1852
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND DENMARK]
_Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th January 1852._
SIR, MY BROTHER,--I received the letter which your Majesty addressed
to me on the 24th of August last, and in which, after referring to the
necessity for establishing some definite arrangement with regard
to the eventual succession to the Crown of Denmark, your Majesty is
pleased to acquaint me that, in your opinion, such an arrangement
might advantageously be made in favour of your Majesty's cousin, His
Highness the Prince Christian of Gluecksburg,[1] and the issue of his
marriage with the Princess Louisa of Hesse, in favour of whom the
nearer claimants have renounced their rights and titles.
I trust I need not assure your Majesty of the sincere friendship which
I entertain for you, and of the deep interest which I feel in the
welfare of the Danish Monarchy. It was in accordance with those
sentiments that I accepted the office of mediator between your Majesty
and the States of the German Confederation, and it afforded me the
sincerest pleasure to have been thus instrumental in re-establishing
the relations of peace between your Majesty and those States.
With regard to the question of the eventual succession to both the
Danish and Ducal Crowns, I have to state to your Majesty that although
I declined to take any part in the settlement of that combination,
it will be a source of great satisfaction to me to learn that an
arrangement has been definitely determined upon equally satisfactory
to your Majesty and to the Germanic Confederation; and whenever it
shall have been notified to me that such an arrangement has been
arrived at, I shall then be ready, in accordance with what was stated
in the Protocol of the 2nd of August 1850, to consider, in concert
with my Allies, the expediency of giving the sanction of an European
acknowledgment to the arrangement which may thus have been made.
I avail myself with great pleasure of this opportunity to renew to
your Majesty the expression of the invariable attachment and high
esteem with which I am, Sir, my Brother, your Majesty's good Sister,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 1: Prince Christian of
Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Gluecksburg was named successor
to Frederick VII., King of Denmark by a Treaty signed in
London on the 8th of May 1852; and by the Danish law of
succession (of the 31st of July 1853), he ascended the throne
under the style of Christian IX., on the 15th of November,
1863. He was the father of His Majesty Frederick VIII., the
present King of Denmark, and of Her Majesty Queen Alexandra
of England; King Christian died in 1906, Queen Louise having
predeceased him in 1898.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _15th January 1852._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter last night, and
wishes now shortly to repeat what she desired through the Prince, Sir
Charles Wood to explain to Lord John.[2]
The Queen hopes that the Cabinet will fully consider what their object
is before the proposed negotiation with Sir James Graham be opened.
Is it to strengthen their _case_ in Parliament by proving that no
means have been left untried to strengthen the Government? or really
to effect a junction with the Peelites?
If the first is aimed at, the Cabinet will hardly reap any of the
desired advantages from the negotiation, for, shrewd as Sir James
Graham is, he will immediately see that the negotiation has been begun
without a desire that it should succeed, and this will soon become
generally known.
If the latter, the Queen must observe that there are two kinds of
junctions--one, _a fusion_ of Parties; the other, _the absorption_ of
one Party by the other. For a _fusion_, the Queen thinks the Peelites
to be quite ready; then, however, they must be treated as a political
Party, and no _exclusion_ should be pronounced against particular
members of it, nor should it be insisted upon that the new Government
and Party is still emphatically the _Whig_ party.
An _absorption_ of the most liberal talents amongst the Peelites into
the Whig Government, the Queen considers unlikely to succeed, and she
can fully understand that reasons of honour and public and private
engagement must make it difficult to members of a political Party to
go over to another in order to receive office.
Having stated thus much, the Queen gives Lord John full permission to
negotiate with Sir James Graham.
[Footnote 2: Lord John Russell having vainly attempted to
secure the co-operation of the Duke of Newcastle, announced
the wish of the Cabinet to make overtures to Sir J. Graham.]
[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th January 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your kind letter of the 16th I received on the
17th, with the newspaper, for which I return my best thanks. The
papers which Stockmar communicated to us are most interesting, and do
the writer the greatest credit. Watchful we certainly shall and must
be. We shall try and keep on the best of terms with the President, who
is extremely sensitive and susceptible, but for whom, I must say, I
have never had any _personal_ hostility; on the contrary, I thought
that during 1849 and 1850 we owed him all a good deal, as he certainly
raised the French Government _de la boue_. But I grieve over the
tyranny and oppression practised since the _coup d'etat_, and it makes
everything very uncertain, for though I believe it in every way
his wish and his policy not to go to war, still, _il peut y etre
entraine_.
Your position is a peculiarly delicate one, but still, as I again
repeat, I think there is no reason to be alarmed; particularly, I
would _never_ show it.
The poor Nemours were here from Saturday till yesterday evening with
their dear nice boys, and I think it always does them good. They feel
again as if they were in their own position, and they are diverted
from the melancholy reality and the great sameness of their existence
at Claremont. I found him very quiet and really _not_ bitter, and
disposed to be very prudent,--but seriously alarmed at the possibility
of losing their property, which would be _too_ dreadful and monstrous.
I fear that the candidature and poor Helene's imprudence in talking
are the cause of this cruel persecution. The poor Orleans have really
(and you should write them that) no _truer_ and more faithful friends
than we are--and it is for this reason that I urge and entreat them to
be entirely passive; for _their day_ will come, I feel convinced!
Now good-bye, my dearest, kindest Uncle. Ever your truly devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th January 1852._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday with
the draft of Bills, and likewise that of to-day enclosing a Memorandum
on the probable effects of the proposed Measure.[3] She has perused
these papers with great attention, but feels that any opinion upon
the future results of the Measure must rest on surmises; she has that
confidence, however, in Lord John's experience and judgment in these
matters, and so strong a conviction that he will have spared no pains
in forming as correct an opinion as may be formed on so problematical
a matter, that she is prepared to come to the decision of approving
the Measure on the strength of Lord John's opinion. She only hopes
that the future may bear it out, and that the character of the House
of Commons may not be impaired. Should this prove the case, the
extension of the privilege of voting for Members will strengthen
our Institutions. The Queen is glad that the clause abolishing the
necessity for every Member of the Government to vacate his seat upon
his appointment[4] should have been maintained. She hopes that the
schedules showing which towns are to be added to existing boroughs
will be drawn up with the greatest care and impartiality, and will
soon be submitted to her. The Queen would be glad if the plan once
proposed of giving to the Queen's University in Ireland the vacant
seat for Sudbury were still carried out, as she feels sure that not
only would it be a great thing for the University and the Colleges,
but a most useful and influential Irish Member would be gained for the
House.
The Queen takes it for granted that the Bill as approved by her will
be stood by in Parliament, and that Lord John will not allow himself
to be drawn on to further concessions to Democracy in the course of
the debate, and that the introduction of the ballot will be vigorously
opposed by the Government.
[Footnote 3: The Ministerial Reform Bill.]
[Footnote 4: The Act of Settlement excluded (as from the
accession of the House of Hanover) the Ministers of State from
the House of Commons; but the 6 Anne, c. 7, modified this, and
made them re-eligible on appointment.]
[Pageheading: DRAFT OF THE SPEECH]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st February 1852._
The Queen has received the draft of the Speech. The passage referring
to the proposed Reform Measure varies so materially from the one
which was first submitted to her that she feels that she ought not to
sanction it without having received some explanation of the grounds
which have led the Cabinet to recommend it in its altered shape. The
Queen will not object to the mode of filling the Offices still vacant
which Lord John Russell proposes.
[Pageheading: WOMEN AND POLITICS]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd February 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--My warmest thanks for your kind little letter of
the 30th. Matters are very critical and all Van de Weyer has told
us _n'est pas rassurant_. With such an extraordinary man as Louis
Napoleon, one can never be for one instant safe. It makes me very
melancholy; I love peace and quiet--in fact, I _hate_ politics and
turmoil, and I grieve to think that a spark may plunge us into the
midst of war. Still I think _that_ may be avoided. Any attempt on
Belgium would be _casus belli for us_; _that_ you may rely upon.
Invasion I am not afraid of, but the spirit of the people here is very
great--they are full of defending themselves--and the spirit of the
olden times is in no way quenched.
In two hours' time Parliament will be opened, and to-night the
explanations between Lord John and Lord Palmerston will take place. I
am _very_ curious _how_ they will go off. The curiosity and anxiety to
hear it is very great.
I never saw Stockmar better, or more active and more sagacious, or
more kind. To me he is really like a father--only too partial, I
always think.
Albert grows daily fonder and fonder of politics and business, and
is so wonderfully _fit_ for both--such perspicacity and such
_courage_--and I grow daily to dislike them both more and more. We
women are not _made_ for governing--and if we are good women, we must
_dislike_ these masculine occupations; but there are times which
force one to take _interest_ in them _mal gre bon gre_, and _I_ do, of
course, _intensely_.
I must now conclude, to dress for the opening of Parliament
... Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _4th February 1852._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that the Address was agreed to last night without
a division.
The explanations between Lord Palmerston and himself were made. Lord
Palmerston made no case, and was not supported by any considerable
party in the House. His approbation of the President's conduct seemed
to confound the Liberal Party, and he did not attempt to excuse his
delay in answering Lord John Russell's letter of the 14th.[5]
The rest of the debate was desultory and heavy. Mr Disraeli made a
long speech for the sake of making a speech. Mr Roebuck was bitter
without much effect.
Generally speaking, the appearance of the House was favourable. Sir
James Graham says the next fortnight will clear up matters very much.
The tone of the House was decidedly pacific.
[Footnote 5: See _ante_, p. 341.]
[Pageheading: THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th February 1852._
We have learned with much satisfaction that everything went off so
well in the House of Commons last night. Lord John Russell's speech
is a most useful one, and he has given a most lucid definition of the
constitutional position of the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary
opposite to the Crown. Lord Palmerston's speech is a very weak one,
and he in no way makes out a case for himself. This seems to [be] the
general impression.
The Houses of Lords and Commons being now almost completed, and the
Queen having entered the House of Lords by the Grand Entrance (which
is magnificent), the Queen thinks this will be the right moment
for bestowing on Mr Barry the knighthood, as a mark of the Queen's
approbation of his great work.
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S DISCOMFITURE]
_The Marquis of Normanby to Colonel Phipps._[6]
ST GEORGE'S HOTEL, _5th February 1852._
MY DEAR CHARLES,--Yesterday morning I got a note from John Russell,
saying that all had gone off so well the night before, and Palmerston
had been so flat that he thought it better I should not revive the
subject in the other House, as he had said nothing about me which in
the least required that I should do so. I yielded, of course, to such
an appeal, though there are several points in his speech on which I
could have exposed inaccuracies. The fact is, John has never shown any
consideration for me in the whole of these affairs; but I do not
mean in any way to complain, and am very grateful to him for the very
successful way in which he executed his task on Tuesday. Nothing
can be more universal than the feeling of the utter discomfiture of
Palmerston.[7] I am convinced that what floored him at starting was
that letter of the Queen's,[8] because every one felt that such a
letter would never have been written unless every point in it
could have been proved like a bill of indictment; and then came the
question, how could any man, even feeling he deserved it, go on under
such a marked want of confidence?...[9]
Aberdeen, whom I saw at Granville's last night, told me that Cardwell
had said to him, that often as he had felt indignant at the arrogance
of "that man," he really pitied him, so complete was his overthrow.
Disraeli said that he had watched him during Johnny's speech, and
doubted whether the hanging of the head, etc., was merely acting; but
before he had spoken two sentences he saw he was a beaten fox. Many
said that the extreme flippancy and insolence of his manner was
more remarkable than ever, from their being evidently assumed with
difficulty. I have always thought Palmerston very much overrated as a
speaker; his great power arose from his not only knowing his subject
better than any one else, but being the only man who knew anything
about it, and using that exclusive knowledge unscrupulously for the
purposes of misrepresentation.
Thiers was at Lady Granville's last night, and was enchanted with the
spectacle of the Opening. He said that he had been endeavouring for
thirty years to support the cause of Constitutional Monarchy, as the
best Government in the world, and there he saw it in perfection, not
only in its intrinsic attributes, but in the universal respect and
adhesion with which it was received. He said, though he did not
understand a word of English, he could have cried at the Queen's voice
in reading the Speech. He is very "impressionable," and I am convinced
at the time he was quite sincere in his appreciation.
I am vexed at not having been able to say anything publicly about all
this, as I believe I could have dispelled many misrepresentations; but
it cannot be helped. I have endeavoured throughout not to be selfish,
and I may as well keep up that feeling to the last. Ever, etc.
NORMANBY.
I told John Russell last night I regretted that he had vouched for the
intentions of Louis Napoleon. He said he had not done that, but owned
that he had said more than he ought. "The fact is, I did not know what
to say next. I stopped as one sometimes does, so I said that; I had
better have said something else!" Candid and characteristic!
[Footnote 6: Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.]
[Footnote 7: It appears from a Memorandum made about this time
by Prince Albert that when Lord Palmerston's retirement
became known, the Radical constituency of Marylebone wished to
present him with an Address of sympathy, and to invite him to
stand at the next Election, promising him to bring him in.
Sir Benjamin Hall (one of the Members) told them that they
had better wait till the explanation in Parliament had taken
place, for at present they knew nothing about the merits
of the case. This the Committee which had been organised
consented to do. After the Debate on the 4th of February, Sir
Benjamin called upon the Chairman of the Committee to ask him
whether they would still carry out their intention. "No," said
the Chairman; "we have considered the matter: a man who does
not answer the Queen's letters can receive no Address from
us."]
[Footnote 8: See _ante_, p. 264.]
[Footnote 9: _Cf._ Greville's account in his Journal, 5th
February 1852. _See_ also p. 368.]
_Queen Victoria to Earl Granville._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th February 1852._
The Queen returns the enclosed papers. She will not object to the
proposed step[10] should Lord Granville and Lord John Russell have
reason to expect that the Pope will receive Sir H. Bulwer; should he
refuse, it will be doubly awkward. The Queen finds it difficult to
give a decided opinion on the subject, as, first, she does not
know how far the reception of Sir Henry at Rome will overcome the
objections raised to his reception as Resident at Florence. Secondly,
as she has never been able to understand what is to be obtained by a
mission to Rome, a step liable to much misrepresentation here....
[Footnote 10: The Tuscan Government declined to receive Sir H.
Bulwer, and it was then proposed to send him to Rome instead.]
[Pageheading: THE PRINCE AND THE ARMY]
_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._
CHESHAM PLACE, _16th February 1852._
SIR,--I have seen the Duke of Wellington this morning, and have given
him the Depot plan.
It may be useful if your Royal Highness will see him from time to
time in relation to the Army. On the one hand, your Royal Highness's
authority may overcome the indisposition to change which he naturally
entertains; and on the other, his vast experience may be of great use
to your Royal Highness in regard to the future. I have the honour to
be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,
JOHN RUSSELL.
[Pageheading: THE SLAVE TRADE]
_Sir Francis Baring to Queen Victoria._
ADMIRALTY, _15th February 1852._
Sir Francis Baring presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
to state to your Majesty that despatches have this evening arrived
from Commander Bruce in command of the African Squadron. Commander
Bruce gives an account of an attack on Lagos[11] which was completely
successful. The town of Lagos was captured and in great part burnt.
The resistance appears to have been obstinate and directed with much
skill. Your Majesty's naval Service behaved with their accustomed
gallantry and coolness, but the loss amounted to fourteen killed and
sixty-four wounded. Sir Francis Baring will forward to your Majesty
copies of the despatches to-morrow, with his humble duty.
F. BARING.
[Footnote 11: Notorious as a centre of the Slave Trade. The
native king was deposed.]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Francis Baring._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th February 1852._
The Queen has received both Sir Francis Baring's letters of the 15th.
The news of the capture and destruction of the town of Lagos has given
us the _greatest_ satisfaction, as it will give a most serious blow to
the iniquitous traffic in slaves. The Rev. Mr Crowther, whom the Queen
saw about two months ago (and whom she believes Sir Francis Baring has
also seen), told us that the slave trade on that part of the African
coast would be at an end if Lagos, the stronghold of its greatest
supporters, was destroyed. The Queen must express to Sir Francis
Baring her sense of the services rendered by Commodore Bruce and the
Officers under him.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th February 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 13th reached me on Saturday
here, where we are since Friday afternoon. I am glad that you are
satisfied with Lord Granville's answer. The question shall certainly
be borne in mind, and you may rely on our doing whatever can be
effected to bring about the desired end. I think Louis Napoleon will
find his decrees very difficult to carry out. I am very glad to hear
that you quietly are preparing to strengthen yourself against the
possibility of any attack from France. This will, I think, put Louis
Napoleon on his good behaviour....
The extension of the Suffrage[12] was almost unavoidable, and it was
better to do it quietly, and not to wait till there was a cry for
it--to which one would have to yield. The deal there is to do, and the
importance of everything going on at home and abroad, is unexampled
in _my_ recollection and _very_ trying; Albert becomes really a
_terrible_ man of business; I think it takes a little off from the
gentleness of his character, and makes him so preoccupied. I grieve
over all this, as I _cannot_ enjoy these things, _much_ as I interest
myself in _general_ European politics; but I am every day more
convinced that _we women_, _if_ we _are_ to be _good_ women,
_feminine_ and _amiable_ and _domestic_, are _not fitted to reign_;
at least it is _contre gre_ that they drive themselves to the _work_
which it entails.
However, this cannot now be helped, and it is the duty of every one to
fulfil all that they are called upon to do, in whatever situation they
may be!
Mme. van de Weyer thinks your children so grown and improved, and
Charlotte as lovely as ever. With Albert's love, ever your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 12: See _ante_, pp. 294, 324.]
[Pageheading: THE MILITIA BILL]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _20th February 1852._
(9.15 P.M.)
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that Lord Palmerston has just carried his Motion
for leaving out the word "Local" in the title of the Bill for the
Militia.[13]
Lord John Russell then declared that he could no longer take charge of
the Bill. Lord Palmerston said he was astonished at the Government for
giving up the Bill for so slight a cause.
Lord John Russell then said that he considered the vote as tantamount
to a resolution of want of confidence, which remark was loudly cheered
on the other side.
Sir Benjamin Hall said he wondered the Government did not resign, on
which Lord John again explained that when confidence was withdrawn,
the consequence was obvious.
[Footnote 13: Events in France had revived anxiety as to the
national defences, and the Government brought in a Bill for
raising a local Militia. To this scheme the Duke of Wellington
had been unfavourable, and Lord Palmerston, by a majority of
eleven, carried an Amendment in favour of re-organising the
"regular" instead of raising a "local" Militia.]
[Pageheading: THE MINISTRY DEFEATED]
[Pageheading: RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1852._
Lord John Russell came this morning at twelve o'clock to explain that
after the vote of yesterday[14] it was impossible for him to go on any
longer with the Government. He considered it a vote of censure, and an
entirely unprecedented case not to allow a Minister of the Crown even
to lay his measure on the Table of the House; that he had expected to
the last that the respectable part of the House would see all this,
but there seemed to have been a pre-arranged determination between
Lord Palmerston and the Protectionists to defeat the Government; that
the Peelites also had agreed to vote against them. Sir James Graham
and Mr Cardwell had stayed away, but Mr Gladstone and Mr S. Herbert
had voted against them, the latter even misrepresenting what Lord
John had said. No Government could stand against incessant motions of
censure upon every imaginable department of the Executive Government.
The Prime Minister would either have to take the management of all
the departments into his own hands, and to be prepared to defend every
item, for which he (Lord John) did not feel the moral and physical
power, or he must succumb on those different points which the
Opposition with divided labour could single out. Lord Palmerston's
conduct was the more reprehensible as he had asked him the day before
about his objections to the Bill, and had (he thought) satisfied him
that the four points upon which he had insisted were provided for in
the Bill.
[Footnote 14: On the Militia Bill.]
He thought he could not (in answer to the Queen's enquiry) dissolve
Parliament, and that Lord Palmerston had no Party. But he supposed
Lord Derby was prepared to form a Protection Government. This
Government would pass the estimates and the Mutiny Bill, and would
then have to proceed to a Dissolution. Lord John had merely seen Lord
Lansdowne, who had approved of the course he meant to pursue, though
afraid of the imputation that the Government had run away from the
Caffre debate. He had summoned the Cabinet, and would report their
resolution. Speaking of Lord Palmerston, Lord John said he had heard
that Lord Palmerston had said that there was one thing between them
which he could not forgive, and that was his reading the Queen's
Minute to the House of Commons.
At a quarter past four Lord John came back from the Cabinet, and
formally tendered the resignations of himself and colleagues. The
Cabinet had been unanimous that there was no other course to pursue,
and that it would not be advisable to make use of the Queen's
permission to advise a Dissolution. Lord Granville had ascertained
through Dr Quin from Lord Lyndhurst that Lord Derby was prepared with
an Administration, having obtained Mr Thomas Baring's consent to act
as Leader of the House of Commons.
Sir Stratford Canning at Constantinople was supposed to be intended
for the Foreign Office. Lord Lyndhurst said, though the materials were
there, they were very bad ones, and it was a question whether they
would stand long. He himself would keep out of place.
We advised Lord John to keep his Party well under discipline in
Opposition, so that whilst there it did not commit errors which
would become new difficulties for the future Government. He seemed
disinclined for great exertions after the fatigues he had undergone
these last years. He said he thought he would not go on with the
Reform Bill out of office, as that was a measure which ought to be
carried by a Government. If he had again to propose it, he would very
likely alter it a little, reverting to his original plan of taking
away one Member of the two returned by small boroughs, and giving
their seats to some large towns, counties, and corporations like the
Universities, etc.
Lord John defers taking his formal leave till a new Administration is
formed.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY SUMMONED]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1852._
The Queen would wish to see Lord Derby at half-past two to-morrow
should he be in Town; if not, on Monday at twelve o'clock.
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd February 1852._
... Lord Derby said that he could not command a majority in the House
of Lords, that he was in a decided minority in the House of Commons,
and thought that in the critical circumstances in which the country
was placed both at home and abroad, he ought not to ask for a
Dissolution. He must then try to strengthen himself particularly in
the House of Commons by any means he could. There was one person whom
he could not venture to propose for the Foreign Office on account
of what had lately passed, and what he might be allowed to call the
"well-known personal feelings of the Queen"; but Lord Palmerston was
one of the ablest debaters, and might well be offered the post of
Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The Queen ... would not, by refusing her consent, throw additional
difficulties in Lord Derby's way; she warned him, however, of the
dangerous qualities of [Lord Palmerston].
Lord Derby rejoined that he knew them, and thought them pernicious for
the conduct of the Foreign Affairs, but at the Exchequer they would
have less play; he himself would undertake to control him. His
greatest indiscretion--that in the Kossuth affair--must have been with
a view to form a Party; that if left excluded from office, he would
become more dangerous, and might in fact force himself back at the
head of a Party with a claim to the Foreign Office, whilst if he had
ever accepted another Office, his pretensions might be considered
as waived; he (Lord Derby) did not know in the least whether Lord
Palmerston would accept, but in case he did not, the offer would
propitiate him, and render the Government in the House of Commons
more possible, as it would have anyhow all the talent of the late
Government, Peelites and Radicals, to withstand.
To my question whether Lord Derby fancied he would remain Prime
Minister any length of time, when once Lord Palmerston had got the
lead of the House of Commons, he replied he was not afraid of him; he
felt sure he could control him, although he would not have been able
to admit him to the Foreign Office on account of the very strong
strictures he had passed upon his Foreign Policy at different
times--even if the Queen had allowed it.
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _22nd February 1852._
(_Half-past eight._)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, deems it incumbent upon him to
submit to your Majesty without delay that having had an interview this
evening with Lord Palmerston, the latter has, although in the most
friendly terms, declined accepting the Office, upon the ground of
difference of opinion, not on the principle, but on the expediency
of the imposition of any duty, under any circumstances, upon foreign
corn. This was a point which Lord Derby was willing to have left
undecided until the result of a General Election should be known.
Although this refusal may add materially to Lord Derby's difficulties,
he cannot regret that the offer has been made, as the proposal must
have tended to diminish any feelings of hostility which might have
been productive of future embarrassment to your Majesty's service, to
whatever hands it may be entrusted....
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant
and Subject,
DERBY.
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S CABINET]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1852._
Lord Derby reported progress at half-past two, and submitted a list of
the principal Officers of the Government which follows, and which the
Queen approved.
The Queen allowed Lord Lyndhurst (who has declined office--has been
Lord Chancellor three times, and now entered upon his eightieth year)
to be offered an Earldom--which he very much desired for the position
of his daughters, having no son.
After he had kissed hands upon his entering upon his office, Lord
Derby had a further conversation with me on Household appointments. I
told him he must now, as Prime Minister, consider himself to a certain
degree in the position of the Confessor; that formerly the Lord
Chancellor was Keeper of the King's Conscience, the office might be
considered to have descended on the Prime Minister. The Queen must
then be able to confer with him on personal matters, or I, on her
behalf, with the most entire confidence, and that she must be sure
that nothing was divulged which passed between them on these matters,
and he might repose the same confidence in us. As to the formation of
the Household, the Queen made two conditions, viz. that the persons to
compose her Court should not be on the verge of bankruptcy, and
that their moral character should bear investigation. On the Queen's
accession Lord Melbourne had been very careless in his appointments,
and great harm had resulted to the Court therefrom. Since her marriage
I had insisted upon a closer line being drawn, and though Lord
Melbourne had declared "that that damned morality would undo us all,"
we had found great advantage in it and were determined to adhere to
it....
ALBERT.
_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Sutherland._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1852._
MY DEAREST DUCHESS,--I cannot say _how deeply_ grieved I am to
think that the event which has just occurred, and which Lord Derby's
acceptance of office has to-day confirmed, will entail your leaving,
for a time, my service. It has been _ever_ a real pleasure to me to
have you with me; my affection and esteem for you, my dearest Duchess,
are great, and we _both_ know what a kind and true friend we have in
you.
I think that I may rely on your returning to me on a future occasion
whenever that may be, and that I shall frequently have the pleasure of
seeing you, even when you are no longer attached to my person.
I shall hope to see you soon. The Levee remains fixed for Thursday,
and the transfer of the Officers of the new Government does not take
place till Friday.
With the Prince's kindest remembrance, and ours to the Duke and
Constance. Believe me always, yours affectionately,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1852._
DEAREST UNCLE,--Great and not _very_ pleasant events have happened
since I wrote last to you. I know that Van de Weyer has informed you
of everything, of the really (till the last day) unexpected defeat,
and of Lord Derby's assumption of office, with a very sorry Cabinet. I
believe, however, that it is quite necessary they should have a trial,
and then have done with it. Provided the country remains quiet, and
they are prudent in their Foreign Policy, I shall take the trial as
patiently as I can....
Alas! your confidence in our excellent Lord Granville is no longer
of any avail, though I hope ere long he will be at the Foreign Office
again,[15] and I cannot say that his successor,[16] who has never been
in office (as indeed is the case with almost all the new Ministers),
inspires me with confidence. I see that Louis Napoleon has again
seized one of the adherents, or rathermore one of the men of business,
of the poor Orleans....
There are some terrible stories from Madrid of people having told the
poor Queen that the King had arranged this attack on her person, and
that she was anxious to abdicate.[17] If you should hear anything of
this kind, be kind enough to tell me of it. With Albert's love (he is
well fagged with business), ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 15: Lord Granville held the Foreign Secretaryship in
1870-1874, and again in 1880-1885.]
[Footnote 16: Lord Malmesbury.]
[Footnote 17: The Queen was stabbed by a priest when returning
from church.]
[Pageheading: LORD MALMESBURY]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1852._
The Queen thinks that it would be of the highest importance that not
only Lord Malmesbury (as is always usual) should receive the necessary
information from Lord Granville, but that Lord Derby should see him
and hear from him the state of all the critical questions now pending
on Foreign Affairs. Lord Granville has made himself master in a very
short time of all the very intricate subjects with which his
Office has to deal, and she must here bear testimony to the extreme
discretion, good sense, and calmness with which he has conducted the
very responsible and difficult post of Foreign Secretary.
[Pageheading: NEW APPOINTMENTS]
_The Earl of Derby to the Prince Albert._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _25th February 1852._ (_5_ P.M.)
SIR,--I have delayed longer than I could have wished acknowledging the
letter which I had the honour to receive from your Royal Highness last
night, in hopes that by this time I should have been enabled to solve
the difficulties connected with the Household Appointments; but I
regret to say they are rather increased than otherwise. I will not
trouble your Royal Highness now with any details; but if I might be
honoured with an audience at any hour after the Levee to-morrow, I
shall perhaps be able to make a more satisfactory report, and at all
events to explain the state of affairs more fully.
In the meantime, it may save Her Majesty some trouble if I request
that your Royal Highness will have the goodness to lay before Her
Majesty the enclosed list of Appointments which, subject to Her
Majesty's approval, I have arranged in the course of this day. The
Admiralty List found its way most improperly into some of the morning
papers before I was even aware that the Duke of Northumberland had
finally obtained the assent of the Officers whom he had selected.
As it is possible that the Queen may not be acquainted with the name
of Colonel Dunne, I have the honour of enclosing a letter respecting
him which I have received from Lord Fitzroy Somerset, since I had
intimated to him my intention of submitting his name to Her Majesty,
and which is highly satisfactory.
I must beg your Royal Highness to offer to the Queen my most humble
and grateful acknowledgment of the kindness which Her Majesty has
evinced in endeavouring to facilitate the progress of the Household
arrangements.
I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Royal Highness's most obedient
Servant,
DERBY.
[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._[18]
THURSDAY, _26th February 1852._
Lord Derby came to Albert at half-past three, and Albert called me in
at a little after four....
Lord Derby told us he meant to proceed as speedily as possible
with the defences of the country, and that his plan for the Militia
entirely coincided with Albert's plan (viz. he (Albert) wrote on the
subject to the Duke of Wellington, who _did not_ like it),[19] and
meant to try and avoid all the objections. On his observing that
no one had entirely understood the Government Bill, I said that the
Government had not even been allowed to bring it in, which was a most
unfair proceeding; upon which Lord Derby reiterated his professions
of this being no preconcerted plan of his Party's, but that it was
"symptomatic"; he, however, was obliged to own that it was rather hard
and not quite fair on the late Government.
I then explained to him the arrangement respecting the drafts from the
Foreign Office going first to him before they came to me, and wished
this should be continued, which he promised should be done, as well as
that all important Colonial despatches should be sent to me. Touched
upon the various critical questions on the Continent.... Lord Derby
said that all Louis Napoleon's views were contained in his book _Idees
Napoleoniennes_ written in '39, for that he was more a man of "_Idees
fixes_" than any one; and in this book he spoke of gaining territory
by _diplomacy_ and not by war. Lord Derby gave us a note from Louis
Napoleon to Lord Malmesbury, congratulating him on his appointment,
professing the most friendly and pacific intentions, and hoping the
Cowleys would (as they do) remain at Paris.
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 18: Extract from Her Majesty's _Journal_.]
[Footnote 19: This Memorandum is given in chap. xlv. of the
_Life of the Prince Consort_.]
[Pageheading: FAREWELL AUDIENCES]
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S PROGRAMME]
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY AND THE CHURCH]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1852._
To-day the formal change of Government took place. The old Ministers
who had Seals to give up assembled at half-past eleven, and had their
Audiences in the following order:
_Sir George Grey_ was very much overcome; promised at our request to
do what he could to keep his friends moderate and united. Spoke well
of his successor, Mr Walpole, and assured the Queen that he left the
country in a most quiet and contented state.
_Lord Grey_ was sorry that the resignation had taken place before the
Caffre Debate, in which he had hoped to make a triumphant defence; he
was sure it must have come to this from the way in which Lord John had
managed matters. He had never had his measures thoroughly considered
when he brought them forward. He (Lord Grey) had had to remonstrate
very strongly about this Militia Bill, which had not even been laid,
printed, before the Cabinet, and had not been discussed at all;
he himself had objected to the greater part of it, and had always
expected to have an opportunity of making his opinion heard; instead
of spending Christmas at Woburn he ought to have digested his
measures; this was not fair to his colleagues, and he could never have
the same confidence in Lord John as before. We urged him to forget
what had passed and to do the best for the future; that it was
important the Party should be kept together and should unite if
possible with the Peelites, so that the Queen might hope to get a
strong Government. Lord Grey thought there was little chance of this.
The next Government could never be as moderate again as this had been;
this he had always dreaded, and was the reason why he lamented that
Lord John had failed in his negotiation with the Peelites this winter,
upon Lord Palmerston's dismissal; but the fact was Lord John had never
wished it to succeed, and it had been unfair that he had not stated
to them (the Peelites) that all his colleagues were ready to give up
their places.
_Lord Granville_ had seen Lord Malmesbury several times, who appeared
to him to take pains about informing himself on the state of Foreign
Affairs, but seemed inclined to be ambitious of acquiring the merit of
being exclusively _English_ in his policy; this was quite right, but
might be carried too far; however, Lord Malmesbury was cautious and
moderate.
_The Chancellor of the Exchequer_ (_Sir Charles Wood_) was not
surprised at the fate of the Government, although they had not
expected to be defeated on the Militia Bill; in fact, a division had
hardly been looked for, as Lord John had talked the day before with
Lord Palmerston, and satisfied him that all his objections should be
provided against in the Bill. He thought it was better, however, that
the Caffre Debate had not been waited for, which must have been a
personal and very acrimonious one. He thought Lord Grey had not been
very discreet in his language to the Queen on Lord John. Sir J. Graham
had been in a difficulty with his own Party, and therefore had not
wished to encourage Lord John's negotiation with the Peelites. He
promised that, for his part, he would do all he could to keep his
Party from doing anything violent, but that he was afraid many others
would be so, and that he and Lord Grey had in vain tried to persuade
Mr Cobden to remain quiet.
Lord Derby had then an Audience to explain what should be done at the
Council. He regretted the Duchess of Northumberland's declining to
be Mistress of the Robes, on account of ill-health, which had been
communicated to the Queen by her father, Lord Westminster. He proposed
the Duchess of Argyll, whom the Queen allowed to be sounded (though
feeling certain, that, considering the Liberal views of her husband,
she will not accept it), and sanctioned his sounding also the Duchess
of Athole, whom the Queen wished to make the offer to, in case the
Duchess of Argyll declined. Lord Derby stated the difficulty he was
in with Sir A. B., whose wife had never been received at Court or
in society, although she had run away with him when he was still at
school, and was nearly seventy years old. The Queen said it would
not do to receive her now at Court, although society might do in that
respect what it pleased; it was a principle at Court not to receive
ladies whose characters are under a stigma.
We now proceeded to the Council, which was attended only by three
Councillors, the other seventeen having all had to be sworn in as
Privy Councillors first.[20]
[Footnote 20: _See_ Disraeli's _Endymion_ (chap. c.) for a
graphic description of this remarkable scene.]
After the Council Lord Hardinge was called to the Queen, and explained
that he accepted the Ordnance only on the condition that he was not
to be expected to give a vote which would reverse the policy of Sir
R. Peel, to which he had hitherto adhered. He had thought it his duty,
however, not to refuse his services to the Crown after the many marks
of favour he had received from the Queen.
Lord Derby then had an Audience to explain what he intended to state
in Parliament this evening as the programme of his Ministerial Policy.
It was very fluent and very able, but so completely the same as the
Speech which he has since delivered, that I must refer to its account
in the reports. When he came to the passage regarding the Church,
the Queen expressed to him her sense of the importance not to have
_Puseyites_ or _Romanisers_ recommended for appointments in the Church
as bishops or clergymen. Lord Derby declared himself as decidedly
hostile to the Puseyite tendency, and ready to watch over the
Protestant character of the Church. He said he did not pretend to give
a decided opinion on so difficult and delicate a point, but it had
struck him that although nobody could think in earnest of reviving the
old Convocation, yet the disputes in the Church perhaps could be most
readily settled by some Assembly representing the laity as well as
the clergy. I expressed it as my opinion that some such plan would
succeed, provided the Church Constitution was built up from the
bottom, giving the Vestries a legislative character in the parishes
leading up to Diocesan Assemblies, and finally to a general one.
On Education he spoke very liberally, but seemed inclined to support
the views of the bishops against the so-called "management clauses"
of the Privy Council, viz. not to allow grants to schools even if
the parish should prefer the bishops' inspection to the Privy Council
inspection.
ALBERT.
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _27th February 1852._
(_Half-past seven_ P.M.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, hastens to acquaint your Majesty,
having just returned from the House of Lords, that his statement,
going over the topics the substance of which he had the honour of
submitting to your Majesty was, as far as he could judge, favourably
received. Earl Grey attempted to provoke a Corn Law discussion, but
the feeling of the House was against the premature introduction of so
complicated and exciting a topic. Lord Aberdeen, dissenting from any
alteration of commercial policy, entirely concurred in Lord Derby's
views of Foreign Affairs, and of the course to be adopted in dealing
with Foreign Nations. Lord Derby did not omit to lay stress upon
"the strict adherence, in letter and in spirit, to the obligations of
Treaties," which was well received.
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _5th March 1852._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I have to offer my affectionate thanks for a
most gracious and long letter of the 2nd.
Within these days we have not had anything very important, but,
generally speaking, there has been, at least in appearance, a quieter
disposition in the ruling power at Paris. We are here in the awkward
position of persons in hot climates, who find themselves in company,
for instance in their beds, with a snake; they must _not move, because
that irritates_ the creature, but they can hardly remain as they are,
without a fair chance of being bitten.... Your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Pageheading: FOREIGN AFFAIRS]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _9th March 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 5th reached me just after
we arrived here, at our sweet, peaceful little abode.
It seems that Louis Napoleon's mind is chiefly engrossed with
measures for the interior of France, and that the serious question
of Switzerland is becoming less menacing. On the other hand, Austria
behaves with a hostility, and I must say folly, which prevents all
attempts at reconciliation. All the admirers of Austria consider
Prince Schwartzenberg[21] a madman, and the Emperor Nicholas said that
he was "Lord Palmerston in a white uniform." What a calamity this is
at the present moment!
We have a most talented, capable, and courageous Prime Minister, but
all his people have no experience--have never been in _any sort_ of
office before!
On Friday the House of Commons meets again, and I doubt not great
violence will be displayed.
With every kind love to my dear Cousins, ever your very devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 21: Prime Minister of Austria. He died in the April
following.]
_Colonel Phipps to Queen Victoria._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th March 1852._
Colonel Phipps' humble duty to your Majesty.
He has this day visited the Marionette Theatre, and feels quite
certain not only that it would not be a suitable theatre for your
Majesty to visit, but that your Majesty would derive no amusement from
it.
The mechanism of the puppets is only passable, and the matter of
the entertainment stupid and tiresome, consisting in a great part of
worn-out old English songs, such as "The death of Nelson"! Colonel
Phipps considers "Punch" a much more amusing performance. Lady Mount
Edgecumbe, who was in a box there, would probably give your Majesty an
account of it....
_The report in London is_, that Lord John Russell is to recommend
moderation at the meeting at his house to-morrow. He has, very
foolishly, subjected himself to another rebuff from Lord Palmerston
by inviting him to attend that meeting, which Lord Palmerston has
peremptorily refused. Since that, however, Lady Palmerston has
called upon Lady John with a view to a _personal_--not
political--reconciliation. Lady Palmerston, as Colonel Phipps hears,
still persists in the unfounded accusation against Lord John of having
quoted your Majesty's Minute in the House of Commons without giving
Lord Palmerston notice of his intention.[22]
[Footnote 22: Palmerston, however, admitted the contrary
(_Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. ii. chap. xliv.).]
[Pageheading: DEMOCRACY]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _12th March 1852._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I have to thank you for a most kind letter from
peaceful Osborne, which must doubly appear so to you now, after all
the troubles of the recent Ministerial arrangements. I am glad that
you are struck with the good qualities of your new Premier. I am
sure his great wish will be to make the best possible Minister of the
Crown. His task will be very difficult. "Bread, cheap bread," "the
poor oppressed by the _aristocratie_," etc.--a whole vocabulary of
exciting words of that kind will be put forward to inflame the popular
mind; and of all the Sovereigns, the Sovereign "People" is certainly
one of the most fanciful and fickle. Our neighbour in France shows
this more than any other on the whole globe; the Nation there is
_still_ the _Sovereign_, and this renders the President absolute,
because he is the representative of the supreme will of the _supreme
Nation_, sending us constantly some new exiles here, which is very
unpleasant. We are going on very gently, merely putting those means of
defence a little in order, which ought by rights always to be so, if
it was not for the ultra-unwise economy of Parliaments and Chambers.
Without, at least, comparative security by means of well-regulated
measures of defence, no country, be it great or small, can be
considered as possessing National Independence. I must say that in
Austria, at least Schwartzenberg, they are very much intoxicated. I
hope they will grow sober again soon. It was very kind of you to
have visited the poor Orleans Family. Rarely one has seen a family so
struck in their affections, fortunes, happiness; and it is a sad case.
Those unfortunate Spanish marriages have much contributed to it;
even angelic Louise had been caught by _l'honneur de la maison de
Bourbon_.... Your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Pageheading: THE NEW MILITIA BILL]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
OSBORNE, _12th March 1852._
The Queen must now answer Lord Derby on the questions which form the
subjects of his three last communications.
With regard to the Militia Bill, she must admit that her suggestions
are liable to the objections pointed out by Lord Derby, although they
would offer advantages in other respects. The Queen will therefore
sanction the measure as proposed, and now further explained by Lord
Derby.
The despatches transmitted from the Foreign Office referring to
the Swiss question[23] could not fail to give the Queen as much
satisfaction as they did to Lord Derby, as they show indications of
a more conciliatory intention, _for the present_ at least. As
Switzerland has yielded, France and Austria ought to be satisfied, and
the Queen only hopes we may not see them pushing their demands further
after a short interval!
The probability of a war with the Burmese is a sad prospect. The
Queen thinks, however, that the view taken by Lord Dalhousie of the
proceedings at Rangoon, and of the steps now to be taken to preserve
peace, is very judicious, and fully concurs with the letter sent
out by the Secret Committee. She now returns it, together with the
despatch.
The despatches from Prince Schwartzenberg to Count Buol are
satisfactory in one sense, as showing a readiness to return to the
English Alliance, but unfortunately only under the supposition that
we would make war upon liberty together; they exhibit a profound
ignorance of this country.[24] The Queen is quite sure that Lord
Derby will know how to accept all that is favourable in the Austrian
overtures without letting it be supposed that we could for a moment
think of joining in the policy pursued at this moment by the great
Continental Powers. As Lord Derby's speech has been referred to by
Prince Schwartzenberg, it would furnish the best text for the answer.
The President seems really to have been seriously ill.
[Footnote 23: The French had been pressing the Swiss
Government to expel refugees, and Austria supported the French
President.]
[Footnote 24: Lord Derby had urged that a more conciliatory
message should accompany Lord Granville's last despatch,
which, because of its unfriendly tone, Count Buol had delayed
sending on to Vienna. The precise language (he said) must
depend on what information Count Buol could supply.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
OSBORNE, _14th March 1852._
The Queen has received this morning Lord Derby's letter respecting the
St Albans' Disfranchisement Bill, and is glad to hear that Lord Derby
means to take up this Bill as dropped by the late Government. Whether
the mode of transferring these seats proposed by Lord Derby will meet
with as little opposition in Parliament as he anticipates, the Queen
is not able to form a correct judgment of. It may be liable to
the imputation of being intended to add to the power of the landed
interest. This might not be at all objectionable in itself, but it may
be doubtful how far the House of Commons may be disposed to concur in
it at the present moment. This will be for Lord Derby to consider, but
the Queen will not withhold her sanction from the measure.
She knows that Lord John Russell meant to give the vacant seats
to Birkenhead. Are not there two seats still vacant from the
Disfranchisement of Sudbury? and would it not be better (if so) to
dispose of all four at the same time? There is an impression also
gaining ground that, with a view to prevent the Franchise being given
exclusively to _Numbers_, to the detriment of _Interests_, it might be
desirable to give new seats to certain corporate bodies, such as the
Scotch Universities, the Temple and Lincoln's Inn, the East India
Company, etc., etc.[25]
[Footnote 25: The Government eventually proposed that the four
seats taken from St Albans and Sudbury should be assigned to
South Lancashire and the West Riding; but, on the ground that
a Ministry on sufferance should confine itself to necessary
legislation, Mr Gladstone induced the House by a great
majority to shelve the proposal.]
[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI]
[Pageheading: THE OPPOSITION]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _15th March 1852._
(_Monday night._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
informs your Majesty of what occurred in the House of Commons this
evening.
Mr Villiers opened the proceedings, terse and elaborate, but not in
his happiest style. He called upon the House to contrast the state of
the country at the beginning of the year and at the present moment.
But he could not induce the House to believe that "all now was
distrust and alarm."
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply, declined to bring forward
in the present Parliament any proposition to change our commercial
system, and would not pledge himself to propose in a future Parliament
any duty on corn. He said a duty on corn was a measure, not a
principle, and that if preferable measures for the redress of
agricultural grievances than a five-shilling duty on corn (mentioned
by Mr Villiers) could be devised, he should adopt them--a declaration
received with universal favour on the Government side.
Lord John Russell replied to the Chancellor of the Exchequer in
consequence of some notice by the former of the strange construction
of a new Opposition to force a Dissolution of Parliament by a Minister
who, three weeks ago, had declared such Dissolution inexpedient. It
was not a successful speech.
The great speech on the Opposition side was that of Sir James Graham:
elaborate, malignant, mischievous. His position was this: that Lord
Derby, as a man of honour, was bound to propose taxes on food, and
that if he did so, revolution was inevitable.
Mr Gladstone and Lord Palmerston both spoke in the same vein,
the necessity of immediate Dissolution after the passing of
the "necessary" measures; but the question soon arose, What is
"necessary"?
Lord Palmerston thought the Militia Bill "necessary," upon which the
League[26] immediately rose and denied that conclusion.
There seemed in the House a great reluctance to avoid a violent
course, but a very general wish, on the Opposition side, for as speedy
a Dissolution as public necessity would permit.
The evening, however, was not disadvantageous to the Government. All
which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty, by your Majesty's most
dutiful Subject and Servant,
B. DISRAELI.
[Footnote 26: The members belonging to the Manchester School
of Politics.]
[Pageheading: THE QUESTION OF DISSOLUTION]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _17th March 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I delayed writing till to-day as I wished to see
the papers first, and be able to give you an account of the first
Debate in the two Houses. They are not satisfactory, because both Lord
Derby and Mr Disraeli refuse to give a straightforward answer as to
their policy, the uncertainty as to which will do serious harm.[27]
The Opposition are very determined, and _with_ right, to insist on
this being given, and on as early a Dissolution as possible. The
Government will be forced to do this, but it is very unwise, after all
_this_ agitation for the last five years and a half, _not_ [to] come
forward manfully and to state what they intend to do. We tried to
impress Lord Derby with the necessity of this course, and I hoped we
had succeeded, but his speech has not been what it ought to have been
in this respect.
The President seems more occupied at home than abroad, which I trust
he may remain.
Stockmar is well.... _One_ thing is pretty _certain_--that _out_ of
the _present state_ of confusion and discordance, a _sound state_ of
_Parties_ will be obtained, and _two Parties_, as of old, will again
exist, without which it is _impossible_ to have a _strong_ Government.
_How_ these Parties will be formed it is impossible to say at present.
Now, with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 27: This uncertainty led to the Anti-Corn-Law
League, which had been dissolved in 1846, being revived.]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _19th March 1852._
(_Friday night, twelve o'clock._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
lays before your Majesty what has taken place in the House of Commons
to-night.
At the commencement of public business, Lord John Russell, in a very
full House, after some hostile comments, enquired of Her Majesty's
Ministers whether they were prepared to declare that Her Majesty will
be advised to dissolve the present Parliament, and call a new one,
with the least possible delay consistent with a due regard to the
public interest, in reference to measures of _urgent_ and _immediate_
necessity.
The question was recommended by Lord John Russell as one similar to
that put to him in 1841 by Sir Robert Peel.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer in reply observed that there was a
distinction between the position of the present Ministry and that
of Lord John Russell in 1841, as in that and in the other precedents
quoted in 1841 by Sir Robert Peel, the Ministry had been condemned by
a vote of the House of Commons.
He said it was not constitutional and most impolitic for any Ministers
to pledge themselves to recommend their Sovereign to dissolve
Parliament at any stated and specific time, as circumstances might
occur which would render the fulfilment of the pledge injurious or
impracticable; that it was the intention of the Ministers to recommend
your Majesty to dissolve the present Parliament the moment that such
measures were carried which were necessary for your Majesty's service,
and for the security _and good government_ of your Majesty's realm;
and that it was their wish and intention that the new Parliament
should meet to decide upon the question of confidence in the
Administration, and on the measures, which they could then bring
forward in the course of the present year.
This announcement was very favourably received.
The discomfiture of the Opposition is complete, and no further mention
of stopping or limiting supplies will be heard of.
All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's
most dutiful Subject and Servant,
B. DISRAELI.
[Pageheading: INTERVIEW WITH LORD DERBY]
[Pageheading: PROTECTION]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd March 1852._
We came to Town from Osborne the day before yesterday, and saw Lord
Derby yesterday afternoon, who is in very good spirits about the
prospect of affairs. He told the Queen that he thought he might state
that the Government had gained a good deal of ground during the
last week, and that there was now a general disposition to let the
necessary measures pass Parliament, and to have the dissolution the
end of June or beginning of July. He hoped the Queen did not think
he had gone too far in pledging the Crown to a Dissolution about that
time; but it was impossible to avoid saying as much as that a new
Parliament would meet in the autumn again, and have settled the
commercial policy before Christmas.
To the Queen's questions, whether there would not be great excitement
in the country produced by the General Election, and whether
Parliament ought not to meet immediately after it, he replied that he
was not the least afraid of much excitement, and that there was
great advantage in not meeting Parliament immediately again, as the
Government would require a few months to prepare its measures, and to
take a sound view of the new position of affairs. He anticipated that
there would be returned a large proportion of Conservatives, some Free
Traders, some Protectionists; but not a majority for the re-imposition
of a duty on corn, _certainly_ not a majority large enough to justify
him in proposing such a Measure. Now he was sure he could not with
honour or credit abandon that Measure unless the country had given its
decision against it; but then he would have most carefully to consider
how to revise the general state of taxation, so as to give that relief
to the agricultural interest which it had a right to demand.
He had received the most encouraging and flattering letters from the
agriculturists of different parts of the country, all reposing the
most explicit confidence in him, and asking him not to sacrifice the
Government for the sake of an immediate return to Protection. They
felt what Lord Derby must say he felt himself, that, after the fall of
this Government, there would necessarily come one of a more democratic
tendency than any the country had yet had to submit to. He thought
most politicians saw this, and would rally round a Conservative
standard; he knew that even many of the leading Whigs were very much
dissatisfied with the company they find themselves thrown into and
alarmed at the progress of Democracy.
ALBERT.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd March 1852._
... Here matters have improved rather for the Government, and it seems
now that they will be able to get through the Session, to dissolve
Parliament at the end of June or beginning of July, and to meet again
in November. And then Protection will be done away with. If only they
had not done so much harm, and played with it for six long years! What
you say of the advantage of having had Governments from all parties
we have often felt and do feel; it renders changes much less
disagreeable. In the present case our acquaintance is confined almost
entirely to Lord Derby, but then _he is_ the Government. They do
_nothing_ without him. He has all the Departments to look after, and
on being asked by somebody if he was not much tired, he said: "I am
quite well with my babies!..."
VICTORIA R.
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _29th March 1852._
(_Monday night._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
informs your Majesty of what has occurred in the House of Commons
to-night.
Mr Secretary Walpole introduced the Militia Bill in a statement
equally perspicuous and persuasive.
Opposed by Mr Hume and Mr Gibson, the Government Measure was cordially
supported by Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell, while he expressed an opinion favourable to
increased defence, intimated a preference for regular troops.
Mr Cobden made one of his cleverest speeches, of the cosmopolitan
school, and was supported with vigour by Mr Bright. A division is
threatened by the ultra-Movement party, but the Chancellor of the
Exchequer hopes to ward it off, and is somewhat sanguine of ultimate
success in carrying the Measure.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _30th March 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your dear letter of the 26th,
which I received on Saturday. Here we shall have some trouble with
our Militia Bill, which all of a sudden seems to have caused
dissatisfaction and alarm. Lord Derby is quite prepared to drop
Protection, as he knows that the Elections will bring a Free Trade,
though a Conservative majority. Mr Disraeli (_alias_ Dizzy) writes
very curious reports to me of the House of Commons proceedings--much
in the style of his books....
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ITALY]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th April 1852._
The Queen hopes that both Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury will give
their earnest attention to the change in the politics of Italy, which
is evidently on the point of taking place, according to the enclosed
despatch from Mr Hudson.[28] What Count Azeglio[29] says in his
Memorandum with respect to Austria is perfectly just. But France, as
the champion of Italian liberty and independence, would become most
formidable to the rest of Europe, and Louis Napoleon, in assuming for
her this position, would be only following the example of his uncle,
which we know to be his constant aim.[30]
[Footnote 28: British Envoy at Turin.]
[Footnote 29: Premier of Sardinia.]
[Footnote 30: Lord Derby in reply, after reviewing the whole
matter, counselled non-interference, the keeping of a vigilant
watch on French and Austrian actions, encouragement of
Sardinia in her constitutional action, and the making use of
any opportunity to secure both the independence of Piedmont
and the reform of the Papal Administration.]
[FRANCE AND ITALY]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th April 1852._
The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 11th inst., in which
he states very clearly the difficulties which stand in the way of an
active interference of this country in the affairs of Italy. The Queen
did not mean to recommend in her letter of the 10th on this subject
any active interference, as she is of opinion that our present want
of due influence in Italy is chiefly owing to our former ill-judged
over-activity. The Queen agrees therefore entirely with Lord Derby
in thinking that "all that can be done now is carefully to watch the
proceedings of France and Austria in this matter, so as to profit by
every good opportunity to protect the independence of Piedmont, and,
if possible, produce some improvement in the internal Government of
Rome," and she would accordingly like to see her respective Foreign
Ministers instructed in this sense.
The Queen continues, however, to look with apprehension to the
possible turn which the affairs of Italy may take, proceeding from the
political views of the President. It is not improbable that he may act
now that he is omnipotent upon the views contained in his celebrated
letter to Edgar Ney in 1849, which were at the time disapproved by
the Assembly.[31] He will feel the necessity of doing something to
compensate the French for what they have lost by him at home, to
turn their attention from home affairs to those abroad, and to the
acquisition of power and influence in Europe; and certainly, were he
to head Italian liberty and independence, his power of doing mischief
would be immense. After all, such an attempt would not be more
inconsistent for him than it was for General Cavaignac, as President
of the _Republique Democratique_, to get rid of the Roman Republic,
and to reinstate the Pope by force of arms.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to communicate this letter to Lord
Malmesbury, from whom she has also just heard upon this subject.
[Footnote 31: In this letter the President of the Republic had
expressed his admiration at the conduct of the French troops
in the Roman expedition under General Oudinot, and his warm
approval of the policy that led to the campaign.]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _19th April 1852._
(_Monday night, half-past twelve._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
reports to your Majesty that, after a dull debate, significant only
by two of the subordinate Members of the late Administration declaring
their hostility to the Militia Bill, Lord John Russell rose at eleven
o'clock and announced his determination to oppose the second
reading of it.[32] His speech was one of his ablest--statesmanlike,
argumentative, terse, and playful; and the effect he produced was
considerable.
Your Majesty's Government, about to attempt to reply to it, gave way
to Lord Palmerston, who changed the feeling of the House, and indeed
entirely carried it away in a speech of extraordinary vigour and
high-spirited tone.
The Ministers were willing to have taken the division on his Lordship
sitting down, but as the late Government wished to reply, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer would not oppose the adjournment of the
debate.
The elements of calculation as to the division are very complicated,
but the Chancellor of the Exchequer is still inclined to believe that
the second reading of the Bill will be carried.
[Footnote 32: This tactical blunder, much condemned at the
time, estranged many of the Whigs from Lord John.]
[Pageheading: THE BUDGET]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th April 1852._
The Queen wishes to remind Lord Derby that the time for the
presentation of the Budget to the House of Commons being very close
at hand, none of the Measures referring to the finances of the country
which the Government may have to propose have as yet been laid before
her.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th April 1852._
The Queen has received Lord Derby's explanation of his views with
regard to the Budget,[33] and will be glad to see him on Wednesday at
three o'clock. She had been alarmed by vague rumours that it was the
intention of the Government to propose great changes in the present
financial system, which, with an adverse majority in the House
of Commons and at the eve of a Dissolution, must have led to much
confusion. She thinks the course suggested by Lord Derby to consider
the Budget merely as a provisional one for the current year, by far
the wisest, the more so as it will leave us a surplus of L2,000,000,
which is of the utmost importance in case of unforeseen difficulties
with Foreign Powers.[34]
[Footnote 33: Its chief feature was a renewal of the expiring
Income Tax.]
[Footnote 34: Accordingly, no financial changes were proposed
until after the General Election. See _post_, p. 406.]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _26th April._
(_Monday night, twelve o'clock._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your
Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the Militia Bill has been
carried (second reading) by an immense majority.
For 315
Against 165
The concluding portion of the debate was distinguished by the speeches
of Mr Sidney Herbert and Mr Walpole, who made their greatest efforts;
the first singularly happy in his treatment of a subject of which he
was master, and the last addressing the House with a spirit unusual
with him.
[Pageheading: FRANCE AND THE BOURBONS]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th April 1852._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you much for your kind and affectionate
letter of the 23rd. I have somehow or other contrived to lose my day,
for which reason I can only write a very short letter. It seems to be
generally believed that Louis Napoleon's assumption of the title of
Emperor is very near at hand, but they still think war is not likely,
as it would be such bad policy.
What you say about the ill-fated Spanish marriages, and the result of
the poor King's wishing to have no one but a Bourbon as Queen Isabel's
husband being that the _French won't_ have _any_ Bourbon, is indeed
strange. It is a melancholy result.
I shall certainly try and read Thiers' _Revolution, Consulat, et
Empire_, but I can hardly read _any_ books, my whole _lecture_ almost
being taken up by the immense quantity of despatches we have to read,
and then I have a good deal to write, and must then have a little
leisure time to rest, and _de me delasser_ and to get out. It is a
great deprivation, as I delight in reading. Still, I will not forget
your recommendation.
I am sorry to say _nothing_ is definitely settled about our dear
Crystal Palace. With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st May 1852._
The Queen has read with great interest the clear and able financial
statement which the Chancellor of the Exchequer made in the House of
Commons last night, and was glad to hear from him that it was well
received.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th May 1852._
With respect to this despatch from Lord Howden,[35] the Queen wishes
to observe that hitherto we have on all similar occasions declined
accepting any Foreign Order for the Prince of Wales, on account of his
being too young and not even having any of the English Orders. Might
this not therefore be communicated to Lord Howden?
[Footnote 35: British Minister at Madrid.]
[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
OSBORNE, _27th May 1852._
The Queen returns the enclosed most interesting letters. It is evident
that the President is meeting with the first symptoms of a reviving
public feeling in France; whether this will drive him to hurry on the
Empire remains to be seen. All the Foreign Powers have to be careful
about is to receive an assurance that the _Empire_ does _not_ mean a
_return to the policy of the Empire_, but that the existing Treaties
will be acknowledged and adhered to.
The session seems to advance very rapidly. The Queen hails Lord
Derby's declaration of his conviction that a majority for a duty on
corn will not be returned to the new Parliament, as the first step
towards the abandonment of hostility to the Free Trade on which
our commercial policy is now established, and which has produced so
flourishing a condition of the finances of the country.
Mr Disraeli's speech about Spain was very good, though he had
certainly better not have alluded to Portugal.
We return to Town to-morrow.
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _21st June 1852._
(_Nine o'clock._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
reports to your Majesty that Lord John Russell introduced to the
notice of the House of Commons to-night the recent Minute of the
Committee of Council on Education.
Lord John Russell made a languid statement to a rather full House. His
speech was not very effective as it proceeded, and there was silence
when he sat down.
Then Mr Walpole rose and vindicated the Minute. He spoke with
animation, and was cheered when he concluded.
Sir Harry Verney followed, and the House very much dispersed; indeed
the discussion would probably have terminated when Sir Harry finished,
had not Mr Gladstone then risen. Mr Gladstone gave only a very guarded
approval to the Minute, which he treated as insignificant.
It was not a happy effort, and the debate, for a while revived by his
interposition, continued to languish until this hour (nine o'clock),
with successive relays of mediocrity, until it yielded its last gasp
in the arms of Mr Slaney.
The feeling of the House of Commons, probably in this representing
faithfully that of the country, is against both the violent parties in
the Church, and in favour of a firm, though temperate, course on the
part of the Crown, which may conciliate a vast majority, and tend to
terminate dissension.
[Pageheading: DISTURBANCES AT STOCKPORT]
_Queen Victoria to Mr Walpole._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st July 1852._
The Queen is much distressed at the account she has read in the papers
of the dreadful riot at Stockport,[36] alas! caused by that most
baneful of all Party feelings, _religious_ hatred,[37] and she is very
anxious to know what Mr Walpole has heard.
[Footnote 36: The Church question was brought into the
political arena in the General Election, which was now in
progress; much violence was manifested during the contest.]
[Footnote 37: "It is additional proof, if more were wanting,"
wrote Mr Walpole in reply, "that all Parties should forbear as
much as possible from the ostentatious parade of anything that
can provoke either the one or the other."]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _23rd July 1852._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... We are very much plagued by our Treaty with
France. Victor Hugo has written a book against Louis Napoleon, which
will exasperate him much, and which he publishes _here_; we can hardly
keep Victor Hugo here after that.[38] The great plague of all these
affairs is their constant return without the least advantage to any
one from the difficulties they created.... Your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 38: Victor Hugo (1802-1885) had founded the journal,
_L'Evenement_, in 1848: he was exiled in 1851, and published
_Napoleon le Petit_ in Belgium. After the fall of the Empire
he returned to France, and in 1877 published his _Histoire
d'un Crime_.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
OSBORNE, _26th August 1852._
The Queen has been considering the subject of the vacant Garter, and
the names which Lord Derby proposed to her. She is of opinion that
it would not be advisable on the whole to give the Garter to Lord
Londonderry; that the Duke of Northumberland has by far the strongest
claim to this distinction. At the same time, the Queen would have
no objection to bestow it on Lord Lonsdale, if this is desirable, in
order to facilitate any Ministerial arrangements which Lord Derby may
have in contemplation.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN INHERITS A FORTUNE]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _10th September 1852._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... That Mr Neild[39] should have left that
great fortune to you delighted me; it gives the possibility of forming
a private fortune for the Royal Family, the necessity of which nobody
can deny. Such things only still happen in England, where there exists
loyalty and strong affection for Royalty, a feeling unfortunately
much diminished on the Continent of Europe, though it did exist there
also....
[Footnote 39: John Camden Neild, an eccentric and miserly
bachelor, nominally a barrister, died on the 30th of August,
bequeathing substantially the whole of his fortune (amounting
to half a million) to the Queen. As there were no known
relatives, the Queen felt able to accept this legacy; but she
first increased the legacies to the executors from L100 to
L1000 each, made provision for Mr Neild's servants and others
who had claims on him, restored the chancel of North Marston
Church, Bucks, where he was buried, and inserted a window
there to his memory.]
[Pageheading: DEATH OF DUKE OF WELLINGTON]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BALMORAL, _17th September 1852._
The death of the Duke of Wellington[40] has deprived the Country of
her greatest man, the Crown of its most valuable servant and adviser,
the Army of its main strength and support. We received the sad news
on an expedition from Allt-na-Giuthasach to the Dhu Loch (one of
the wildest and loneliest spots of the Highlands) at four o'clock
yesterday afternoon. We hurried home to Allt-na-Giuthasach, and to-day
here, where it became important to settle with Lord Derby the mode of
providing for the command of the Army, and the filling up of the many
posts and places which the Duke had held.
[Footnote 40: The Duke passed away at Walmer on the 14th of
September, in his eighty-fourth year.]
I had privately prepared a list of the mode in which this should be
done, and discussed it with Victoria, and found, to both Lord Derby's
and our astonishment, that it tallied in _every_ point with the
recommendations which he had thought of making.
I explained to Lord Derby the grounds upon which I thought it better
not to assume the Command myself, and told him of the old Duke's
proposal, two years ago, to prepare the way to my assuming the Command
by the appointment of a Chief of the Staff, on Sir Willoughby Gordon's
death, and the reasons on which I then declined the offer. Lord Derby
entirely concurred in my views, and seemed relieved by my explanation;
we then agreed that for the loss of _authority_ which we had lost with
the Duke, we could only make up by increase in _efficiency_ in the
appointments to the different offices. That Lord Hardinge was the only
man fit to command the Army.
He should then receive the Command-in-Chief. The Ordnance which
he would vacate should be given to Lord Fitzroy Somerset,
hitherto Military Secretary (with the offer of a peerage).[41] The
Constableship of the Tower to Lord Combermere; the Garter to Lord
Londonderry; the Grenadier Guards and the Rifle Brigade to me; the
Fusiliers vacated by me to the Duke of Cambridge (or the Coldstream,
Lord Strafford exchanging to the Fusiliers); the 60th Rifles vacated
by me to Lord Beresford; the Rangership of the Parks in London to
George (Duke of Cambridge); the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports to Lord
Dalhousie; the Lieutenancy of Hampshire to Lord Winchester. I reserved
to me the right of considering whether I should not assume the command
of the Brigade of Guards which the Duke of York held in George IV.'s
time, to which William IV. appointed himself, and which has been
vacant ever since Victoria's accession, although inherent to the
Constitution of the Guards.
[Footnote 41: He became Lord Raglan.]
Lord Derby had thought of George for the Command-in-Chief, as an
alternative for Lord Hardinge, but perceived that his rank as
a Major-General and youth would hardly entitle him to such an
advancement. He would have carried no weight with the public, and we
must not conceal from ourselves that many attacks on the Army which
have been sleeping on account of the Duke will now be forthcoming.
Victoria wishes the Army to mourn for the Duke as long as for a member
of the Royal Family.
Lord Derby proposes a public funeral, which cannot take place,
however, before the meeting of Parliament in November. He is to find
out how this is to be accomplished on account of the long interval.
The correspondence here following[42] shows what doubts exist as to
the person in whom the Command of the Army is vested in case of a
vacancy. I consider Lord Palmerston's letter as a mere attempt
to arrogate supreme power for his Office,[43] which rests on no
foundation. The Secretary at War has no authority whatever except over
money, whilst the Commander-in-Chief has no authority to spend a penny
without the Secretary at War.
ALBERT.
[Footnote 42: These letters, which are of no special
importance, contained a statement from Lord Palmerston to the
effect that the appointment to the Commandership-in-Chief was
vested in the Secretary at War.]
[Footnote 43: Lord Palmerston had held the office of Secretary
at War from 1809 to 1828.]
[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BALMORAL, _17th September 1852._