal
interet a eviter. J'ose le faire avec d'autant plus de confiance,
que longtemps encore avant que les affaires d'Orient eussent pris
la facheuse tournure qu'elles ont acquise depuis, je m'etais adresse
directement a votre Majeste, par l'entremise de Sir Hamilton Seymour,
pour appeler votre attention, Madame, sur des eventualites, alors
encore incertaines, mais deja fort probables a mes yeux, et que
je desirais eclaircir, _avant tout_, avec le Cabinet Anglais, pour
ecarter autant qu'il m'etait possible, toute divergence d'opinion
entre nous. La correspondance d'alors, qu'Elle daigne de la faire
relire atteignit son but, car elle mettait le Gouvernement Anglais au
fait de mes plus intimes pensees sur ces graves eventualites, tandis
que, je devais au moins le penser ainsi, j'obtiens en reponse un egal
expose des vues du Gouvernement de votre Majeste.
Surs ainsi de ce que nous desirions de part et d'autre, par quelle
fatalite devons-nous donc, Madame, en venir a une mesintelligence
aussi prononcee, sur des objets qui paraissaient convenus d'avance,
_ou ma parole est engagee vis-a-vis de votre Majeste_, comme je crois
_celle du Gouvernement Anglais engagee de meme vis-a-vis de moi_.
C'est a la justice, au c[oe]ur de votre Majeste que j'en appelle,
c'est a Sa bonne foi et a Sa sagesse que je m'en mets qu'Elle daigne
de decider entre nous.
Devons nous rester, comme je le souhaite ardemment, dans une bonne
intelligence egalement profitable a nos deux Etats, ou juge-t-Elle,
que le pavillon Anglais doive flotter pres du croissant, pour
combattre la croix de Saint Andre!!!
Telle que soit la determination de votre Majeste, qu'Elle veuille etre
persuadee de l'inalterable et sincere attachement avec lesquels je ne
cesserais d'etre, de votre Majeste, le tout devoue frere et ami,
NICOLAS.
Je prie votre Majeste de vouloir bien faire mes amities a Monseigneur
le Prince Albert.
[Footnote 30: Greville calls the writing of this letter an
unusual step; but in sending it to Lord Aberdeen and Lord
Clarendon, the Queen observed that its despatch was an
important and advantageous fact, as it both committed the Czar
personally, and enabled her to state certain truths to him,
as well as to explain privately the views which guided her own
and her Ministers' conduct.]
[Pageheading: LORD STRATFORD'S PROPOSAL]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th November 1853._
Although the Queen will have the pleasure of seeing Lord Aberdeen this
evening, she wishes to make some observations on the subject of Lord
Stratford's last private letters communicated to her yesterday by Lord
Clarendon.[31] They exhibit clearly on his part a _desire_ for war,
and to drag us into it. When he speaks of the sword which will not
only have to be drawn, but the scabbard thrown away, and says, the war
to be successful must be a "_very comprehensive one_" on the part of
England and France, the intention is unmistakable, and it becomes a
serious question whether we are justified in allowing Lord Stratford
any longer to remain in a situation which gives him the means of
frustrating all our efforts for peace. The question becomes still
graver when it is considered that General Baraguay d'Hilliers seems
from Lord Cowley's account of his conversation with him equally
anxious for extreme measures.
The Queen must express her surprise that Lord Stratford should have
coolly sent on so preposterous a proposal as Redschid Pasha's note
asking for a Treaty of Alliance, the amalgamation of our Fleets with
the Turkish one, and the sending of our surplus ships to the "_White_"
Sea (!) without any hesitation or remark on his part. As the note
ends, however, by saying that the Porte desires _que les points
ci-dessus emenes (sic) soient apprecies par les Cours d'Angleterre
et de France, et que ces Cours veuillent bien declarer leur intention
d'agir en consequence_, this appears to the Queen to afford an
admirable opportunity for stating plainly and strongly to the Turkish
Government that we have _no intention_ of being used by them for their
own purposes. This time such a declaration might be _handed in_ to the
Turkish Government, so that there can be no mistake about the matter
for the future.
The Queen encloses the letter and note, and wishes Lord Aberdeen to
show her letter to Lord Clarendon.
[Footnote 31: Lord Stratford had written that Redschid Pasha
was unable to make head against his warlike colleagues, and
that unless some proposal of a decidedly satisfactory kind
should come from Vienna very soon, there would be no chance
of avoiding hostilities. Lord Stratford added that he had
obtained a promise that no act of hostility should take place
on the Turkish side before the expiration of fifteen days, and
concluded with the words: "I fear that war is the decree of
Fate, and our wisest part will be to do what we can to bring
it to a thoroughly good conclusion."]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN TO THE CZAR]
_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Russia._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _ce 14 Novembre 1853._
SIRE ET TRES CHER FRERE,--C'est avec une profonde et sincere
satisfaction que je viens de recevoir la lettre que V.M.I. a bien
voulu m'ecrire le 18/30 Octobre. Je suis vivement touchee des
sentiments affectueux que vous m'y temoignez. V.M. me connait assez
pour savoir combien ils sont reciproques.
Je vous remercierai egalement, Sire, de la franchise avec laquelle
vous me parlez des complications actuelles; je ne saurais mieux
repondre aux loyales intentions de V.M. qu'en lui exprimant a mon
tour, et avec toute droiture, mes opinions a ce sujet, car c'est la,
j'en suis sure, le meilleur moyen de conserver utilement une amitie
bien veritable.
J'ai, mon cher Frere, conformement a votre desir, relu les
communications confidentielles que vous avez bien voulu me faire, ce
printemps, par l'intermediaire du bon Sir Hamilton Seymour, et les
reponses que mon Gouvernement a recu l'ordre d'adresser a V.M.
Bien qu'une difference d'opinion tres notable devint alors evidente
entre V.M. et moi relativement a la maniere d'envisager l'etat de la
Turquie et l'appreciation de sa vitalite, le Memorandum de V.M. en
date du 3/15 Avril vint neanmoins dissiper de la maniere la plus
heureuse ces facheuses apprehensions; car il m'annoncait que, si nous
n'etions pas d'accord sur _l'etat de sante_ de l'Empire Ottoman, nous
l'etions cependant sur la necessite, pour le laisser vivre, de ne
point lui faire des demandes humiliantes, pourvu que tout le monde en
agit de meme, et que personne n'abusat de sa faiblesse pour obtenir
des avantages exclusifs. V.M. dans ce but, daigna meme se declarer
prete "a travailler de concert avec l'Angleterre a l'[oe]uvre commune
de prolonger l'existence de l'Empire Turque, en evitant toute cause
d'alarme au sujet de sa dissolution."
J'avais de plus la conviction qu'il n'existait et ne pouvait
exister au fond aucune divergence d'opinion entre nous au sujet des
reclamations relatives aux Lieux-Saints, reclamations qui, j'avais
droit de le croire, constituaient le seul grief de la Russie contre la
Porte.
Je mets, Sire, la confiance la plus entiere dans la parole que V.M. a
bien voulu me donner alors, et, que les assurances subsequentes, dues
a votre amitie, sont venues confirmer, en me donnant la connaissance
de Vos intentions. Personne n'apprecie plus que moi la haute loyaute
de V.M., et je voudrais que les convictions que j'ai a cet egard
pussent seules resoudre toutes les difficultes. Mais quelle que soit
la purete des motifs qui dirigent les actions du Souverain meme le
plus eleve par le caractere, V.M. sait que ses qualites personnelles
ne sont point suffisantes dans des transactions internationales par
lesquelles un Etat se lie envers un autre en de solennels engagements;
et les veritables intentions de V.M. ont ete a coup sur meconnues et
mal interpretees, a cause de la forme donnee au reclamations adressees
a la Porte.
Ayant a c[oe]ur, Sire, d'examiner ce qui avait pu produire ce facheux
malentendu, mon attention a ete naturellement attiree par l'article
7 du Traite de Kainardji; et je dois dire a V.M. qu'apres avoir
consulte, sur le sens qui pouvait avoir ete attache a cet article,
les personnes les plus competentes de ce pays-ci; apres l'avoir relu
ensuite moi-meme, avec le plus sincere desir d'impartialite, je suis
arrivee a la conviction que cet article n'etait point susceptible de
l'extension qu'on y a voulu donner. Tous les amis de V.M. ont, comme
moi, la certitude que vous n'auriez point abuse du pouvoir, que vous
eut ainsi ete accorde; mais une demande de ce genre, pouvait a peine
etre acceptee par un Souverain qui tient a son independance.
Je ne cacherai pas davantage a V.M. l'impression douloureuse qu'a
produit sur moi l'occupation des Principautes. Cette occupation a
cause, depuis les quatres derniers mois, une perturbation generale
en Europe, et pourrait amener des evenements ulterieurs que je
deplorerais d'un commun accord avec V.M. Mais, comme les intentions
de V.M. envers la Porte sont, je le sais, amicales et desinteressees,
j'ai toute confiance que vous trouverez le moyen de les exprimer et
mettre a execution de maniere a detourner de plus graves dangers,
que tous mes efforts, je vous assure, tendront sans cesse a empecher.
L'attention impartiale avec laquelle j'ai suivi les causes qui ont
fait echouer jusqu'a present toutes les tentatives de conciliation,
me donne la ferme conviction qu'il n'existe pas d'obstacle reel qui ne
puisse etre ecarte ou promptement surmonte avec l'assistance de V.M.
Je n'abandonne point l'espoir de cet heureux resultat, meme apres les
tristes conflits qui ont fait couler le sang dans les Principautes;
car j'ai la foi en Dieu que lorsque de toute part les intentions
sont droites et lorsque les interets bien entendus sont communs, le
Tout-Puissant ne permettra pas que l'Europe entiere qui contient
deja tant d'elements inflammables, soit exposee a une conflagration
generale.
Que Dieu veille sur les jours de V.M.; et croyez, Sire, a
l'attachement sincere avec lequel je suis, Sire et cher Frere, de
votre Majeste Imperiale, la bien bonne S[oe]ur et Amie,
VICTORIA R.
Albert est tres sensible au souvenir de V.M. et me prie de le mettre a
vos pieds.
[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN'S SCRUPLES]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _26th November 1853._
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The Cabinet
met to-day for the consideration of the overtures made by the French
Government for the settlement of the Eastern Question.[32] These
proposals were in substance adopted; although a considerable change
was made in their form, and in some of their details. The step now
taken is evidently wise; but Lord Aberdeen can scarcely venture
to hope that it will be attended with success. Pacific language is
accompanied with insulting and hostile acts; and it remains to be seen
what effect will be produced on the Emperor of Russia by the entrance
of English and French ships of war into the Black Sea, under the
pretext of bringing off Consuls from Varna, and of looking after the
grain-ships at the Sulina mouth of the Danube. This information has
hitherto been only communicated by telegraph; but it is calculated
to lead to serious consequences, of which Lord Stratford must be
perfectly well aware.
[Footnote 32: The Emperor had made certain suggestions to Lord
Cowley, which the British Government were willing to adopt;
but the anti-Russian feeling was increasing daily in the
nation, and, as will be seen from the Queen's letter of the
27th of November, Lord Stratford seemed resolved on war.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
OSBORNE, _27th November 1853._
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday. She is
sorry to find that after all a considerable change was made in the
form of the French proposal. She is not aware at present of what that
change consists in and is therefore unable to form an opinion as
to the effects of its introduction, but she quite concurs in Lord
Aberdeen's apprehensions with regard to the effect of Lord Stratford's
orders to the Fleet. The perusal of Lord Stratford's Despatches of the
5th inst. has given the Queen the strongest impression that, whilst
guarding himself against the possibility of being called to account
for acting in opposition to his instructions, he is pushing us deeper
and deeper into the War policy which we wish to escape. Wherefore
should three poor Turkish steamers go to the Crimea, but to beard the
Russian Fleet and tempt it to come out of Sebastopol, which would thus
constitute the much desired contingency for our combined Fleets to
attack it, and so engage us irretrievably!
The Queen must seriously call upon Lord Aberdeen and the Cabinet to
consider whether they are justified in allowing such a state of things
to continue!
[Pageheading: THE CZAR TO THE QUEEN]
_The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria._
2
S. PETERSBOURG, _le -- Decembre 1853._
14
MADAME,--Je remercie votre Majeste d'avoir eu la bonte de repondre
aussi amicalement que franchement a la lettre que j'ai eu l'honneur
de lui ecrire. Je la remercie egalement de la foi qu'elle accorde a
ma parole,--je crois le meriter, je l'avoue,--28 annees d'une vie
politique, souvent fort penible, ne peuvent donner le droit a personne
d'en douter.
Je me permets aussi, contrairement a l'avis de votre Majeste, de
penser, qu'en affaires publiques et en relations de pays a pays,
rien ne peut etre _plus sacre_ et ne l'est en effet a mes yeux que la
parole souveraine, car elle decide en derniere instance de la paix
ou de la guerre. Je ne fatiguerais certes pas l'attention de votre
Majeste par un examen detaille du sens qu'elle donne a l'article 7 du
Traite de Kainardji; j'assurerais seulement, Madame, que depuis 80 ans
la Russie et la Porte l'ont compris ainsi que nous le faisons encore.
Ce sens-la n'a ete interrompu qu'en derniers temps, a la suite
d'instigations que votre Majeste connait aussi bien que moi.
Le retablir dans son reception primitive et la justifier par un
engagement plus solennel, tel est le but de mes efforts, tel il sera,
Madame, quand meme le sang devrait couler encore contre mon v[oe]u le
plus ardent; parce que c'est une question vitale pour la Russie, et
mes efforts ne lui sont impossibles pour y satisfaire.
Si j'ai du occuper les Principautes, ce que je regrette autant que
votre Majeste, c'est encore Madame, parce que les libertes dont ces
provinces jouissent, leurs ont ete acquises _au prix du sang Russe, et
par moi-meme Madame les annees_ 1828 _et_ 29. Il ne s'agit donc pas de
_conquetes_, mais a la veille d'un conflit que l'on rendait de plus en
plus probable, il eut ete indigne de moi de les livrer surement a la
main des ennemis du Christianisme, dont les persecutions ne sont un
secret que pour ceux qui veulent l'ignorer. J'esperais avoir repondu
ainsi aux doutes et aux regrets de votre Majeste _avec la plus entiere
franchise_. Elle veut bien me dire qu'Elle ne doute pas qu'avec mon
aide le retablissement de la paix ne soit encore possible, malgre
le sang repandu; j'y reponds de grand c[oe]ur, _Oui_, Madame, si les
organes des volontes de votre Majeste _executent fidelement ses ordres
et ses intentions bienveillantes. Les miennes n'out pas varie des le
debut de cette triste episode. Reculer devant le danger, comme vouloir
maintenant autre chose que je n'ai voulu en violant ma parole, serait
au-dessous de moi_, et le noble c[oe]ur de votre Majeste doit le
comprendre.
J'ajouterais encore que son c[oe]ur saignera en apprenant les horreurs
qui se commettent deja par les hordes sauvages, pres desquels flotte
le pavillon Anglais!!!
Je la remercie cordialement des v[oe]ux qu'Elle veut bien faire pour
moi; tant que ma vie se prolongera ils seront reciproques de ma part.
Je suis heureux de le Lui dire, en l'assurant du sincere attachement
avec lequel je suis, Madame, de votre Majeste, le tout devoue Frere
and Ami,
NICOLAS.
Je me rappelle encore une fois au bon souvenir de Son Altesse Royale
le Prince Albert et le remercie egalement de ses paroles obligeantes.
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON AND REFORM]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _6th December 1853._
... As Lord John Russell will have the honour of seeing your Majesty
to-morrow, he will be able to explain to your Majesty the present
state of the discussions on Reform, and the progress of the
Measure.[33] Lord Aberdeen feels it to be his duty to inform your
Majesty that on Saturday evening he received a visit from Lord
Palmerston, who announced his decided objection to the greater part
of the proposed plan.[34] He did this in such positive terms that
Lord Aberdeen should imagine he had made up his mind not to give the
Measure his support; but Lord John entertains considerable doubt that
such is the case.
Lord Aberdeen thinks it by no means improbable that Lord Palmerston
may also desire to separate himself from the Government, in
consequence of their pacific policy, and in order to take the lead of
the War Party and the Anti-Reformers in the House of Commons, who
are essentially the same. Such a combination would undoubtedly
be formidable; but Lord Aberdeen trusts that it would not prove
dangerous. At all events, it would tend greatly to the improvement of
Lord John's Foreign Policy.
[Footnote 33: On the 19th of November Lord John had written to
the Queen outlining the Reform proposals of the Committee of
the Cabinet. The Queen subsequently wrote to make additional
suggestions, _e.g._, for finding a means of bringing into the
House official persons or men without local connections, and
for dealing with Ministerial re-elections.]
[Footnote 34: Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Lansdowne, giving
an account of the affair:--
"CARLTON GARDENS, _8th December 1853._
"MY DEAR LANSDOWNE,--I have had two conversations with
Aberdeen on the subject of John Russell's proposed Reform
Bill, and I have said that there are three points in it to
which I cannot agree.
"These points are--the extent of disfranchisement, the
extent of enfranchisement, and the addition of the Municipal
Franchise in Boroughs to the L10 Householder Franchise....
"We should by such an arrangement increase the number of
bribeable Electors, and overpower intelligence and property by
ignorance and poverty.
"I have told Aberdeen that I am persuaded that the Measure as
proposed by John Russell and Graham will not pass through the
two Houses of Parliament without material modifications, and
that I do not choose to be a party to a contest between the
two Houses or to an Appeal to the Country for a Measure of
which I decidedly disapprove; and that I cannot enter into a
career which would lead me to such a position, that, in
short, I do not choose to be dragged through the dirt by John
Russell. I reminded Aberdeen that on accepting his offer of
Office, I had expressed apprehension both to him and to you,
that I might find myself differing from my Colleagues on the
question of Parliamentary Reform.
"I have thought a good deal on this matter. I should be very
sorry to give up my present Office at this moment: I have
taken a great interest in it, and I have matters in hand which
I should much wish to bring to a conclusion. Moreover, I
think that the presence in the Cabinet of a person holding the
opinions which I entertain as to the principles on which our
Foreign Affairs ought to be conducted, is useful in modifying
the contrary system of Policy, which, as I think, injuriously
to the interests and dignity of the Country, there is a
disposition in other quarters to pursue; but notwithstanding
all this. I cannot consent to stand forward as one of the
Authors and Supporters of John Russell's sweeping alterations.
Yours sincerely,
PALMERSTON."]
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S POSITION]
_The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen._
OSBORNE, _9th December 1853._
MY DEAR LORD ABERDEEN,--The Queen has consulted with Lord John
Russell upon the Reform plan, and on the question of Lord Palmerston's
position with regard to it; and he will doubtless give you an account
of what passed. She wishes me, however, to tell you likewise what
strikes her with respect to Lord Palmerston. It appears to the Queen
clear that the Reform Bill will have no chance of success unless
prepared and introduced in Parliament by a _united_ Cabinet; that,
if Lord Palmerston has made up his mind to oppose it and to leave the
Government, there will be no use in trying to keep him in it, and that
there will be danger in allowing him to attend the discussions of
the Cabinet, preparing all the time his line of attack; that if a
successor to him would after all have to be found at the Home Office,
it will be unfair not to give that important member of the Government
full opportunity to take his share in the preparation and deliberation
on the measure to which his consent would be asked. Under these
circumstances it becomes of the highest importance to ascertain--
1. What the amount of objection is that Lord Palmerston entertains to
the Measure;
2. What the object of the declaration was, which he seems to have made
to you.
This should be obtained _in writing_, so as to make all future
misrepresentation impossible, and on this alone a decision can well
be taken, and, in the Queen's opinion, even the Cabinet could alone
deliberate.
Should Lord Palmerston have stated his objections with the view of
having the Measure modified it will be right to consider how far that
can safely be done, and for the Queen, also, to balance the probable
value of the modification with the risk of allowing Lord Palmerston to
put himself at the head of the Opposition Party, entailing as it does
the possibility of his forcing himself back upon her as leader of that
Party.
Should he on the other hand consider his declaration as a "notice
to quit," the ground upon which he does so should be clearly put on
record, and no attempt should be made to damage the character of the
Measure in the vain hope of propitiating him. Ever yours truly,
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON RESIGNS]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
OSBORNE, _16th December 1853._
Lord Aberdeen arrived yesterday and returned to-day to meet the
Cabinet to-morrow. Lord Palmerston has sent in his resignation in a
short note to Lord Aberdeen, a further correspondence with Lord John
and Lord Lansdowne, Lord Aberdeen put into my hands, and I have copied
the two most important letters which follow here.
Lord John is reported as very angry, calling Lord Palmerston's conduct
"treacherous," a term Lord Aberdeen hardly understands, as against him
he has been perfectly consistent with regard to the Reform Measure,
from the beginning, and had frequently denied the necessity of
Reform.... Lord Aberdeen had advised Lord John to show boldness and
energy, and to undertake the Home Office at once himself; this would
have a great effect under the difficulties of the circumstances,
would show that he was in earnest and determined to carry his Reform
Measure. Lord John seemed hit by the idea, but asked for time to
consider; after seeing _Lady_ John, however, he declined.
Lord Aberdeen's fears are still mainly as to the Eastern Question,
Lord John pressing for war measures. Lord Aberdeen had followed my
advice, and had a long explanation on the subject, in which they
both agreed that their policy should be one of Peace, and he thought
matters settled when Lord John now asks for contingent engagements to
make war on Russia if her forces cross the Danube (which Lord Aberdeen
thinks quite uncalled for), and to convoy the Turkish expeditions in
the Black Sea, even if directed against Russian territory, etc., etc.
The Cabinet is certain not to agree to either of these propositions.
When Lord Aberdeen announced the intended rupture with Lord Palmerston
to Lord John, he drily said: "Well, it would be very awkward for you
if Palmerston quarrels one day with you about Reform, and I the next
about Turkey!"
There can be no doubt that Lord Palmerston will at once try to put
himself at the head of the late Protectionist party, and, with the
present indifference of the Country upon Reform, the fate of the Bill
is by no means certain. On the question of Peace or War, Lord
Aberdeen is quite certain that the House of Commons will adopt no war
resolutions.
Much will depend, however, on the line taken by Lord Lansdowne, who
has great influence in the House of Lords, and whose secession would
spread great alarm over the Country as to the real tendency of the
Measure (which the Duke of Newcastle describes as in fact a great
increase of power to the land[35]). We agree that the Queen should
write to him to prevent any hasty step.
The Queen sanctioned the offer of the Home Office to Sir George Grey,
and of a seat in the Cabinet to Mr Cardwell (the President of the
Board of Trade).
ALBERT.
[Footnote 35: _I.e._, the landed interest.]
[Pageheading: LORD LANSDOWNE AND REFORM]
_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne._
OSBORNE, _16th December 1853._
The Queen has been made very anxious by the Resignation of Lord
Palmerston, but still more so by hearing that Lord Lansdowne has
not been able to reconcile himself to the Measure of Reform as
now proposed in the Cabinet, which has caused Lord Palmerston's
withdrawal. Lord Lansdowne is aware of the paramount importance which
the Queen attaches to a safe settlement of that question, and to the
maintenance of her present Government; and she would press upon Lord
Lansdowne not to commit himself to a final determination before she
shall have an opportunity of seeing him. The Queen will go to Windsor
on Thursday, and hold a Council on Friday, at which it may perhaps be
convenient to Lord Lansdowne to attend, and it will give the Queen
the greatest pleasure to find that Lord John Russell has succeeded in
removing Lord Lansdowne's objections.
[Pageheading: LORD STRATFORD'S DESPATCH]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
OSBORNE, _17th December 1853._
The Queen returns the enclosed Draft and Despatch to Lord Clarendon.
She has never been so much perplexed respecting any decision she has
had to make, as in the present instance. She has read Lord Stratford's
Despatch (358) over several times, and she is struck, every time more,
with the consummate ability with which it is written and argued; but
also with the difficulty in which it places the person reading it to
extract distinctly what the Porte will be prepared to concede.
The concluding passage of the Draft involves the most important
consequences. As the Queen understands it, it promises war with Russia
in a given contingency, but the contingency is: Russia rejecting terms
which are "in their spirit and character such as Your Excellency sets
forth in your Despatch." The Queen finds it impossible to make such
tremendous consequences dependent upon such vague expressions. The
more so, as "the spirit and character" alluded to, appears to her to
be, as if purposely, obscure.
When Lord Stratford says, that the Turks would be satisfied "with a
renewal in clear and comprehensive terms of the formal Declarations
and Treaties already existing in favour of the Porte"--the Queen
cannot understand what is meant--as all the former Treaties between
Russia and Turkey have certainly not been in favour of the Porte.
Nor is it clear to the Queen whether "the clear and unquestionable
deliverance from Russian interference applied to spiritual matters" is
compatible with the former treaties.
Whilst the Queen, therefore, perfectly agrees in the principle
that, should Russia "for its own unjustifiable objects, show herself
regardless of the best interests of Europe" by rejecting every fair
term, the time will have arrived "for adopting measures of more active
coercion against her"--she cannot sanction such a Declaration
except on terms which are so clear in themselves as to exclude all
misinterpretation.
[Pageheading: SINOPE]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
(Undated.)
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 19th, and
enclosures. She approves the Draft to Vienna, and asks to have a copy
of it, together with the Despatch from Lord Westmorland to which it
refers.
She also approves of the Draft to Lord Cowley, with certain
exceptions, viz., on the second page our accordance with the views
of the French Government "upon the utterly unjustifiable course that
Russia has pursued," etc., is stated. If, as the Queen must read it,
this refers to the affair at Sinope,[36] it is a dangerous assertion,
as we have yet no authentic account of the circumstances of the case,
which would make it possible to judge what degree of justification
there might have been. The sentence should, at any rate, be qualified
by some expression such as "as far as we know," or "should present
accounts prove correct," etc.
The word "utterly" might under any circumstances be left out, as a
state of War is in itself a justification of a battle.
On page four the words "by sea" will have to be added to make the
statement precise and correct.
The concluding sentence, the Queen must consider as tantamount to
a declaration of war, which, under the guarded conditions however
attached to it, she feels she cannot refuse to sanction. It would, in
the Queen's opinion, be necessary, however, distinctly and fully to
acquaint the Russian Government with the step now agreed upon.
Lord Palmerston's mode of proceeding always had that advantage, that
it threatened steps which it was hoped would not become necessary,
whilst those hitherto taken, started on the principle of not
needlessly offending Russia by threats, obliging us at the same time
to take the very steps which we refused to threaten.
The Queen has to make one more and a most _serious_ observation. The
Fleet has orders now to prevent a recurrence of such disasters as that
of Sinope. This cannot mean that it should protect the Turkish Fleet
in acts of aggression upon the Russian territory, such as an attack on
Sebastopol, of which the papers speak. This point will have to be made
quite clear, both to Lord Stratford and the Turks.
The Queen would also wish to have copies of the Draft, when corrected,
of Lord Cowley's Despatch.
[Footnote 36: On the 30th of November the Russian Fleet from
Sevastopol attacked the Turkish squadron in the harbour of
Sinope, a naval station in the Black Sea, and destroyed it.
The feeling in the country against Russia was greatly inflamed
by the incident, which was referred to as the "massacre of
Sinope."]
[Pageheading: PUBLIC FEELING]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1853._
Lord Aberdeen had an Audience of the Queen yesterday afternoon.
He reported that some of his colleagues, Sir C. Wood, the Duke
of Newcastle, and Mr Gladstone, had been very anxious that Lord
Palmerston should be readmitted into the Cabinet; they had had
interviews with him in which he had expressed his hope to be allowed
to reconsider his step. Lady Palmerston had been most urgent upon this
point with her husband. All the people best conversant with the House
of Commons stated that the Government had no chance of going on with
Lord Palmerston in opposition, and with the present temper of the
public, which was quite mad about the Oriental Question and the
disaster at Sinope. Even Sir W. Molesworth shared this opinion.
Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Lord Aberdeen, in which he
begs to have his resignation considered as not having taken place,
as it arose entirely from a misapprehension on his part, his having
believed that none of the details of the Reform Measure were yet
open for consideration, he had quite agreed in the principle of the
Measure! Lord Aberdeen saw Lord John and Sir J. Graham, who convinced
themselves that under the circumstances nothing else remained to be
done. Lord Aberdeen having asked Lord John whether he should tell the
Queen that it was a political _necessity_, he answered: "Yes, owing to
the shabbiness of your colleagues," to which Lord Aberdeen rejoined:
"Not shabbiness; _cowardice_ is the word."
Lord Aberdeen owns that the step must damage the Government, although
it ought to damage Lord Palmerston still more. Lord John's expression
was: "Yes, it would ruin anybody but Palmerston."
Lord Aberdeen thinks, however, that he can make no further
difficulties about Reform, and he, Lord John, and Graham were
determined to make no material alterations in the Bill. Graham is
suspicious lest the wish to get Palmerston in again, on the part of
a section of the Cabinet, was an intrigue to get the Measure
emasculated. Lord Aberdeen does not believe this....
Lord Aberdeen describes Lord John's feeling as very good and cordial
towards him. He, Lord John, had even made him a long speech to show
his gratitude for Lord Aberdeen's kindness to him.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON RESUMES OFFICE]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _26th December 1853._
Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, has the
honour of enclosing copies of Lord Palmerston's letter to him,[37]
and of his answer. Lord Aberdeen was not without some apprehension
of receiving a rejoinder; but instead of which, a note arrived this
morning, merely asking if a Cabinet was likely to be summoned in the
course of the week, as he was going into the country; in fact, a note
just as if nothing whatever has taken place!
[Footnote 37: Lord Palmerston wrote: "I find ... that I was
mistaken in inferring from your letter that the details of
the intended Reform Bill had been finally settled by the
Government, and that no objection to any part of those details
would be listened to." He went on to say that, under the
circumstances, he could not decline to comply with the wish
of many members of the Government that he should withdraw his
resignation.]
_Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld. London and Aylesbury.
Paper supplied by John Dickinson & Co., Ld., London._
* * * *
Transcriber's Note:
[ae] and [oe] are used for the diphthongs/ligatures in (mostly) French
words. (e.g. c[oe]ur, heart; s[oe]ur, sister; ch[oe]ur; choir).
The original pageheadings have been retained, and moved to appropriate
positions, at the beginning of letters and text to which they refer,
so as not to interrupt the flow of the text. Thus, a long letter may
be prefaced by two, or even three pageheadings. Likewise, footnotes
have been moved to the end of the appropriate letter, or the
appropriate paragraph, in the case of longer pieces of text.
Mr or Mr.
Most instances of this form of address, in the book, are 'Mr', without
the period. There are a few spelt as 'Mr.', with the period. These
have been left as they appeared in the original book.
Russian Dates.
The difference between the Russian Calendar and the Calendar used in
Western Europe was 12 days...22nd March 1848, in Great Britain and
Western Europe, was 3rd April in Russia; 8th April 1853, in Great
Britain and Western Europe, was 20th April in Russia, etc.
ERRATA (and sic):
Obvious punctuation errors have been repaired.
Pages 124/5: 'Wellingon' corrected to 'Wellington' [Footnote 6: The
Duke of Wellington wrote to Croker, 19th of December 1846...]
Page 146: '1843' corrected to '1848'. CLAREMONT, _11th January 1848._
Page 173: 'sacrified' corrected to 'sacrificed' ... interests (those of
the smaller Sovereigns) are not sacrificed....
Page 186, Footnote 33: 'De Tallenay' corrected to 'de Tallenay'
Page 187: Innspruck (sic: alternative spelling)
Page 332: happness corrected to happiness.
Page 341: 'you' corrected to 'your' (Ever your devoted Niece....)
Page 388: 'Excehquer' corrected to 'Exchequer' (The Chancellor of the
Excehquer)
Page 389: 'you' corrected to 'your' (ever your truly devoted Niece,)
Page 403: 'decidedy' corrected to 'decidedly' (and that they were
decidedly acting together.)
Page 443: 'an at' corrected to at an (... should be at an end.)
Page 458: 'Queston' corrected to 'Question' (the Oriental Question.)
Page 471: 'opnion' corrected to 'opinion' (... shared this opinion.)