of the 8th. It is a good thing for Leo to begin to follow in your
footsteps, but (if I may speak out plainly), I think that anything
like _fonctions_ and _representation_ is agreeable and _not_ difficult
to Leo. It is the common contact with his fellow-creatures, the being
put on a par with him, the being brought to feel that he is as much
_one_ of them as any other, in spite of his birth, which I think of
such great importance for him, and I therefore hope you will send him
to _Bonn_.
My letter is terribly _decousu_, for it has been twice interrupted.
I was out the whole day with Albert, in the forest in a perfectly
tropical heat. Since we went to Allt-na-Giuthasach, our little bothy
near Loch Muich on the 12th, the heat of the sun has been daily
increasing, and has reached a pitch which makes it almost sickening to
be out in it, though it is beautiful to behold. The sky these last two
evenings has been like an Italian one, and for the last few days--at
least the last four--without the slightest particle of cloud, and the
sun blazing. With this, not a breath of air. The mountains look quite
crimson and lilac, and everything glows with the setting sun.
The evenings are quite a _relief_. Really one cannot undertake
expeditions, the heat is so great. We thought of you, and wished you
could be here; you would fancy yourself in Italy.
Albert got a splendid stag to-day. I must hastily conclude, hoping
to hear from you that you _will come_. Our moonlights have been
magnificent also. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BALMORAL CASTLE, _22nd September 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to you on purpose on this large paper in
order that you may see and admire it. Landseer did it also on purpose,
and I think it is even finer than the other. It is so truly the
character of the noble animal.
That abuse of the poor Orleans family in our papers is abominable,
and Lord John is equally shocked at it, but won't interfere. Don't you
think Joinville should not have left it open for him to accept it, for
it is _impossible_ for _him_ to be _President_ of the French Republic?
Still, I feel convinced that he and they _all_ do what they think best
for _France_.
I must conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHS]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
SHIEL OF ALLT-NA-GIUTHASACH, _30th September 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to you from our little bothy in the hills,
which is quite a wilderness--where we arrived yesterday evening after
a long hill expedition to the Lake of Loch Nagar, which is one of the
wildest spots imaginable. It was very cold. To-day it pours so that I
hardly know if we shall be able to get out, or home even. We are
not _snowed_, but _rained up_. Our little Shiel is very snug and
comfortable, and we have got a little piano in it. Lady Douro is with
us.
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 22nd. Our warm, fine weather
left us on the 25th, and we have had storm and snow in the mountains
ever since then.
The position of Princes is no doubt difficult in these times, but
it would be much less so if they would behave honourably and
straightforwardly, giving the people gradually those privileges which
would satisfy all the reasonable and well-intentioned, and would
weaken the power of the Red Republicans; instead of that, _reaction_
and a return to all the tyranny and oppression is the cry and the
principle--and all papers and books are being seized and prohibited,
as in the days of Metternich!...
Vicky was kicked off her pony--a quiet beast--but not the least hurt;
this is more than three weeks ago. Alfred (whom you will recollect
I told you was so terribly heedless and entirely indifferent to all
punishment, etc.) tumbled downstairs last week. He was not seriously
hurt at all, and quite well the next morning, only with a terribly
black, green, and yellow face and very much swelled. He might have
been killed; he is always bent upon self-destruction, and one hardly
knows what to do, for he don't mind being hurt or scolded or punished;
and the very next morning he tried to go down the stairs leaning over
the banisters just as he had done when he fell.
Alas! this will be my last letter but one from the dear Highlands. We
start on the 7th, visiting Liverpool and Manchester on our way back,
and expect to be at Windsor on the 11th.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: THE HIGHLANDS]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BALMORAL CASTLE, _6th October 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Only two words can I write to you, as we are to
start to-morrow morning. My heart is _bien gros_ at going from here.
I love my peaceful, wild Highlands, the glorious scenery, the
dear good people who are much attached to us, and who feel their
_Einsamkeit_ sadly, very much. One of our Gillies, a young Highlander
who generally went out with me, said, in answer to my observation that
they must be very dull here when we left: "It's just like death come
all at once." In addition to my sorrow at leaving this dear place,
I am in great sorrow at the loss of a dear and faithful, excellent
friend, whom you will sincerely lament--our good Lord Liverpool. He
was well and in the highest spirits with us only six weeks ago, and in
three days he was carried away. I cannot tell you _how_ it has upset
me; I have known him so long, and he was such an intimate friend of
ours. We received the news yesterday.
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 29th. I am glad all went off
so well, but it must have been dreadful to miss dearest Louise.
This time reminds me so much of all our sorrow last year on her dear
account.
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th October 1851._
The Queen returns Lord Howden's letter, and thinks that the best
answer to the Queen of Spain's request will be that the Statutes
do not allow the Garter to be bestowed upon a lady; that the Queen
herself possesses no order of knighthood from any country.[17]
With reference to the claim for the King arising out of the Prince
having received the Fleece, it may be well to say that the offer
of the Fleece had in the first instance been declined for fear of
establishing a ground for the necessity of giving the Garter in
return, and was at its second offer accepted by the Prince, together
with the first orders of almost every country, on the understanding
that no return would be expected. It would have been impossible to
give the Garter to every Sovereign, and very difficult to make a
selection. The Queen of Spain ought to be made aware of the fact that
among the reigning Sovereigns, the Emperors of Austria and Brazil,
and the Kings of Sweden, Denmark, Bavaria, Holland, Sardinia, Naples,
Greece, etc., etc., have not got the Garter, although many of them
have expressed a wish for it, and that amongst the Kings Consort, the
King of Portugal, the Queen's first cousin, has not received it yet,
although the Queen has long been anxious to give it to him.
Anything short of these explanations might offend, or leave the claim
open to be repeated from time to time.
[Footnote 17: The Queen of Spain had expressed a desire
through Lord Howden to receive the Order of the Garter.]
[Pageheading: EXTENSION OF THE FRANCHISE]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _14th October 1851._
Lord Carlisle, Lord Minto, and Sir Charles Wood are appointed a
Committee to consider of the extension of the Suffrage. They meet
to-morrow. Lord John Russell expects to see Mr Peel to-morrow. It is
proposed that Parliament should meet on the 3rd or 5th of February....
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th October 1851._
The Queen does not consider the Committee appointed to consider the
extension of the Franchise a very strong one. Will Lord Carlisle be up
to the peculiar business?
[Pageheading: KOSSUTH IN ENGLAND]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._[18]
WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th October 1851._
The Queen concludes Lord John Russell has read the accounts of
Kossuth's arrival in to-day's papers.
She wishes Lord John could still try to prevent Lord Palmerston from
receiving him. The effect it will have abroad will do us immense harm.
At all events, Lord John should take care to have it understood that
the Government have not sanctioned it, and that it is a private act of
Lord Palmerston's.
The Queen will else have again to submit to insults and affronts,
which are the result of Lord Palmerston's conduct.
[Footnote 18: Substance of the note to Lord John Russell,
written down from recollection.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th October 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
is sorry to say he can interfere no further with respect to Lord
Palmerston's reception of Kossuth.
With respect to the manner of the reception, however, he will write to
Lord Palmerston to desire him to take care that nothing is said which
goes beyond the strict expression of thanks for the efforts made
by the British Government to procure first the safety, and next the
liberty, of Kossuth.
As for the reception, it is to be considered that Kossuth is
considered the representative of English institutions against
despotism.
If this were so the public feeling would be laudable.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _31st October 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has the
honour to submit to your Majesty a correspondence[19] which has taken
place between Lord Palmerston and himself.
After Lord Palmerston's answer, Lord John Russell can have but little
hope that Lord Palmerston will not see M. Kossuth. Lord John Russell
cannot separate the private from the public man in this instance; the
reception of Kossuth, if it takes place, will be a reception by
your Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether that
reception is to take place in Downing Street or Carlton Terrace does
not appear to him material.
Lord John Russell would, as a last resource, humbly advise your
Majesty to command Lord Palmerston not to receive M. Kossuth.
It appears to him that your Majesty owes this mark of respect to
your Majesty's ally, and generally to all States at peace with this
country.
Lord John Russell has no other copy of this letter to Lord Palmerston.
[Footnote 19: Lord Palmerston wished to receive Kossuth at the
Foreign Office. In the correspondence here referred to, which
will be found in Russell's _Life_, the Premier "positively
requested" Lord Palmerston to decline to receive Kossuth. The
rejoinder, written while the messenger waited, was: "There are
limits to all things. I do not choose to be dictated to as to
who I may or may not receive in my own house.... I shall use
my own discretion.... You will, of course, use yours as to the
composition of your Government."]
[Pageheading: KOSSUTH AND PALMERSTON]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st October 1851._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, and returns the
enclosures. She likewise sends him her letter to Lord Palmerston,
which she begs him to send on, merely changing the label. She
must tell Lord John, however, that although _he_ may go on with a
_colleague_, even after having received an answer like the one Lord
Palmerston has returned to the many entreaties not to compromise the
Government by his personal act, the Queen cannot expose herself to
having her positive commands disobeyed by one of her public servants,
and that should Lord Palmerston persist in his intention he cannot
continue as her Minister. She refrains from any expression upon Lord
Palmerston's conduct in this matter, as Lord John is well aware of her
feelings.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._[20]
WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st October 1851._
The Queen mentioned to Lord Palmerston when he was last here at
Windsor Castle that she thought it would not be advisable that he
should receive M. Kossuth upon his arrival in England, as being wholly
unnecessary, and likely to be misconstrued abroad. Since M. Kossuth's
arrival in this country, and his violent denunciations of two
Sovereigns with whom we are at peace, the Queen thinks that she owes
it as a mark of respect to her Allies, and generally to all States at
peace with this country, not to allow that a person endeavouring to
excite a political agitation in this country against her Allies should
be received by her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether
such a reception should take place at his official or private
residence can make no difference as to the public nature of the act.
The Queen must therefore demand that the reception of M. Kossuth by
Lord Palmerston should not take place.
[Footnote 20: Draft sent to Lord John Russell.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _31st October 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Since
writing to your Majesty this morning it has occurred to him that it
will be best that your Majesty should not give any commands to Lord
Palmerston on his sole advice.
With this view he has summoned the Cabinet for Monday, and he humbly
proposes that your Majesty should await their advice.
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st October 1851._
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She thinks it
natural that Lord John should wish to bring a matter which may cause
a rupture in the Government before the Cabinet, but thinks his having
summoned the Cabinet only for Monday will leave Lord Palmerston at
liberty in the intermediate time to have his reception of Kossuth, and
then rest on his _fait accompli_. Unless, therefore, Lord John
Russell can bind him over to good conduct, all the mischief which
is apprehended from this step of his will result; and he will have,
moreover, the triumph of having carried his point, and having set the
Prime Minister at defiance....
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _1st November 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he is
deeply sensible of your Majesty's kindness and indulgence. He feels
that he is at times overwhelmed by the importance and variety of the
questions of which the principal weight lies upon him.
He now lays before your Majesty a copy of the letter he has written
to Lord Palmerston.[21] With a grateful sense of your Majesty's
confidence, he is now of opinion that the Cabinet should decide, and
that no part of the burden should be placed upon your Majesty.
He therefore returns the letter to Lord Palmerston.
He summoned the Cabinet for Monday, as so many members of it are at a
distance. He does not think Lord Palmerston will come to town before
Monday.
[Footnote 21: The letter is printed in Lord Palmerston's
_Life_. The Premier stated that the question, being one of
grave public importance, must be decided by argument, not
passion, and would be considered by the Cabinet on the
following Monday. _See_ Walpole's _Russell_, chap. xxii.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st November 1851._
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of this day,
and returns the copy of his to Lord Palmerston. She feels that she has
the right and the duty to demand that one of her Ministers should not
by his private acts, compromise her and the country, and therefore
omitted in her letter to Lord Palmerston all reference to Lord John
Russell's opinion; but she of course much prefers that she should
be protected from the wilful indiscretions of Lord Palmerston by the
attention of the Cabinet being drawn to his proceedings without her
personal intervention.[22]
[Footnote 22: The Cabinet met, and having listened to the
statement of the Premier, which is printed in his _Life_,
unanimously supported him. Lord Palmerston accordingly gave
way for the time being. Lord John informed the Queen of the
result.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd November 1851._
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She is very
glad to hear that this matter has been amicably arranged, and she
trusts that Lord Palmerston will act according to his promises.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th November 1851._
The Queen sends this draft to Lord John Russell, as she thinks the
tone in which it is written so very ironical, and not altogether
becoming for a public despatch from the English Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, to be given to the Minister of another State. The substance
is quite right, and a dignified explanation of the absurdity of the
conduct of the Parma officials would very likely produce its effect,
but some expressions in this draft could only tend to irritate, and
therefore prevent that readiness to comply with our demand, which is
to be produced.[23]
[Footnote 23: Before ten days had elapsed, Lord Palmerston had
resumed his high-handed methods.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th November 1851._
The Queen must write to-day to Lord John Russell on a subject which
causes her much anxiety. Her feelings have again been deeply wounded
by the official conduct of her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
since the arrival of M. Kossuth in this country. The Queen feels the
best interests of her people, the honour and dignity of her Crown, her
public and personal obligations towards those Sovereigns with whom
she _professes_ to be on terms of peace and amity, most unjustifiably
exposed. The Queen has unfortunately very often had to call upon Lord
John to check his colleague in the dangerous and unbecoming course
which at various times he has so wilfully persevered in pursuing. But
Lord John Russell, although agreeing on most of these occasions with
the view taken by the Queen, has invariably met her remonstrances with
the plea that to push his interference with Lord Palmerston
beyond what he had done would lead to a rupture with him, and thus
necessarily to a breaking up of the Cabinet. The Queen, considering
a change of her Government under present political circumstances
dangerous to the true interests of the nation, had only to choose
between two evils, without possessing sufficient confidence in her own
judgment to decide which in its political consequences would turn out
the least. But if in such a contingency the Queen chooses rather not
to insist upon what is due to her, she thinks it indispensable at the
same time to express to her Cabinet that she does so on their account,
leaving it to them to reconcile the injuries done to her with that
sound policy and conduct which the maintenance of peace and the
welfare of the country require. These remarks seem to be especially
called for after the report of the official interview between Lord
Palmerston and the deputation from Finsbury,[24] and the Queen
requests Lord John Russell to bring them under the notice of the
Cabinet.
[Footnote 24: After Kossuth's departure, addresses of thanks
to Lord Palmerston, for his courteous attentions to Kossuth,
were voted by ultra-Radical meetings in Finsbury and
Islington, and he allowed a deputation to present the
addresses to him at the Foreign Office, the Emperors of
Austria and Russia being stigmatised therein as "odious and
detestable assassins" and "merciless tyrants and despots."
Palmerston, who expressed himself as "extremely flattered and
highly gratified" by the references to himself, did not in
terms reprehend the language used of the two Sovereigns, and
added, in a phrase immortalised by Leech's cartoon, that
"a good deal of judicious bottle-holding was obliged to be
brought into play."]
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _21st November 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the
honour of receiving last night your Majesty's communication respecting
Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell presumes that it is the substance of this
communication which your Majesty wishes to be laid before the Cabinet.
But before doing so he cannot refrain from mentioning some
circumstances which appear to him to weigh materially in the
consideration of Lord Palmerston's conduct.
In many instances Lord Palmerston has yielded to the remonstrances of
Lord John Russell, supported as they have been by your Majesty.
He did so on the question of furnishing guns to the Sicilians.
He did so in respect to the letter to Baron Koller on the affair of
Count Haynau.
He gave way likewise in this last instance, when, after assuring Lord
Dudley Stuart that he would see Kossuth whenever he chose to call
upon him, he consented to intimate privately to Lord Dudley that he
requested him not to call.
This last concession must have been mortifying to Lord Palmerston,
and he has consoled himself in a manner not very dignified by giving
importance to the inflated addresses from some meetings in the suburbs
of London.
But it appears to Lord John Russell that every Minister must have
a certain latitude allowed him which he may use, perhaps with
indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with no consequence of
sufficient importance to deserve notice.
Lord John Russell must, however, call your Majesty's attention to an
article in the _Morning Post_, which denies the accuracy of the report
of Lord Palmerston's answer to what is there called "the froth and
folly of an address to Downing Street."
Lord John Russell, in admitting that he has more than once represented
to your Majesty that the expulsion of Lord Palmerston would break up
the Government, begs to explain that he has always done so upon one of
two grounds:
First, if Lord Palmerston should be called upon by your Majesty to
resign on account of a line of Foreign Policy of which his colleagues
had approved, and for which they were, with him, responsible.
Second, in case no difference of opinion had arisen, and the
transaction should bear the character of an intrigue, to get rid of an
inconvenient colleague.
It must be remembered that Lord Palmerston was recommended to the late
King by Lord Grey as Foreign Secretary, and remained in that Office
from 1830 to 1834; that he was afterwards replaced in the same Office
by Lord Melbourne, and remained from 1835 to 1841.
He has thus represented the Foreign Policy of the Whig Party fifteen
years, and has been approved not only by them but by a large portion
of the country. In the advice which Lord John Russell has humbly
tendered to your Majesty, he has always had in view the importance
of maintaining the popular confidence which your Majesty's name
everywhere inspires. Somewhat of the good opinion of the Emperor of
Russia and other foreign Sovereigns may be lost, but the good will and
affection of the people of England are retained, a great security in
these times.
Lord John Russell has made out a note of his address to the Cabinet
for your Majesty's information. He prays to have it returned.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and returns the note
on his former communication to the Cabinet. If Lord John felt on the
3rd of November that "above all, it behoves us to be particularly
cautious and not to afford just ground of complaint to any Party,
and that we cannot be too vigilant or weigh our proceedings too
scrupulously"--the Queen cannot suppose that Lord John considers the
official reception by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
of addresses, in which allied Sovereigns are called Despots and
Assassins, as within that "latitude" which he claims for every
minister, "which he may use perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps with
bad taste, but with no consequence of sufficient importance to deserve
notice."
The Queen leaves it to Lord John Russell whether he will lay her
letter, or only the substance of it, before the Cabinet;[25] but she
hopes that they will make that careful enquiry into the justice of
her complaint which she was sorry to miss altogether in Lord John
Russell's answer. It is no question with the Queen whether she pleases
the Emperor of Austria or not, but whether she gives him a just ground
of complaint or not. And if she does so, she can never believe that
this will add to her popularity with her own people. Lord John's
letter must accordingly have disappointed her as containing a mere
attempt at a defence of Lord Palmerston. Lord John sees one cause of
excuse in Lord Palmerston's natural desire to console himself for the
mortification of having had to decline seeing M. Kossuth; the Queen
has _every reason to believe_ that he has seen him after all.
[Footnote 25: On the 4th of December the matter came before
the Cabinet. No formal resolution was adopted, but regret was
expressed at Palmerston's want of caution in not ascertaining
in advance the tenor of the addresses, and in admitting
unreliable reporters.]
[Pageheading: DEATH OF KING OF HANOVER]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter with the
Memorandum relative to the mourning of her Uncle, the late King of
Hanover,[26] and she has to say in reply that she thinks the mourning
ought not to be for a Foreign Sovereign but for a Prince of the Blood
Royal, which was the nearest relation in which he stood to the Throne.
[Footnote 26: King Ernest died on the 18th of November, aged
eighty, and was succeeded by his son, King George V., who
reigned till 1866, and died in 1878.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of Hanover._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._
MY DEAR GEORGE,--Your kind letter of the 18th, announcing to me the
melancholy news of the death of your Father, was given to me yesterday
by Mr Somerset, and I hasten to express to you in both our names our
sincere and heartfelt condolence, and beg you to do so in our names to
our dear Cousin Mary.[27]
It must be a consolation to you that the end of the King was peaceful
and so free from pain and suffering. Most truly do I enter into your
feelings as to the responsible position into which you are now placed,
and my best wishes for your welfare and happiness as well as that of
Hanover will ever accompany you. I am happy to hear from Mr Somerset
that you were well, as well as your dear Mary and dear children.
Albert desires me to say everything kind from him to you as well as
to our cousins, and with every possible good wish for your health and
prosperity, believe me always, my dear George, your very affectionate
Cousin,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 27: Princess Mary of Saxe-Altenburg (1818-1907),
wife of King George V. of Hanover.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
CARLTON GARDENS, _22nd November 1851._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty and has
taken the proper steps according to your Majesty's commands, about
the mourning for the late King of Hanover; and he would wish to
know whether it is your Majesty's desire that he should have
letters prepared for your Majesty's signature, announcing to Foreign
Sovereigns the decease of the late King.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _22nd November 1851._
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter.
The Queen does not think it necessary for her to announce the King of
Hanover's death to other Sovereigns, as there is a head of that branch
of her Family who would have to do so. She declared the present King's
marriage in Council, but she does not think that she announced it.
This Lord Palmerston would perhaps be able to ascertain at the Office.
[Pageheading: THE REFORM QUESTION]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _3rd December 1851._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of the 30th ult.,
and has carefully considered his Memorandum on the report of
the Committee of the Cabinet; she now returns Sir Charles Wood's
Memorandum.
Considering the question of Reform under its two bearings--on the
Franchise and on the Suffrage--the Queen thinks the proposal of merely
adding neighbouring towns to the small boroughs an improvement on the
original plan, which contemplated the taking away of members from some
boroughs, and giving them to others. Thus the animosity may be hoped
to be avoided which an attack upon vested interests could not
have failed to have produced. Much will depend, however, upon the
completeness, fairness, and impartiality with which the selection of
the towns will be made which are to be admitted into the electoral
district of others. Sir Charles Wood's Memorandum being only a sketch,
the Queen hopes to see a more complete list, stating the principle
also upon which the selection is made.
With regard to the Suffrage, the proposals of the Committee appear
to the Queen to be framed with a due regard to the importance of not
giving an undue proportion of weight to the Democracy. In the
Queen's opinion, the chief question to consider will be whether the
strengthening of the Democratic principle will upset the balance of
Constitution, and further weaken the Executive, which is by no means
too strong at present. The Queen is well aware of the difficulty of
forming a correct estimate beforehand of the moral effect which such
extensive changes may produce, but thinks that they cannot even be
guessed at before the numerical results are accurately ascertained;
she hopes therefore that the statistics will be soon in a state to be
laid before her.
The Queen regrets that the idea of reviving the Guilds had to be
abandoned, but can quite understand the difficulty which would have
been added to the measure by its being clogged with such an additional
innovation.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _2nd December 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the
28th. I am truly grieved to hear that you have got so bad a cold;
nothing is more trying and annoying than those heavy colds, which
render _all_ occupation irksome and trying in the highest degree. I
hope that it will soon be past.
It is a great pity that you do not venture to come to us, as I am sure
you might do it easily. I do not think that there will be any outburst
yet awhile in France....
I am rather unhappy about dear Uncle Mensdorff, who, I hear, has
arrived at Vienna with gout in his head. I hope, however, soon to hear
of his being much better....
[Pageheading: THE COUP D'ETAT]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _4th December 1851._
DEAREST UNCLE,--I must write a line to ask what you say to the
_wonderful_ proceedings at Paris, which really seem like a _story_ in
a book or a play! What is to be the result of it all?[28]
I feel ashamed to have written _so positively_ a few hours before that
nothing would happen.
We are anxiously waiting for to-day's news--though I should hope that
the Troops were to be depended upon, and _order_ for the present would
prevail. I hope that none of the Orleans Family will move a limb or
say a word, but remain perfectly passive.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 28: On the 2nd of December, Louis Napoleon seized
the Government of France, arrested his chief opponents, put
an end to the National Assembly and Council of State, and
declared Paris in a state of siege.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _4th December 1851._
The Queen has learnt with surprise and concern the events which have
taken place at Paris.[29] She thinks it is of great importance that
Lord Normanby should be instructed to remain entirely passive, and to
take no part whatever in what is passing. Any word from him might be
misconstrued at such a moment.
[Footnote 29: On the 3rd the tidings of the _coup d'etat_
reached London. Count Walewski announced it to Lord
Palmerston, who expressed his approval of it, and wrote to
Lord Normanby the letter printed in his _Life_, disavowing
surprise that the President had struck the blow when he did,
"for it is now well known here that the Duchess of Orleans was
preparing to be called to Paris this week with her younger son
to commence a new period of Orleans dynasty."]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _4th December 1851._
(6 P.M.)
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Your
Majesty's directions respecting the state of affairs in Paris shall
be followed. Lord Normanby[30] has asked whether he should suspend his
diplomatic functions; but the Cabinet were unanimously of opinion that
he should not do so.
The result is very uncertain; at present the power is likely to rest
in the Army, to whose memory of victories and defeats the President
has so strongly appealed.
[Footnote 30: Lord Normanby, having applied for instructions
as to his future conduct, was desired to make no change in his
relations with the French Government, and to abstain from even
the appearance of interference in her internal affairs. Having
made a communication to this effect to M. Turgot, the latter
replied that M. Walewski had notified to him that Lord
Palmerston had already expressed to him his "entire
approbation of the act of the President," and his "conviction
that he could not have acted otherwise."]
[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _5th December 1851._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my best thanks for your dear gracious
letter of the 2nd, the date of the battle of Austerlitz, and the _coup
d'etat_ at Paris. What do you say to it?
As yet one cannot form an opinion, but I am inclined to think that
Louis Bonaparte will succeed. The country is tired and wish quiet, and
if they get it by this _coup d'etat_ they will have no objection, and
let _le Gouvernement Parlementaire et Constitutionnel_ go to sleep for
a while.
I suspect that the great Continental powers will see a military
Government at Paris with pleasure; they go rather far in their hatred
of everything Parliamentary. The President takes a little of Napoleon
already. I understand that he expressed himself displeased, as if I
had too much supported the Orleans Family. I render perfect justice to
the President, that hitherto he has not plagued us; but we have
also abstained from all interference. I think that Helene has been
imprudent; besides, it is difficult for the poor Family to avoid to
speak on these subjects or to express themselves with mildness.
If something like an Empire establishes itself, perhaps we shall for
a time have much to suffer, as the _gloire francaise_ invariably looks
to the old frontiers. My hope is that they will necessarily have much
to do at home, for a time, as parties will run high.... Your devoted
Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _6th December 1851._
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday.
She is glad to hear that the Cabinet occupy themselves assiduously
with the Reform Question, but hopes that they will not come to a final
decision without having first ascertained how the proposed plan will
operate when practically applied to the present state of the Franchise
and Suffrage. The Queen is very anxious to arrive at a definite
opinion on this subject herself.
The Queen sees from the Manchester Speeches that the _Ballot_ is to be
made the stalking-horse of the Radicals.
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S LETTERS]
_The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps._
PARIS, _7th December 1851._
MY DEAR CHARLES,--I have an opportunity of writing to you _not_
through the Foreign Office, which I shall take advantage of, as at
present the Post is not to be trusted, and I am afraid I do not think
the Office is either.
Palmerston has taken lately to writing in the most extraordinary
manner to Normanby.[31] I think he wants to fix a quarrel with him,
which you may be sure Normanby will avoid at present, as it would have
the worst possible effect; but I do not understand it at all, and I
wish you could in any way explain what it means. Palmerston seems very
angry because Normanby does not unqualifyingly approve of this step
here, and the results; the whole thing is so completely a _coup
d'etat_, and all the proceedings are so contrary to and devoid of law
and justice and security, that even the most violent Tory would be
staggered by them. (For instance, to-day _all_ the English papers,
even Normanby's, are stopped and prohibited; they will of course
allow Normanby's to come, but it is to be under an envelope), and yet
Palmerston, who quarrels with all Europe about a political adventurer
like Kossuth, because he was defending the liberties and constitution
of his country, now tries to quarrel with Normanby, and really writes
in the most impertinent manner, because Normanby's despatches are not
sufficiently in praise of Louis Napoleon and his _coup d'etat_. There
must be some _dessous des cartes_ that we are not aware of. Normanby
has always said, having been undertaken, the only thing now is to hope
and pray it may be successful; but that is another thing to approving
the way it was begun, or the way it has been carried out. The
bloodshed has been dreadful and indiscriminate, no quarter was shown,
and when an insurgent took refuge in a house, the soldiers killed
every one in the house, whether engaged in the _emeute_ or not....
It is very doubtful whether Normanby will be able to go on with
[Palmerston] if this sort of thing continues, for he talks of "I hear
this" and "I am told that," with reference to Normanby's conduct here,
which no man in his position can stand, as, if Palmerston takes the
_on-dits_ of others, and not Normanby's own accounts, there is an end
of confidence; but I must say his last letter appears to me a sort of
exuberance of anger, which spends itself on many subjects rather than
the one which first caused it, and therefore I suspect he has received
some rap on the knuckles at home, which he resents here, or on the
first person who is not of the same opinion as himself; but it is a
curious anomaly that he should quarrel with Normanby in support of
arbitrary and absolute Government. All is quiet here now, and will, I
hope, continue so till the Elections, when I suppose we may have some
more _emeutes_....
They have been told at the Clubs that they may meet, but they are
not to talk politics. In short, I do not suppose that despotism ever
reached such a pitch.... You may suppose what the French feel; it
serves them all quite right, but that does not prevent one's feeling
indignant at it. And this is what Palmerston is now supporting without
restriction. We are entirely without any other news from England
from any one. Would you not send me or Normanby a letter through
Rothschild? I am rather anxious to know whether this is a general
feeling in England; it could not be, if they know all that had
happened here. Mind, I can quite understand the policy of keeping well
with Louis Napoleon, and Normanby is so, and has never expressed to
any one a hostile opinion except in his despatches and private letters
to Palmerston.... I shall send this by a private hand, not to run the
risk of its being read. Ever yours affectionately,
M. NORMANBY.
[Footnote 31: On the 6th, Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord
Normanby the strange letter printed by Mr Evelyn Ashley in the
_Life_, censuring Lord Normanby's supposed hostility to
the French President; Lord Normanby in reply defended his
attitude, and asked for an explicit statement as to the
Foreign Secretary's approval or otherwise of the conduct and
policy of the President.]
[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _9th December 1851._
DEAREST UNCLE,--Your kind letter of the 5th reached me on Sunday
morning. Much blood has been shed since you wrote....
What you say about arbitrary and military Government in France is very
true, and I daresay will do for a time; but I do not know _how_ Louis
Napoleon is to proceed, or how he will get over the anger and enmity
of those he imprisoned. Still, I see that the Legitimists have all
given in their adhesion. Every one in France and elsewhere _must wish_
order, and many therefore rally round the President.
A most extraordinary report was mentioned to me yesterday, which,
however, I never could believe, and which is besides _physically
impossible_, from the illness of the one and the absence of the other,
viz. that Joinville and Aumale had gone or were going to Lille to put
themselves at the head of the troops,[32] which would be a terrible
and a very unwise thing. It would be very awkward for _you_ too.
I must now conclude, hoping soon to hear from you. You should urge the
poor Orleans family to be very prudent in what they say about passing
events, as I believe Louis Napoleon is very _sore_ on the subject, and
matters might get still worse. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 32: Mr Borthwick, of the _Morning Post_, had so
stated to Lord Palmerston on the authority of General de
Rumigny; seven years later Palmerston wrote the Memorandum on
the subject printed in his _Life_.]
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON AND NORMANBY]
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S INSTRUCTIONS]
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S APPROVAL]
_The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps._[33]
PARIS, _9th December 1851._
MY DEAREST CHARLES,--I had written a long letter to the Queen, and
upon second thoughts I have burnt it, because events have now become
so serious between Normanby and Palmerston that I do not think that I
should be the person to inform Her Majesty of it, in case anything was
to be said upon the subject in Parliament. And yet as the affront has
been given in Palmerston's private letters, I feel sure she does not
know it. You have all probably seen Normanby's public despatches, in
which, though as an Englishman he deprecates and deplores the means
employed and the pledges broken--in short, the unconstitutional
illegality of the whole _coup d'etat_--yet he always says, seeing now
no other refuge from Rouge ascendency, he hopes it may succeed. One
would have supposed, from the whole tenor of his policy, from his
Radical tendencies, and all that he has been doing lately, that
Palmerston would have been the last person to approve of this _coup
d'etat_. Not a bit! He turns upon Normanby in the most flippant
manner; almost accuses him of a concealed knowledge of an Orleanist
plot--never whispered here, nor I believe, even imagined by the
Government of Paris, who would have been too glad to seize upon it
as an excuse; says he compromises the relations of the country by his
evident disapproval of Louis Napoleon--in short, it is a letter that
Morny might have written, and that it is quite impossible for Normanby
to bear. The curious thing is that it is a letter or rather letters
that would completely ruin Palmerston with _his_ Party. He treats all
the acts of the wholesale cruelties of the troops as a joke--in short,
it is the letter of a man half mad, I think, for to quarrel with
Normanby on this subject is cutting his own throat.... He has written
also to Lord John. Louis Napoleon knows perfectly well that Normanby
cannot approve the means he has taken; he talks to him confidentially,
and treats him as an honest, upright man, and he never showed him
more attention, or friendship even than last night when we were at the
Elysee, though Normanby said not one word in approval....
There is another question upon which Normanby has a right to complain,
which is, that two days before Palmerston sent his instructions here,
he expressed to Walewski his complete approval of the step taken by
Louis Napoleon, which was transmitted by Walewski in a despatch to
Turgot, and read by him to many members of the Corps Diplomatique a
day before Normanby heard a word from Palmerston. You will perhaps
think that there is not enough in all this to authorise the grave step
Normanby has taken, but the whole tone of his letters shows such a
want of confidence, is so impertinent--talk of "we hear this," and "we
are told that,"--bringing a sort of anonymous gossip against a man of
Normanby's character and standing, that respect for himself obliges
Normanby to take it up seriously.... In the meantime our Press in
England is, as usual, _too_ violent against Louis Napoleon. _We_
have no friends or true allies left, thanks to the policy of Lord
Palmerston; as soon as the peace of the country is restored the Army
_must_ be employed; it is the course of a Military Government; as
much as an absolute Government is destroyed by the people, and the
democracy again, when fallen into anarchy, is followed by Military
Government. Louis Napoleon must maintain his position by acts: they
will find out that Belgium should belong to France, or Alsace, or
Antwerp, or something or other that England will not be able to allow,
and then how are we prepared for the consequences?...
The more I think of Palmerston's letters, the less I can understand
them; every sentence is in direct contradiction to his acts and words.
He ridicules the idea of the Constitution; turns to scorn the idea of
anything being due to the Members of the Assembly; laughs and jokes at
the Club being fired into, though the English people in it were
within an ace of being murdered by the soldiers; says that Normanby
is pathetic over a broken looking-glass,[34] forgetting that the same
bullet grazed the hand of an Englishman, "_a Roman citizen!_" who was
between the window and the glass--in short, as I said before, he is
quite incomprehensible, except, as I cannot help thinking, he read the
private letter Normanby wrote to the Duke of Bedford upon the Kossuth
business, wishing to take his advice a little upon a grave question,
but which did not actually interfere with his position here. This
would account for his extreme irritation....
All at present is quiet in Paris. There are Socialist risings in many
parts of the country, but all these will do the President good, and
strengthen his hands, for even the people who have been treated
with indignity will pardon him if their chateaux are saved from an
infuriated and brutal peasantry. The President told Normanby last
night that the accounts of the cruelties and attacks in parts of
the country were very serious, but he hoped they would soon be put
down....
M. NORMANBY.[35]
[Footnote 33: Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.]
[Footnote 34: The tone of Lord Palmerston's private letters
to Lord Normanby at this time is best illustrated by the
following extract:--
"Your despatches since the event of Tuesday have been all
hostile to Louis Napoleon, with very little information as to
events. One of them consisted of a dissertation about
Kossuth, which would have made a good article in the _Times_
a fortnight ago: and another dwells chiefly on a looking-glass
broken in a Club-house; and you are pathetic about a piece
of broken plaster brought down from a ceiling by musket-shots
during the street fights. Now we know that the Diplomatic
Agents of Austria and Russia called on the President
immediately after his measure on Tuesday morning, and
have been profuse in their expressions of approval of his
conduct."]
[Footnote 35: Lady Normanby wrote later:--
"I told you yesterday the President had no faith in him
(Palmerston). The Treaty signed with Buenos Ayres, the Greek
business, and the reception of Kossuth had long destroyed his
confidence in Palmerston, and I believe he hates him and sees
through his present adulations...."]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _13th December 1851._
The Queen sends the enclosed despatch from Lord Normanby to Lord John
Russell, from which it appears that the French Government _pretend to
have received_ the entire approval of the late _coup d'etat_ by the
British Government, as conveyed by Lord Palmerston to Count Walewski.
The Queen cannot believe in the truth of the assertion, as such
an approval given by Lord Palmerston would have been in complete
_contradiction_ to the line of strict neutrality and passiveness which
the Queen had expressed her desire to see followed with regard to the
late convulsion at Paris, and which was approved by the Cabinet, as
stated in Lord John Russell's letter of the 6th inst. Does Lord
John know anything about the alleged approval, which, if true, would
_again_ expose the honesty and dignity of the Queen's Government in
the eyes of the world?[36]
[Footnote 36: On the 15th, Lord Normanby wrote to Lord
Palmerston that he must now assume M. Walewski's report to be
correct, and observed that if the Foreign Secretary held one
language in Downing Street and prescribed another course
to the British Ambassador, the latter must be awkwardly
circumstanced. Lord Palmerston (in a letter not shown to
the Queen or the Cabinet) replied that he had said nothing
inconsistent with his instructions to Lord Normanby, that the
President's action was for the French nation to judge of,
but that in his view that action made for the maintenance of
social order in France.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _13th December 1851._
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--These lines are to express my _very warmest_ wishes
for _many, many happy_ returns of your dear birthday, and for _every_
earthly blessing you _can_ desire. How I wish you could spend it
_here_, or we with you! I venture to send you some trifles which
will recall the Exhibition in which you took so much interest. The
continuation of the work I send you, I shall forward as it comes out.
As I wrote so lately, and shall do so on Tuesday, I will not touch on
politics--with one exception--that I think it of high importance that
the Orleans should clear themselves of _all_ suspicion of a _plot_,
which _some people_, I am sure, wish to make it _appear_ they _are_
involved in; and that public contradiction should be given to the
foolish report, _much_ credited _here_, that Joinville has gone
to Lille, or to some part of France, to head the Troops. Ever your
devoted Niece and Child,
VICTORIA R.
How you will _again_ miss your departed Angel!
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
WOBURN ABBEY, _18th December 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He
received from Lord Palmerston yesterday an explanation of his
declaration of opinion to Mr Walewski, which Lord John Russell regrets
to state was quite unsatisfactory.
He thought himself compelled to write to Lord Palmerston in the most
decisive terms.
Lord Palmerston requested that his letter might be returned to be
copied.
The whole correspondence shall be submitted to your Majesty.
Your Majesty will find in the box a despatch of Lord Normanby of the
15th, and an answer of Lord Palmerston of the 16th,[37] which has been
sent without your Majesty's sanction, or the knowledge of Lord John
Russell.
[Footnote 37: The letters are given in full in Ashley's
_Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. vii., were Lord
Palmerston's explanation of the 16th, in answer to the
Premier's letter of the 14th, will also be found.]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _19th December 1851._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my warmest and best thanks for your
truly kind and gracious recollection of my old birthday, and your
amiable presents.
Our angelic Louise had quite _un culte_ for that day, and two have
already passed since the best and noblest of hearts beats no longer
amongst us. When one sees the haste and ardour of earthly pursuits,
and how all this is often disposed of, and when one sees that even the
greatest success always ends with the grave, one is tempted to
wonder that the human race should follow so restlessly bubbles
often disappearing just when reached, and always being a source of
never-ending anxiety. France gives, these sixty years, the proof of
the truth of what I say, always believing itself at the highest point
of perfection and changing it a few weeks afterwards.
A military Government in France, if it really gets established, must
become dangerous for Europe. I hope that at least at its beginning it
will have enough to do in France, and that we may get time to prepare.
England will do well not to fall asleep, but to keep up its old energy
and courage.... Your truly devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Pageheading: DISMISSAL OF LORD PALMERSTON]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _19th December 1851._
The Queen has received several communications from Lord John Russell,
but has not answered them, as she expected daily to hear of Lord
Palmerston's answer. As Lord John Russell in his letter of yesterday's
date promises to send her his correspondence with Lord Palmerston,
she refrains from expressing a decided opinion until she has had an
opportunity of perusing it; but Lord John will readily conceive what
must be her feelings in seeing matters go from bad to worse with
respect to Lord Palmerston's conduct!
[Pageheading: LORD GRANVILLE]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
WOBURN ABBEY, _19th December 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to submit to your Majesty a correspondence with Viscount
Palmerston, which terminates with a letter of this day's date.
Lord John Russell has now to advise your Majesty that Lord Palmerston
should be informed that your Majesty is ready to accept the Seals of
Office, and to place them in other hands.
Lord John Russell has summoned a Cabinet for Monday.
They may be of opinion that they cannot continue a Government.
But that is not Lord John Russell's opinion; and should they agree
with him, he will proceed without delay to recommend a successor to
your Majesty.
The Earl Granville appears to him the person best calculated for
that post, but the Cabinet may be of opinion that more experience is
required.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1851._
The Queen found on her arrival here Lord John Russell's letter,
enclosing his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, which she has
perused with that care and attention which the importance and gravity
of the subject of it demanded. The Queen has now to express to Lord
John Russell her readiness to follow his advice, and her acceptance of
the resignation of Lord Palmerston. She will be prepared to see Lord
John after the Cabinet on Monday, as he proposes.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1851._
With respect to a successor to Lord Palmerston, the Queen must
state, that after the sad experience which she has just had of the
difficulties, annoyances, and dangers to which the Sovereign may be
exposed by the personal character and qualities of the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs, she must reserve to herself the unfettered right to
approve or disapprove the choice of a Minister for this Office.
Lord Granville, whom Lord John Russell designates as the person best
calculated for that post, would meet with her entire approval. The
possible opinion of the Cabinet that more experience was required does
not weigh much with the Queen. From her knowledge of Lord Granville's
character, she is inclined to see no such disadvantage in the
circumstance that he has not yet had practice in managing Foreign
Affairs, as he will be the more ready to lean upon the advice and
judgment of the Prime Minister where he may have diffidence in his
own, and thereby will add strength to the Cabinet by maintaining unity
in thought and action. The Queen hopes Lord John Russell will not omit
to let her have copies of his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, as
he has promised her.[38]
[Footnote 38: On the same day the Prince wrote to the Premier
that the Queen was much relieved. She had contemplated
dismissing Lord Palmerston herself, but naturally shrank from
using the power of the Crown, as her action would have been
criticised without the possibility of making a public defence;
in his view the Cabinet was rather strengthened than otherwise
by Palmerston's departure, and public sympathy would not be
with him. The rest of the letter is published in _The Life of
the Prince Consort_.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st December 1851._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of to-day. She is
not the least afraid of Lord Granville's not possessing sufficient
public confidence for him to undertake the Foreign Affairs. He is very
popular with the House of Lords, with the Free Traders, and the Peace
party, and all that the Continent knows of him is in his favour; he
had great success at Paris last summer, and his never having had
an opportunity of damaging his character by having been mixed up in
diplomatic intrigues is an immense advantage to him in obtaining the
confidence of those with whom he is to negotiate.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have the greatest pleasure in announcing to you
a piece of news which I know will give you as much satisfaction and
relief as it does to us, and will do to the _whole_ of the world.
_Lord Palmerston_ is _no longer Foreign Secretary_--and Lord Granville
is already named his successor!! He had become of late really quite
reckless, and in spite of the serious admonition and caution he
received only on the 29th of November, and again at the beginning
of December, he _tells_ Walewski that _he entirely_ approves Louis
Napoleon's _coup d'etat_, when he had written to Lord Normanby by my
and the Cabinet's desire that he (Lord Normanby) was to continue his
diplomatic intercourse with the French Government, but to _remain_
perfectly passive and give _no_ opinion. Walewski wrote Palmerston's
opinion (entirely contrary to what the Government had ordered) to M.
Turgot, and when Normanby came with his instructions, Turgot told him
what Palmerston had said. Upon this Lord John asked Palmerston to give
an explanation--which, after the delay of a week, he answered in such
an unsatisfactory way that Lord John wrote to him that _he could no
longer remain Foreign Secretary_, for that perpetual misunderstanding
and breaches of decorum were taking place which endangered the
country. Lord Palmerston answered instantly that he would give up the
Seals the moment his successor was named! Certain as we all felt that
he could not have continued long in his place, we were quite taken by
surprise when we learnt of the _denouement_.... Lord Granville will, I
think, do extremely well, and his extreme honesty and trustworthiness
will make him _invaluable_ to us, and to the Government and to Europe.
I send some prints, etc., for the children for Christmas. Ever your
devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: MEETING OF THE CABINET]
[Pageheading: LORD CLARENDON]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1851._
Lord John Russell arrived here at six o'clock yesterday evening
immediately from the Cabinet, and reported that the Cabinet had,
without a dissenting voice, condemned Lord Palmerston's conduct, and
approved of the steps taken by Lord John Russell, which was a great
relief to him. Lord Lansdowne, to whom he had first written on the
subject, had frightened him by answering that it was not possible
to avoid the rupture with Lord Palmerston, but that he thought the
Government would after this not be able to go on. When, however, this
question was discussed in Cabinet, and Lord John had stated that
he thought the Office could be well filled, they all agreed in the
propriety of going on. The Members of the Cabinet were so unable to
understand Lord Palmerston's motives for his conduct during these last
months, that Mr. Fox Maule started an idea which once occurred to Lord
John himself (as he said), viz. that he must have had the design
to bring on a rupture! Lord Minto, who was absent from the Cabinet,
expressed himself in a letter to Lord John very strongly about Lord
Palmerston's _reckless conduct_, which would yet undo the country.
Lord John, after having received the concurrence of the Cabinet on the
question of Lord Palmerston's dismissal, stated that Lord Granville
was the person whom he would like best to see fill his office, and
he knew this to be the feeling of the Queen also. The Cabinet quite
agreed in Lord Granville's fitness, but Sir George Grey stated it as
his opinion that it ought first to be offered to Lord Clarendon, who
has always been pointed out by the public as the proper person to
succeed Lord Palmerston, and that, if he were passed over, the whole
matter would have the appearance of a Cabinet intrigue in favour of
one colleague against another. The whole of the Cabinet sided with
this opinion, and Lord John Russell now proposed to the Queen that an
offer should in the first instance be made to Lord Clarendon.
The Queen protested against the Cabinet's taking upon itself the
appointment of its own Members, which rested entirely with the
Prime Minister and the Sovereign, under whose approval the former
constructed his Government.... Lord John replied that he thought Lord
Clarendon would not accept the offer, and therefore there would be
little danger in satisfying the desires of the Cabinet. He had written
to Lord Clarendon a cautioning letter from Woburn, apprising him of
some serious crisis, of which he would soon hear, and speaking of his
former wish to exchange the Lord-Lieutenancy for some other Office.
Lord Clarendon at once perceived the drift of the hint, and wrote
to the Duke of Bedford what he said he did not wish to write to his
brother John, that, if it was that Palmerston was going, and _he_ were
thought of as a successor, nothing would be so disagreeable to him,
as the whole change would be put down as an intrigue of his, whom Lord
Palmerston had always accused of wishing to supplant him; that if,
however, the service of the country required it, he had the courage to
face all personal obloquy....
Lord John owned that Sir George Grey's chief desire was to see Lord
Clarendon removed from Ireland, having been there so long; the
Cabinet would wish to see the Duke of Newcastle join the Government
as Lord-Lieutenant, which he might be induced to do. The Queen having
mentioned Lord Clarendon as most fit to succeed Lord Lansdowne one
day as President of the Council and leader in the House of Lords, Lord
John said that Lord Clarendon had particularly begged not to have the
position offered him, for which he did not feel fit. Lord John would
like him as Ambassador at Paris, and thought Lord Clarendon would
like this himself; but it was difficult to know what to do with Lord
Normanby.
In the course of the conversation, Lord John congratulated the
Queen upon the change having been accomplished without her personal
intervention, which might have exposed her to the animosity of Lord
Palmerston's admirers, whilst she would have been precluded from
making any public defence. I reminded Lord John that, as such was the
disadvantage of the regal position, it behoved the Queen doubly to
watch, lest she be put into the same dilemma with a new Minister,
whose conduct she could not approve of. Lord Clarendon's appointment
would be doubly galling to Lord Palmerston, whom Lord John might not
wish to irritate further, a consideration which Lord John said he had
also pressed upon the Cabinet. Upon a remark from Lord John as to Lord
Granville's youth, the Queen replied: "Lord Canning, whom Lord Stanley
had intended to make his Foreign Secretary, was not older...."
The conference ended by Lord John's promise to write to Lord Clarendon
as the Queen had desired ... but that he did not wish to make the
offer to Lord Granville till he had Lord Clarendon's answer.
Lord Granville had been told not to attend the last Cabinet; Lord
Palmerston had naturally stayed away.
I went up to Town at half-past seven to the Westminster Play, and took
Lord John in my train to Richmond. We had some further conversation in
the carriage, in which I asked Lord John whether it was true that
Lord Palmerston had got us likewise into a quarrel with America by our
ships firing at Panama upon an American merchantman; he said neither
he nor Sir Francis Baring had received any news, but Sir Francis had
been quite relieved by Lord Palmerston's quitting, as he could not be
sure a moment that his Fleets were not brought into some scrape!
On my expressing my conviction that Lord Palmerston could not be very
formidable to the Government, Lord John said: "I hope it will not
come true what Lord Derby (then Lord Stanley) said after the last
Ministerial crisis, when Lord John quizzed him at not having been
able to get a Foreign Secretary--'Next time I shall have Lord
Palmerston.'!"
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: COUNT WALEWSKI]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _23rd December 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has
just seen Count Walewski; he told him that he had an important piece
of intelligence to give him; that your Majesty had been pleased to
make a change in the Foreign Office, and to direct Lord Palmerston to
give up the Seals.
He wished to give this intelligence that he might accompany it with an
intimation that the policy towards France would continue to be of the
most friendly character, and that there was nothing the Government
more desired than to see a stable and settled Government in France;
that they had every wish for the stability of the present French
Government. Count Walewski said he had received various assurances of
opinion from Lord Palmerston, which he supposed were adopted by Lord
John Russell, and subsisted in force.
Lord John Russell said: "Not exactly; it is a principle of the English
Government not to interfere in any way with the internal affairs
of other countries; whether France chooses to be a Republic or a
Monarchy, provided it be not a Social Republic, we wish to express no
opinion; we are what we call in England a sheet of white paper in this
respect; all we desire is the happiness and welfare of France." Count
Walewski said it was of importance to the stability of the
President that he should have a large majority; he would then give a
Constitution.
Lord John Russell said each nation must suit itself in this respect;
we have perhaps been in error in thinking our Constitution could
be generally adopted; some nations it may suit, others may find it
unfitted for them.
[Pageheading: LORD GRANVILLE APPOINTED]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1851._
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letters, and is much
rejoiced that this important affair has been finally so satisfactorily
settled.
The Queen returns Lord Clarendon's letter, which she thinks a very
good one.[39] The Queen hopes Count Walewski will have been satisfied,
which she thinks he ought to be. The Queen will receive Lord
Palmerston to deliver up the Seals, and Lord Granville to receive
them, on Friday at half-past two.
[Footnote 39: Lord Clarendon, in answer to Lord John Russell,
expressed great reluctance to undertake the charge of
the Foreign Office, on the ground that Palmerston, always
suspicions of him, would insist that he had deliberately
undermined his position: while Lord Granville would be popular
with the Court and country.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _24th December 1851._
Lord John Russell submits a private note of Lord Palmerston,[40] which
only shows how unconscious he was of all that the rest of the world
perceived.
[Footnote 40: In this letter, Lord Palmerston denied the
"charge of violations of prudence and decorum," adding, "I
have to observe that that charge is refuted by the offer
which you made of the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, because I
apprehend that to be an office for the due performance of the
duties of which prudence and decorum cannot well be dispensed
with."]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1861._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters, and she returns
the enclosures.
The articles in the _Times_ are very good; the other papers seem quite
puzzled, and unable to comprehend what has caused Lord Palmerston's
removal from office. Lord Palmerston's letter is very characteristic;
he certainly has the best of the argument, and great care ought to be
taken in bestowing any praise on him, as he always takes advantage of
it to turn against those who meant it merely to soothe him. The Queen
thought that there must be a Council for the swearing in of the new
Secretary of State.
[Pageheading: LORD GRANVILLE]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th December 1851._
Yesterday the Council was held, at which the change of Seals was to
take place. We waited for one hour and a half, but Lord Palmerston did
not appear; his Seals had been sent from the Foreign Office to Lord
John Russell!
Lord John told us he had written to Lord Palmerston, announcing
him the appointment of Lord Granville, and added that in his long
political life he had not passed a week which had been so painful to
him. Lord Palmerston's answer was couched in these terms: "Of course
you will believe that I feel that just indignation at the whole
proceeding which it must produce."
Lord Lansdowne seemed anxious particularly on account of the
clear symptoms appearing from the papers that both Radicals and
Protectionists are bidding for Lord Palmerston.
Lord Granville was very much overcome when he had his audience to
thank for his appointment, but seemed full of courage and good-will.
He said it would be as easy to him to avoid Lord Palmerston's faults
as difficult to imitate his good qualities, promised to endeavour to
establish a more decent usage between the Governments in their mutual
communications, by setting the good example himself, and insisting
upon the same on the part of the others; promised not to have anything
to do with the newspapers; to give evening parties, just as Lord
Palmerston had done, to which a good deal of his influence was to
be attributed. He said a Member of Parliament just returned from the
Continent had told him that an Englishman could hardly show himself
without becoming aware of the hatred they were held in; the only
chance one had to avoid being insulted was to say _Civis Romanus non
sum_.
Lord Granville had been Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs under Lord
Palmerston for three years from 1837-40, but, as he expressed himself,
rather the sandwich between his principal and the clerks. Lord
Palmerston had in these three years hardly once spoken to him upon any
of the subjects he had to treat.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ABSENCE EXPLAINED]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th December 1851._
The Queen forgot to remind Lord John Russell yesterday of his
correspondence with Lord Palmerston, which he promised to let her
have.
The Queen concludes from what Lord John said yesterday that
he intended sounding the Duke of Newcastle relative to the
Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.
Has Lord John ascertained the cause of Lord Palmerston's absence
yesterday? If it was not accidental, she must say she thinks it most
disrespectful conduct towards his Sovereign.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _27th December 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
submits a letter of Lord Palmerston, which explains his not going to
Windsor. It appears to have arisen from a mistake in the message
sent through Lord Stanley, and not from any want of respect to your
Majesty.
_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._
CARLTON GARDENS, _27th December 1851._
MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--I am distressed beyond measure by the note
from you which I have this moment received on my arrival here from
Hampshire. I understood from Stanley that you had desired him to tell
me that if it was inconvenient for me to come up yesterday, I might
send the Seals to you at Windsor, and that my presence would be
dispensed with.[41] Thereupon I sent the Seals up by an early train
yesterday morning to Stanley, that he might send them down to you
as suggested by you, and I desired that they might be taken by a
messenger by the special train.
I shall be very much obliged to you if you will have the goodness to
explain this matter to the Queen, and I beg you to assure Her Majesty
how deeply grieved I am that what appears to have been a mistake on my
part should have led me to be apparently wanting in due respect to
Her Majesty, than which nothing could possibly be further from my
intention or thoughts. Yours sincerely,
PALMERSTON.
[Footnote 41: There is a fuller account given of Lord
Palmerston's version of the whole affair in a letter to his
brother, printed in Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol.
i. p. 315.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN ON FOREIGN POLICY]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th December 1851._
The Queen thinks the moment of the change in the person of Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs to afford a fit opportunity to have the
principles upon which our Foreign Affairs have been conducted since
the beginning of 1848 reconsidered by Lord John Russell and his
Cabinet.
The Queen was fully aware that the storm raging at the time on the
Continent rendered it impossible for any statesman to foresee with
clearness and precision what development and direction its elements
would take, and she consequently quite agreed that the line of policy
to be followed, as the most conducive to the interests of England,
could then only be generally conceived and vaguely expressed.
But although the Queen is still convinced that the general principles
laid down by Lord John at that time for the conduct of our Foreign
Policy were in themselves right, she has in the progress of the last
three years become painfully convinced that the manner in which they
have been _practically applied_ has worked out very different results
from those which the correctness of the principles themselves had led
her to expect. For when the revolutionary movements on the Continent
had laid prostrate almost all its Governments, and England alone
displayed that order, vigour, and prosperity which it owes to a
stable, free, and good Government, the Queen, instead of earning the
natural good results of such a glorious position, viz. consideration,
goodwill, confidence, and influence abroad, obtained the very reverse,
and had the grief to see her Government and herself treated on many
occasions with neglect, aversion, distrust, and even contumely.
Frequently, when our Foreign Policy was called in question, it has
been said by Lord John and his colleagues that the principles on which
it was conducted were the right ones, and having been approved of
by them, received their support, and that it was only the _personal
manner_ of Lord Palmerston in conducting the affairs which could be
blamed in tracing the causes which led to the disastrous results the
Queen complains of.
The Queen is certainly not disposed to defend the personal manner in
which Lord Palmerston has conducted Foreign Affairs, but she cannot
admit that the errors he committed were merely _faults in form
and method_, that they were no more than acts of "inconsideration,
indiscretion, or bad taste." The Queen considers that she has also to
complain of what appeared to her deviations from the principles laid
down by the Cabinet for his conduct, nay, she sees distinctly in their
practical application a _personal and arbitrary perversion_ of the
very nature and essence of those principles. She has only to refer
here to Italy, Spain, Greece, Holstein, France, etc., etc., which
afford ample illustrations of this charge.
It was one thing for Lord Palmerston to have attempted such
substantial deviations; it will be another for the Cabinet to consider
whether they had not the power to check him in these attempts.
The Queen, however, considering times to have now changed, thinks that
there is no reason why we should any longer confine ourselves to the
mere assertion of abstract principles, such as "non-intervention in
the internal affairs of other countries," "moral support to liberal
institutions," "protection to British subjects," etc., etc. The moving
powers which were put in operation by the French Revolution of 1848,
and the events consequent on it, are no longer so obscure; they
have assumed distinct and tangible forms in almost all the countries
affected by them (in France, in Italy, Germany, etc.), and upon the
state of things now existing, and the experience gained, the Queen
would hope that our Foreign Policy may be _more specifically defined_,
and that it may be considered how the general principles are to be
practically adapted to our peculiar relations with each Continental
State.
The Queen wishes therefore that a regular programme embracing these
different relations should be submitted to her, and would suggest
whether it would not be the best mode if Lord John were to ask Lord
Granville to prepare such a paper and to lay it before her after
having revised it.
This would then serve as a safe guide for Lord Granville, and enable
the Queen as well as the Cabinet to see that the Policy, as in future
to be conducted, will be in conformity with the principles laid down
and approved.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _29th December 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has
received your Majesty's communication of yesterday, and will transmit
it to Lord Granville.
It is to be observed, however, that the traditionary policy of this
country is not to bind the Crown and country by engagements, unless
upon special cause shown, arising out of the circumstances of the day.
For instance, the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance between England,
France, Spain, and Portugal was contrary to the general principle of
non-intervention; so was the interference in Portugal in 1847, but
were both justified by circumstances.
Thus it is very difficult to lay down any principles from which
deviations may not frequently be made.
The grand rule of doing to others as we wish that they should do unto
us is more applicable than any system of political science. The honour
of England does not consist in defending every English officer or
English subject, right or wrong, but in taking care that she does not
infringe the rules of justice, and that they are not infringed against
her.[42]
[Footnote 42: A summary of Lord Granville's Memorandum in
reply (which was couched in very general terms) will be found
in Lord Fitzmaurice's _Life of Earl Granville_, vol. ii. p.
49.]
[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th December 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Most warmly do I thank you for your kind and
affectionate and interesting letter of the 26th, which I received on
Sunday. All that you say about Lord Palmerston is but too true.... He
_brouilled_ us and the country with every one; and his very first
act precipitated the unfortunate Spanish marriages which was _le
commencement de la fin_. It is too grievous to think how much misery
and mischief might have been avoided. However, now he has done with
the Foreign Office for ever, and "the veteran statesman," as the
newspapers, to our great amusement and I am sure to _his_ infinite
annoyance, call him, must rest upon his laurels.... I fear much lest
they should be imprudent at Claremont; the poor Queen hinted to Mamma
that she hoped you would not become a friend to the President; no
doubt you can have no sympathies for him, but _just because_ you
are related to the poor Orleanses, you feel that you must be doubly
cautious to do nothing which could provoke the enmity of Louis
Napoleon. I fear that poor Joinville _had_ some _mad_ idea of going to
France, which, fortunately, his illness prevented. It would have been
the height of folly. Their only safe policy is to remain entirely
passive _et de se faire oublier_, which was Nemours' expression to
me two years ago; nothing could be wiser or more prudent than he was
then--but I don't think they were wise since. _La Candidature_ of
Joinville was in every way unwise, and led Louis Napoleon to take so
desperate a course. Nemours told me also _last_ year that they were
not at all against a _fusion_, but that they could not _disposer de la
France_, unless called upon to do so by the nation. I wish you would
caution them to be very circumspect and silent--for all the mistakes
made by others is in _their_ favour; in fact, no good for them could
come till Paris is old enough to be his own master--unless indeed
they all returned under Henri V., but a Regency for Paris would be an
impossibility....
We spent a very happy Christmas, and now wish you a very happy New
Year--for many succeeding years. Also to the children, who I hope were
pleased with the prints, etc.
We have got young Prince Nicholas of Nassau here, a pretty, clever boy
of nineteen, with a good deal of knowledge, and a great wish to learn
and hear, which is a rare thing for the young Princes, of our day in
particular. I must stop now, as I fear I have already let my pen
run on for too long, and must beg to be excused for this voluminous
letter.
With Albert's love ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th December 1851._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters of yesterday. She
quite agrees with him and his colleagues in thinking it of importance
to strengthen the Government, and she is pleased with his proposal to
communicate with the Duke of Newcastle as to what assistance he and
his friends can give to the Government.
The Queen expects better results from such a negotiation, with an
ostensible head of a Party, than from attempts to detach single
individuals from it, which from a sense of honour they always felt
scruples in agreeing to.
[Pageheading: THE _TE DEUM_ IN PARIS]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st December 1851._
The Queen sees in the papers that there is to be a _Te Deum_ at Paris
on the 2nd for the success of the _coup d'etat_, and that the Corps
Diplomatique is to be present. She hopes that Lord Normanby will be
told not to attend. Besides the impropriety of his taking part in such
a ceremony, his doing so would entirely destroy the position of Lord
John Russell opposite Lord Palmerston, who might with justice say that
he merely expressed his personal approval of the _coup d'etat_ before,
but since, the Queen's Ambassador had been ordered publicly to thank
God for its success.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXI
Early in 1852, the Whig Government, impaired in public credit by the
removal of Lord Palmerston, attempted once more a coalition with the
Peelites, office being offered to Sir James Graham; the overtures
failed, and soon, after the meeting of Parliament, the ex-Foreign
Secretary, whose version of the cause of his dismissal failed to
satisfy the House of Commons, succeeded in defeating the Government on
their Militia Bill, affairs in France having caused anxiety as to the
national defences. The Government Bill was for the creation of a local
Militia, Lord Palmerston preferring the consolidation of the regular
Militia. A Ministry was formed by Lord Derby (formerly Lord Stanley)
from the Protectionist Party, but no definite statement could be
elicited as to their intention, or the reverse, to re-impose a duty on
foreign corn. Mr Disraeli, who became Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
was the mainspring of the Government policy, showed great dexterity in
his management of the House of Commons without a majority, and carried
a Militia Bill in the teeth of Lord John Russell; but a plan of
partial redistribution failed. The elections held in the summer did
not materially improve the Ministerial position, and, on the meeting
of Parliament in the autumn, the Fiscal Question had to be squarely
faced. After much wrangling, Protection was finally abandoned, and the
Government saved for the moment, but on their House-tax proposals they
were defeated, after an impassioned debate, by a coalition of Whigs,
Peelites, and Radicals, from whom Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen
(and finally the latter alone) were called upon to construct a
strong representative Government. The Duke of Wellington had died in
September, and his funeral was the signal for an outburst of national
feeling. During the year the Houses of Parliament designed by Sir
Charles Barry, though not absolutely completed, were formally opened
by the Queen; the new House of Lords had already been in use.
In France, the first result of the _coup d'etat_ was Louis Bonaparte's
election as President for ten years by an immense majority; late
in the year he assumed the Imperial title as Napoleon III., and the
Empire was formally recognised by the majority of the Powers; the
Emperor designed to add to his prestige by contracting a matrimonial
alliance with Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe. In the East of Europe a
dispute had commenced between France and Russia about the Holy Places
in Palestine. Simultaneously with the death of the Duke of Wellington,
the era of European peace was destined to come to an end, and
Nicholas, encouraged by the advent to power of Aberdeen (whom he
had met in 1844, and with whom he had frankly discussed European
politics), was hoping for the consummation of his scheme for the
partition of Turkey.
To Great Britain the year was a memorable one, in consequence of the
granting of a Constitution to New Zealand.