1851
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th January 1851._
The Queen approves of the elevation of Mr. Pemberton Leigh[1] to the
Peerage, which she considers a very useful measure, and not likely to
lead to any permanent increase of the Peerage, as he is not likely
to marry at his present age, and considering that he has only a life
interest in his large property.
With regard to the creation of Dr Lushington[2] as a Peer, without
remainder, the Queen has again thoroughly considered the question, and
is of opinion that the establishment of the principle of creation for
life--in cases where public advantage may be derived from the grant of
a Peerage, but where there may be no fortune to support the dignity in
the family--is most desirable. The mode in which the public will take
the introduction of it will however chiefly depend upon the merits of
the first case brought forward. Dr Lushington appears to the Queen
so unobjectionable in this respect that she cannot but approve of the
experiment being tried with him.
It would be well, however, that it should be done quietly; that it
should not be talked about beforehand or get into the papers, which so
frequently happens on occasions of this kind, and generally does harm.
[Footnote 1: Member of Parliament for Rye 1881-1832, and Ripon
1835-1843, afterwards a member of the Judicial Committee of
the Privy Council: he became a Peer (Lord Kingsdown) in 1858,
having declined a peerage on the present and other occasions.]
[Footnote 2: Dr Lushington was judge of the Admiralty Court:
he had been counsel for, and an executor of, Queen Caroline.
He declined the offer now suggested, and the subsequent
debates on the Wensleydale Peerage show that the proposed
grant would have been ineffectual for its purpose.]
[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC ARRANGEMENTS]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st January 1851._
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of the 29th, in which
he proposes a change in those diplomatic arrangements which she had
already sanctioned on his recommendation, and must remark that the
reasons which Lord Palmerston adduces in support of his present
proposition are in direct contradiction to those by which he supported
his former recommendation.[3]
The principle which the Queen would wish to see acted upon in her
diplomatic appointments in general, is, that the _good of the service_
should precede every other consideration, and that the selection of
an agent should depend more on his personal qualifications for the
particular post for which he is to be selected than on the mere
pleasure and convenience of the person to be employed, or of the
Minister recommending him.
According to Lord Palmerston's first proposal, Sir H. Seymour was to
have gone to St Petersburg, Lord Bloomfield to Berlin, and Sir Richard
Pakenham to Lisbon; now Lord Palmerston wishes to send Lord Cowley to
St Petersburg.
The Queen has the highest opinion of Lord Cowley's abilities, and
agrees with Lord Palmerston in thinking that Russia will, for some
time at least, exercise a predominating influence over all European
affairs. She would accordingly not object to see that Agent accredited
there in whom she herself places the greatest confidence. But
according to the same principle, she must insist that the posts
of Berlin and Frankfort, which in her opinion are of nearly equal
importance, should be filled by men capable of dealing with the
complicated and dangerous political questions now in agitation there,
and the just appreciation and judicious treatment of which are of
the highest importance to the peace of Europe, and therefore to the
welfare of England.
Before the Queen therefore decides upon Lord Palmerston's new
proposals, she wishes to know _whom_ he could recommend for the post
of Frankfort in the event of Lord Cowley leaving it, and thinks it
but right to premise that in giving her sanction to the proposals
Lord Palmerston may have to submit, she will be guided entirely by the
principle set forth above.
[Footnote 3: Lord Palmerston had altered his mind as to
certain proposed diplomatic changes, and suggested the
appointment of Sir Hamilton Seymour to Berlin, Lord Bloomfield
to Lisbon, Lord Cowley to Petersburg, Mr Jerningham, Sir Henry
Ellis, or Sir Richard Pakenham to Frankfort.]
[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC ARRANGEMENTS]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _12th January 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has the honour to state that Mr Disraeli brought forward his Motion
yesterday.[4] His speech was long and elaborate, but not that of a man
who was persuaded he was undertaking a good cause.
He proposed nothing specific, but said nothing offensive.
The doubts about the division increase. Mr Hayter reckoned yesterday
on a majority of three! Sir James Graham is of opinion Lord Stanley
will not undertake anything desperate. He will speak in favour of
Government to-morrow, when the division will probably take place.
[Footnote 4: On agricultural distress; the Motion was lost by
fourteen only in a large House.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th February 1851._
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday, and
has to state in answer her decision in favour of the original plan of
appointments, viz. of Sir H. Seymour to Petersburg, Lord Bloomfield
to Berlin, and Sir R. Pakenham to Lisbon. The Queen quite agrees with
Lord Palmerston in the opinion that the post at Petersburg is more
important than that of Frankfort, and had Lord Palmerston been able
to propose a good successor to Lord Cowley she would have approved
his going to Petersburg; Sir R. Pakenham, however, would not take
Frankfort if offered to him, as it appears, and the two other persons
proposed would not do for it, in the Queen's opinion. It must not be
forgotten that at a place for action like Petersburg, the Minister
will chiefly have to look to his instructions from home, while at
a place of observation, as Lord Palmerston justly calls Frankfort,
everything depends upon the acuteness and impartiality of the
observer, and upon the confidence with which he may be able to inspire
those from whom alone accurate information can be obtained. Lord
Cowley possesses eminently these qualities, and Sir H. Seymour has
at all times shown himself equal to acting under most difficult
circumstances. The desire of the Emperor to see Lord Cowley at
Petersburg may possibly resolve itself in the desire of Baron Brunnow
to see him removed from Germany.... The Queen had always understood
that Sir H. Seymour would be very acceptable to the Emperor, and that
Count Nesselrode called him a diplomatist "de la bonne vieille roche."
[Pageheading: SIR JAMES GRAHAM]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE. _17th February 1851._
Lord John Russell came at half-past three. He had had a long
conversation with Sir James Graham, had stated to him that from the
tone of his speech (which Lord John explained to us yesterday was of
so very friendly a character and pointed directly to supporting the
Government)--its friendliness, and the manner in which he advocated
the union of those who opposed a return to Protection, that he
proposed to him to join the Government; that Sir G. Grey had offered
to resign his office in order that Sir J. Graham might have it. Before
I go farther I ought to say that Lord John yesterday explained the
importance of obtaining support like Sir J. Graham's in the Cabinet,
and that he thought of proposing the Board of Control to him, which
Sir J. Hobhouse was ready to give up--receiving a Peerage, and
retaining a seat in the Cabinet or the Admiralty, which Sir F. Baring
was equally ready to give up.
Well, Sir J. Graham said that before he answered he wished to show
Lord John a correspondence which had passed between him and Lord
Londonderry. In the course of conversation in the country, Sir James
had said to Lord Londonderry that parties never could go on as they
were, and that they must ultimately lapse into _two_; this, Lord
Londonderry reported to Mr Disraeli, who told it to Lord Stanley;
and Mr Disraeli wrote to Lord Londonderry, stating that if certain
advantages and reliefs were given to the landed interests, he
should not cling to Protection; in short, much what he said in his
speech--and that he was quite prepared to give up the lead in the
House of Commons to Sir J. Graham. Sir James answered that he never
meant anything by what he had said, and that he had no wish whatever
to join Lord Stanley; that if he had, he was so intimate with Lord
Stanley that he would have communicated direct with him.
Sir James said that as soon as he heard from Lord John, he thought
_what_ he wished to see him for, and that he had been thinking over
it, and had been talking to Lord Hardinge and Mr Cardwell. That he
did wish to support the Government, but that he thought he could be of
more use if he did not join the Government, and was able to give them
an independent support; that he had not attempted to lead Sir Robert
Peel's followers; that many who had followed Sir Robert would _not_
follow _him_; that he thought the Government in great danger; that
the Protectionists, Radicals, and Irish Members would try to take
an opportunity to overset them (the Government); that should the
Government be turned out, he would find no difficulty in joining them;
or should they go on, that by-and-by it might be easier to do so; but
that at this moment he should be injuring himself without doing
the Government any real service; besides which, there were so many
measures decided on which he was ignorant of, and should have to
support. Lord John told him that were he in the Cabinet, he would have
the means of stating and enforcing his opinions, and that at whatever
time he joined them, there would always be the same difficulty about
measures which had already been decided on. He (Sir James) is not
quite satisfied with the Papal Aggression Bill, which he thinks will
exasperate the Irish; he also adverted to the report of our having
protested against Austria bringing her Italian Provinces, etc., into
the German Confederation. Lord John told him that this had not been
done, but that we meant to ask for explanations.
In short, Lord John said it was evident that Sir James thought the
Government in great danger, and "did not wish to embark in a boat
which was going to sink." Still, he was friendly, and repeated that
it would be very easy when in opposition to unite, and then to come in
together.
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _21st February 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that on a motion of Mr Locke King's[5] yesterday
the Government was defeated by a hundred to fifty-two.
This is another circumstance which makes it probable the Ministry
cannot endure long. The Tories purposely stayed away.
[Footnote 5: For equalising the County and the Borough
franchise.]
[Pageheading: MINISTERIAL CRISIS]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have only time just to write a few hasty lines to
you from Stockmar's room, where I came up to speak to Albert and him,
to tell you that we have got a Ministerial crisis; the Ministers
were in a great minority last night, and though it was not a question
_vital_ to the Government, Lord John feels the support he has received
so meagre, and the opposition of so many parties so great, that he
must _resign!_ This is very bad, because there is no chance of any
other good Government, poor Peel being no longer alive, and not one
man of talent except Lord Stanley in the Party;... but Lord John is
_right_ not to go on when he is so ill supported, and it will raise
him as a political man, and will strengthen his position for the
future.
Whether Lord Stanley (to whom I must send to-morrow _after_ the
Government have resigned) will be able to form a Government or not,
I cannot tell. Altogether, it is very vexatious, and will give
us trouble. It is the more provoking, as this country is so very
prosperous.
On Tuesday I hope to be able to say more....
With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: LORD LANSDOWNE CONSULTED]
[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY SUMMONED]
[Pageheading: FISCAL POLICY OUTLINED]
[Pageheading: PROTECTION]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd February 1851._
Lord John Russell having been for a few minutes with the Queen,
in order to prepare her for the possibility of the Government's
resignation (yesterday, at two o'clock), went to Downing Street
to meet the Cabinet, and promised to return at four in order to
communicate the decision the Cabinet might have arrived at. On his
return he explained that after the vote at the beginning of the
Session on the Orders of the Day, which went directly against the
Government, after the small majority (only fourteen) which they had on
the motion of Mr Disraeli on the landed interest, and now the defeat
on the Franchise, it was clear that the Government did not possess
the confidence of the House of Commons. He complained of the
Protectionists staying away in a body on Mr King's motion, and he
(Lord John) himself being left without a supporter even amongst
his colleagues in the debate, but most of all of the conduct of the
Radicals; for when Mr King, hearing Lord John's promise to bring in
a measure next Session, wanted to withdraw his Motion, as he ought to
have done on such a declaration by the head of the Government, Mr Hume
insisted upon his going on, "else Lord John would withdraw his promise
again in a fortnight"; and when the result of the vote was made known
the shouting and triumph of the hundred was immense.
Lord John had declared to the Cabinet that he could not go on, that
the Income Tax would have to be voted the next day, and a defeat was
probable; it were much better therefore not to hesitate, and to resign
at once. The Cabinet agreed, although some Members thought with Lord
Palmerston that the occasion was hardly sufficient. Lord John begged
to be allowed till to-day, in order to see Lord Lansdowne, whom he
had sent for from the country, and to be able to tender then his
resignation; he would go down to the House to adjourn it, promising
explanations on Monday.
We agreed with Lord John that he owed to his station personally, and
as the Queen's Minister, not to put up with ignominious treatment,
praised his speech on the Suffrage, which is admirable, and regretted
that his colleagues had prevented him from bringing in a measure
this year. We talked of the difficulty of forming any Government, but
agreed that Lord Stanley and the Protection Party ought to be appealed
to; they longed for office, and would not rest quiet till they had had
it if for ever so short a time only.
We further went over the ground of a possible demand for a
Dissolution, which might bring on a general commotion in the country.
Lord John agreed in this, but thought the responsibility to be very
great for the Crown to refuse an appeal to the country to the new
Government; he thought a decision on that point ought to depend on the
peculiar circumstances of the case.
Lord Lansdowne, who had come from Bowood by the express train, arrived
at twelve o'clock, and came at once to meet Lord John Russell here at
the Palace.
In the audience which the Queen gave him he expressed his entire
concurrence with the decision the Cabinet had come to, as the
resignation could at any rate only have been delayed. It was clear
that the Cabinet had lost the confidence of the House of Commons; what
had happened the other night was only the last drop which made the
cup flow over, and that it was much more dignified not to let the
Government die a lingering and ignominious death; he [thought] that
Lord Stanley would have great difficulties, but would be able to form
a Government; at least the Protectionist Party gave out that they had
a Cabinet prepared.
We then saw Lord John Russell, who formally tendered his resignation,
and was very much moved on taking leave; he said that, considering
Lord Stanley's principles, it would not be possible for him to hold
out any hope of support to that Government, except on the estimates
for which he felt responsible, but he would at all times be ready
vigorously to defend the Crown, which was in need of every support in
these days.
At three o'clock came Lord Stanley, whom the Queen had summoned.
The Queen informed him of the resignation of the Government, in
consequence of the late vote, which had been the result of the
Protectionists staying away, of the small majority which the
Government had had upon Mr Disraeli's Motion, and of the many symptoms
of want of confidence exhibited towards the Government in the House
of Commons. The Queen had accepted their resignation, and had sent
for him as the head of that Party, which was now the most numerous in
Opposition, in order to ask him whether he could undertake to form a
Government.
Lord Stanley expressed great surprise. The impression had been that
the Government had not been in earnest in their opposition to Mr L.
King's Motion; in the minority had voted only twenty-seven members of
the Government side, the rest had been of his Party. He asked if the
whole Cabinet had resigned, or whether there had been dissension in
the Cabinet upon it? The Queen replied that the resignation had been
unanimously agreed upon in the Cabinet, and that Lord Lansdowne,
who had only come up from Bowood this morning, had given his entire
approval to it. Lord Stanley then asked whether anybody else had
been consulted or applied to, to which the Queen replied that she had
written to him a few minutes after Lord John's resignation, and had
communicated with no one else. Lord Stanley then said that he hoped
the Queen's acceptance had only been a conditional one; that he felt
very much honoured by the Queen's confidence; that he hoped he
might be able to tender advice which might contribute to the Queen's
comfort, and might relieve the present embarrassment.
In order to be able to do so he must enter most freely and openly into
his own position and that of his Party. It was quite true that they
formed the most numerous in Parliament after the supporters of what
he hoped he might still call the _present_ Government, but that there
were no men contained in it who combined great ability with experience
in public business. There was one certainly of great ability and
talent--Mr Disraeli--but who had never held office before, and perhaps
Mr Herries, who possessed great experience, but who did not command
great authority in the House of Commons; that he should have great
difficulties in presenting to the Queen a Government fit to be
accepted, unless he could join with some of the late Sir R. Peel's
followers; that he considered, for instance, the appointment of a good
person for Foreign Affairs indispensable, and there was scarcely any
one fit for it except Lord Palmerston and Lord Aberdeen. Lord Aberdeen
had told him that he had no peculiar views upon Free Trade, and that
he did not pretend to understand the question, but that he had felt it
his duty to stand by Sir R. Peel; this might now be different, but
it ought first to be ascertained whether a combination of those
who agreed in principle, and had only been kept asunder hitherto by
_personal_ considerations, could not be formed; that Sir James Graham
had in his last speech declared it as his opinion that the ranks of
those who agreed ought to be closed; when such a combination had taken
place, those of Sir R. Peel's followers who could not agree to
it might not be unwilling to join him (Lord Stanley). As to his
principles, he would frankly state that he thought that the landed
interest was much depressed by the low state of prices; that an import
duty on corn would be absolutely necessary, which, however, would be
low, and only a revenue duty; such a duty, he thought, the country
would be prepared for; and if they were allowed to state their honest
opinion, he felt sure the greatest part of the present Government
would be heartily glad of. He would require Duties upon sugar
for revenue, but he could not conceal that if the revenue after a
diminution in the direct taxation, which he would propose, should
considerably fall off, he might be driven to raise the Import duties
on other articles. He thought the present House of Commons could
hardly be expected to reverse its decision upon the financial and
commercial policy of the country, and that accordingly a Dissolution
of Parliament would become necessary. Such a Dissolution, however,
could not be undertaken at this moment for the sake of public
business. The Mutiny Bill had not been voted nor the Supplies, and it
would require more than eight weeks before the new Parliament could
be assembled, and consequently the Crown would be left without Army or
money. A Dissolution could accordingly not take place before Easter.
He felt, however, that if he were to take office now, he would between
this and Easter be exposed to such harassing attacks that he should
not be able to withstand them; moreover, it would subject the members
of his Government to two elections in two months. He hoped therefore
that the Queen would try to obtain a Government by a coalition of the
Whigs and Peelites, but that this failing, if the Queen should send
again for him, and it was clear no other Government could be formed,
he would feel it his duty as a loyal subject to risk everything,
except his principles and his honour, to carry on the Government; and
he hoped that in such a case the Queen would look leniently on the
composition of the Cabinet which he could offer, and that the country
would, from the consideration of the circumstances, give it a fair
trial. He begged, however, that he might not be called upon to take
office except as a _dernier ressort_, a _necessity_.
I interrupted him when he spoke of his financial measures, and begged
him further to explain, when it appeared that a duty of about six
shillings on corn was the least he could impose to bring up the price
to forty-five shillings, which Sir R. Peel had stated to the House of
Commons was in his opinion the lowest price wheat would fall to after
the abolition of the Corn Laws.
We expressed our doubts as to the country agreeing to such a measure,
and our apprehension of the violent spirit which would be roused in
the working classes by a Dissolution for that purpose, which Lord
Stanley, however, did not seem to apprehend; on the contrary, he
thought the distress of the farmers would lead to the destruction of
the landed interest, which was the only support to the Throne.
I told him that the Queen and certainly myself had been under a
delusion, and that I was sure the country was equally so, as to
his intention to return to Protection. Sometimes it was stated that
Protection would be adhered to, sometimes that it was given up,
and that it was _compensation_ to the landed interest which the
Protectionists looked to. His last speeches and the Motion of Mr
Disraeli led to that belief, but that it was of the highest importance
that the country should know exactly what was intended; the Queen
would then have an opportunity of judging how the nation looked upon
the proposal. I hoped therefore that the declaration of his opinions
which Lord Stanley had now laid before the Queen would be clearly
enunciated by him in Parliament when the Ministerial explanations
should take place, which would naturally follow this crisis.
Lord Stanley merely answered that he hoped that no explanations would
take place before a Government was formed. He said he should wish the
word "Protection" to be merged, to which I rejoined that though he
might wish this, I doubted whether the country would let him.
Before taking leave, he repeated over and over again his advice that
the Coalition Ministry should be tried.
ALBERT.
_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._
_22nd February 1851._
In order to be able to be perfectly accurate in stating Lord Stanley's
opinions, which the Queen feels some delicacy in doing, she would be
very thankful if he would write down for her what he just stated to
her--as his advice in the present difficulty. Of course she would not
let such a paper go out of her hands.
[Pageheading: SIR JAMES GRAHAM]
[Pageheading: FOREIGN POLICY]
[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1851._
Sir James Graham, who had been out of Town, came at six o'clock,
having received my letter on his return. Lord John Russell had been
here before that time.
After having stated to him (Lord John) what had passed with Lord
Stanley, we told him that Sir James Graham was here; Lord John seemed
much surprised at Lord Stanley's refusal to form an Administration,
declared himself ready to do what he could towards the formation of a
new Government on an extended basis, but thought that Sir James Graham
and Lord Aberdeen should have the first offer.
I went accordingly over to my room, where Sir James was waiting. He
was entirely taken by surprise by the announcement of the resignation
of the Government, and begged to be able to state to me how he was
situated before he saw the Queen and Lord John.
I then communicated to him what had passed with Lord Stanley, upon
which we had a conversation of more than an hour, of which the chief
features were:
1. Apprehension on the part of Sir James Graham lest the attempt on
the part of Lord Stanley to re-impose Protective duties should produce
universal commotion in the country, which would be increased by the
Dissolution, without which Lord Stanley would not be able to proceed.
2. His disbelief that Lord Aberdeen would be able to join in any
Government abandoning Sir R. Peel's principles, as he had been
consulted before and after Sir James's late speech in which he
expressed his entire concurrence.
3. His own utter weakness, calling himself the weakest man in England,
who had lost his only friend in Sir R. Peel, and had for the last
fifteen years not exercised an independent judgment, but rested
entirely on his friend.
4. His disagreement with some of his late colleagues--the Duke of
Newcastle, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert--in religious opinions.
5. His disagreement with Lord John's Government upon some most
important points.
He could not take office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary,
whose policy and mode of conducting business he disapproved, who
was now protesting against the admission of Austria into the German
Confederation; he disapproved the Papal Aggression Bill, finding it
militating against the line which he had taken as Secretary of State
with regard to the Roman Catholic Bishops in Ireland, and particularly
the Bequest Act, and considering that after Lord John's letter the
Bill would fall short of the high expectations formed in the minds of
the English public.
He disapproved of the abolition of the Irish Lord-Lieutenancy, and the
making a fourth Secretary of State had been considered by Sir
Robert Peel and himself as introducing into England all the Irish
malpractices, while Ireland was still kept wholly separate from
England.
Lord John had raised a new difficulty by his declaration upon Reform.
He had been thunderstruck when he read the announcement on the part
of the chief author of the Reform Bill, who had stood with him (Sir
J. Graham) hitherto upon _finality_, condemning his own work, and
promising at a year's distance important alterations, in which
interval great agitation would be got up, great expectations raised,
and the measure when brought forward would cause disappointment. Sir
Robert Peel had always been of opinion that it was most dangerous to
touch these questions, but if opened with the consent of the Crown, a
measure should at once be brought forward and passed.
After my having replied to these different objections, that the Queen
felt herself the importance of Lord Palmerston's removal, and would
make it herself a condition with Lord John that he should not be again
Foreign Secretary; that the protest to Austria had not gone, and that
upon studying the question Sir James would find that the entrance of
the whole Austrian Monarchy, while giving France a pretext for war and
infringing the Treaties of 1815, would not tend to the strength and
unity of Germany, which held to be the true English interest, but
quite the reverse; that I did not think the Papal Aggression Bill
touched the Bequest Act or militated against toleration; that the
Lieutenancy would perhaps be given up, and a measure on the Franchise
be considered by the _new_ Government and brought forward at once.
I thought it would be better to discuss the matters with Lord John
Russell in the Queen's presence, who accordingly joined us.
The discussion which now arose went pretty much over the same ground,
Lord John agreeing that Lord Palmerston ought to form no difficulty,
that the Papal Aggression Bill would be further modified, that the
Lieutenancy Bill might be given up, that he agreed to Sir James's
objection to the declaration about reform, but that he had intended to
bring forward a measure, if he had been able to get his colleagues to
agree to it, that he would be ready to propose a measure at once. This
Sir J. Graham thought important as a means of gaining at a General
Election, which he foresaw could not be long delayed, whoever formed a
Government.
In order to obtain some result from this long debate I summed up what
might be considered as agreed upon, viz. That there was _tabula rasa_,
and for the new Coalition a free choice of men and measures, to which
they assented, Lord John merely stating that he could not take office
without part of his friends, and could not sacrifice his _personal_
declarations. Dinnertime having approached, and Lord Aberdeen having
written that he would be with us after nine o'clock, we adjourned the
further discussion till then, when they would return.
Whilst the Queen dressed I had an interview with the Duke of
Wellington, who had come to dine here, in which I informed him of
the nature of our crisis. He expressed his regret and his dread of a
Protectionist Government with a Dissolution, which might lead to civil
commotion. He could not forgive, he said, the high Tory Party for
their having stayed away the other night on Mr Locke King's Motion,
and thus abandoned their own principles; he had no feeling for Lord
John Russell's Cabinet, measures, or principles, but he felt that
the Crown and the country were only safe in these days by having the
Liberals in office, else they would be driven to join the Radical
agitation against the institutions of the country.
After dinner we resumed our adjourned debate in my room, at a quarter
to ten, with Lord Aberdeen, and were soon joined by Lord John and Sir
James Graham. We went over the same ground with him. Lord Stanley's
letter was read and discussed. Lord Aberdeen declared his inability to
join in a Protectionist Ministry; he did not pretend to understand the
question of Free Trade, but it was a point of honour with him not to
abandon it, and now, since Sir R. Peel's death, a matter of piety.
He thought the danger of a Dissolution on a question of food by the
Crown, for the purpose of imposing a tax upon bread, of the utmost
danger for the safety of the country. He disapproved the Papal Bill,
the abolition of the Lieutenancy, he had no difficulty upon the
Franchise, for though he was called a _despot_, he felt a good deal of
the Radical in him sometimes.
Lord John put it to Lord Aberdeen, whether _he_ would not undertake to
form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen gave no distinct reply.
As Sir James Graham raised nothing but difficulties, though professing
the greatest readiness to be of use, and as it was getting on towards
midnight, we broke up, with the Queen's injunction that _one_ of
the three gentlemen _must_ form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen
laughingly replied: "I see your Majesty has come into[6] the President
de la Republique." Lord John was to see Lord Lansdowne _to-day_ at
three o'clock, and would report progress to the Queen at five o'clock.
On one point we were agreed, viz. that the Government to be formed
must not be for the moment, but with a view to strength and stability.
ALBERT.
[Footnote 6: _Sic._]
[Pageheading: COMPLICATIONS]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
_23d February 1851._
The Queen has seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham, but is sorry to
say that her doing so was premature, as they had no opportunity of
seeing each other after they left Lord John Russell, and therefore had
not considered the Memorandum[7] which Lord John had handed to them.
Lord Aberdeen has in the interval seen Lord Stanley, and declared
to him that he must undeceive him as to the possibility of his ever
joining a Protection Government. What further resulted from the
conversation the Queen would prefer to state to Lord John verbally
to-morrow. Perhaps Lord John would come in the forenoon to-morrow, or
before he goes to the House; he will be so good as to let her know.
[Footnote 7: With a view of uniting with the Peelites, Lord
John drew up a Memorandum, printed in Walpole's _Lord John
Russell_, vol. ii. chap, xxii., with the following points:
A Cabinet of not more than eleven Members.
The present commercial policy to be maintained.
The financial measures of the year to be open to revision.
The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill to be persevered in so far as
the Preamble and the first clause, but the remaining clauses
to be abandoned.
A Reform Bill for the extension of the Franchise.
A Commission of Enquiry into corrupt practices at elections in
cities and boroughs.]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1851._
(_Sunday._)
Lord John Russell came at half-past five, much fatigued and depressed.
On the Queen's asking whether he could report any progress, he said
he thought he could; he had met Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham,
together with Sir George Grey (Lord Lansdowne being ill). That he
had informed them that he had received the Queen's commands to form a
Government (?) and handed to them a Memorandum which follows here and
which they had promised to take into consideration.
We asked him whether he had chalked out a Government. He said he
had not thought of it yet; he added, however, that _he_ could not
undertake the Foreign Affairs with the lead in the House of Commons
and Government (which the Queen had pressed upon him); Lord Palmerston
might be leader in the House of Lords; he would not like Lord Aberdeen
at the Foreign Office; Lord Clarendon and Lord Granville were equally
acceptable to him.
I suggested that it might be well if the Queen were to see Sir James
and Lord Aberdeen again, which he approved, but thought it better he
should not be present himself, and that the Queen might tell Sir James
that he might have any Office he liked; perhaps _he_ would take the
Foreign Affairs.
Lord John's relations and private friends evidently are distressed at
his resuming office; the Radicals were very much pleased with the idea
of Sir James Graham being in office.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
_24th February 1851._
_(Monday evening._)
Lord John came at three o'clock before making his statement to the
House of Commons. We communicated to him what had passed with Sir
James Graham and Lord Aberdeen yesterday evening. He thought his
Memorandum had been misunderstood: the nature of the Reform Bill
was left open to discussion, and what he had said about filling the
Offices only meant that the Offices should not be divided according to
number, and each party left to fill up its share, as had been done in
former Coalition Ministries. He had seen Lord Palmerston, who was not
willing to give up the Foreign Office--spoke of retiring from business
at his age, of his success in conducting Foreign Affairs, and of its
being a self-condemnation if he accepted another Office. Lord John
told him that he did not agree in this view, that the Lord-Lieutenancy
of Ireland was to be maintained, and thought it best to leave it
there. He thought Lord Palmerston had given up the idea of leading
the House of Commons. We ascertained from him in conversation that he
could not agree to Lord Aberdeen taking the Foreign Office nor that he
could serve under Lord Aberdeen or Sir James Graham in case any one of
these were to form a Government.
At half-past six Lord John returned from the House of Commons, and
reported that two very important events had taken place: the one that
upon his making his statement to the House that the Government had
resigned, that Lord Stanley had been sent for, had declared _his
inability then to form a Government_ (words agreed upon between
Lord Lansdowne, Lord John, and Sir George Grey), and that he was now
charged with the formation of a Government, Mr. Disraeli got up, and
denied that Lord Stanley had declined forming a Government, which was
received with cheers from the Protectionists. Lord John had merely
answered that when Lord Stanley would make his explanations, what he
had stated would be found to be correct, relying entirely, not upon
what the Queen had communicated, but on Lord Stanley's own letter. The
second event was a letter from Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham,[8]
which put _an end_ to all _thoughts_ of a Coalition. It stated that
they could agree to no legislation whatever on the Papal Aggressions,
and ended with a hint that Sir James Graham was prepared to go farther
in reductions than Lord John was likely to consent to.
Lord John had at once answered that although he did not understand the
latter objection, the difference on the Papal Bill must put an end
to their negotiation. We much lamented the result, and after some
discussion agreed that the only thing to be done now was to send for
Lord Aberdeen. Lord Stanley could not pretend to be consulted before
every other means of forming a Government had been exhausted.
[Footnote 8: Published in Walpole's _Lord John Russell_, vol.
ii. chap. xxii.]
[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN DECLINES]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1851._
(_Half-past ten_ P.M.)
The Queen returns these papers, as Lord John Russell wished. She has
just seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, who, though ready to do
anything which could be of any use to the Queen and the country, have
stated it as their decided opinion that Lord Stanley should be asked
to form a Government. Under these circumstances the Queen intends to
send to Lord Stanley to-morrow. The Queen did ask Lord Aberdeen if he
could undertake to form a Government, but he said that he thought it
would not be successful, and that the Papal Aggression would be an
insurmountable difficulty for him and Sir James Graham.
The Queen rejoices to hear from them, and from Lord John and Lord
Lansdowne, the expression of cordiality of feeling, which it is so
essential for the Crown and the country that there should be.
[Pageheading: ABERDEEN AND GRAHAM]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25 February 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Through Van der Weyer, you will have heard what was
the state of the _long_ and anxious crisis yesterday evening.
Alas! the hope of forming a strong Coalition Government has
failed--_for the present_. I say for the present, as they are all so
entirely agreed on the Commercial Policy that another time they hope
there will be no difficulty, when they have _fought together_.
The _Papal Aggression_ has in fact been the only insurmountable
difficulty. We sent to Lord Aberdeen last night (both he and Sir James
Graham have been most kind to us), and asked if _he_ could not try
to form a Government; but with the greatest readiness to serve me, he
said he could not, on account of this self-same Papal Aggression. He
equally declares that he cannot join Lord Stanley. Accordingly this
morning I have seen Lord Stanley, and he means to try if he can form
any fit sort of Government, but he has _no_ men of talent, and his
difficulties are gigantic. I shall only know to-morrow _definitely_ if
he _can_ form an Administration. I am calm and courageous, having such
support and advice as my dearest Albert's; but it is an anxious time,
and the uncertainty and suspense very trying. More details you will
have later on. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY TO BE SUMMONED]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th February 1851._
Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham came yesterday evening at nine
o'clock; the Queen put it to them whether _they_ could form a
Government, to which they replied that they had turned it in their
heads a hundred times, that there was nothing they would not do to
show their readiness to serve the Queen, but that they did not see a
possibility of forming an Administration which could stand a day. They
were most likely at that moment the two most unpopular men in England,
having declared that nothing should be done in Parliament against the
Papal Aggression, which the whole country clamoured for; the Whigs
would be very angry with them for their having broken up the new
combination; they might find favour with the Radicals, but that was
a support upon which no reliance could be placed. There was a growing
opinion that Lord Stanley ought to have a chance of bringing forward
his measures; that it was perilous, but that it was an evil which must
be gone through; that this opinion had been strongly expressed by Lord
Lansdowne, whose moderation nobody could doubt; that it was shared by
the Duke of Newcastle, Mr Sidney Herbert, and others of Sir James's
friends whom he had had time to consult.
Upon the Queen's expression of her great apprehension as to the
consequence of such a step on the country, they said there would
no doubt spring up a most violent opposition, that there would be
attempts to stop the supplies and dissolve the Army, but that Lord
John Russell and Sir James Graham together would do their utmost to
preach moderation, and would refer the House of Commons to the Queen's
example, who had taken strictly the Constitutional course throughout
the crisis, whose opinions on Free Trade were well known (as far as
subjects could allow themselves to pretend to know their Sovereign's
_private_ opinions) from the hearty support she had given to Sir
Robert Peel's and Lord John's Governments. That upon the first
proposition of a Stanley Government the junction of Parties would
be completed, and there would be only _one_ strong opposition. After
having fought together, there would be no longer any difficulty about
forming a strong Government out of their joint ranks, whilst now it
was impossible not to see that every Minister displaced would feel
personally aggrieved, that then they stood on a footing of perfect
equality. Sir James had seen Lord John since he had tendered his
second resignation, and found him quite altered; whilst he was
embarrassed and _boutonne_ before, he was open and unreserved now, and
they could speak on terms of private friendship. Lord Aberdeen would
save his influence in the House of Lords, which he would probably have
lost if he had joined the Whigs in office; in future all this would be
different.
Lord John Russell's letter with the Memoranda came and interrupted us.
From these papers, and what Sir James and Lord Aberdeen said, it is
clear that all parties are relieved by the failure of their attempt
to form a Coalition Government, but determined to form a positive
junction, which will be most salutary to the country. The Queen will
therefore send for Lord Stanley.
We discussed further the means Lord Stanley would have to form an
Administration, for which the material was certainly sad. Disraeli's
last scene in the House of Commons would render the publication of
Lord Stanley's letter necessary. Mr Gladstone might possibly join him;
at least no pains would be spared to bring him in. Lord Palmerston
had often so much secret understanding with Disraeli that he might be
tempted with the bait of keeping the Foreign Office, particularly if
personally offended.
Whether the Queen should allow or refuse a Dissolution was debated;
the latter declared a most heavy responsibility for the Sovereign to
undertake, but a subject upon which the decision should only be taken
at the time, and on a due consideration of the circumstances.
ALBERT.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _25th February 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that having seen the letter which Lord Stanley
addressed to your Majesty, and feeling himself precluded from entering
into any details, he announced to the House of Commons that Lord
Stanley had in reply to your Majesty's offer declared "he was not
_then_ prepared to form a Government."
Mr Disraeli disputed the accuracy of this statement.
Your Majesty's word cannot be called in question, but Lord John
Russell now feels it due to his own honour humbly to ask your Majesty
for a copy of Lord Stanley's letter. He does not propose to read the
letter to the House of Commons, but to refer to it in the statement he
is compelled to make.
Lord John Russell humbly requests that this representation may be
shown to Lord Stanley. He will feel what is due to the honour of a
public man.
[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY ARRIVES]
[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI]
[Pageheading: DISSOLUTION]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
_25th February 1851._
(_Tuesday._)
Lord Stanley obeyed the Queen's summons at eleven o'clock, and seemed
very much concerned when she informed him that Lord John Russell had
given up his task, as differences of opinion, particularly on the
Papal Bill, had prevented a junction between him, Lord Aberdeen, and
Sir James Graham; that an appeal to Lord Aberdeen had been equally
unsuccessful from the same cause, viz. their difficulty in dealing
with the Papal Question; that consequently the contingency had arisen
under which Lord Stanley had promised to undertake the formation of a
Government.
Lord Stanley said his difficulties were immense, and he could not
venture to approach them unless he was sure of every support on the
part of the Crown; that he would have arrayed against him a formidable
opposition of all the talent in the country.
The Queen assured him that he should have every Constitutional support
on her part, of which Lord Stanley repeated he had felt sure, although
the total change must be very trying to the Queen.
On his question, whether there was any hope of Lord Aberdeen joining
him and taking the Foreign Office, we had to tell him that he must
quite discard that idea. He replied, with a sigh, that he would still
try and see him; he had thought of the Duke of Wellington taking the
Foreign Office _ad interim_, but felt that he could hardly propose
that, considering the Duke's age and infirmity; he would make an
attempt to see Lord Canning with the Queen's permission, and
that failing, could only think of Sir Stratford Canning, now at
Constantinople, which the Queen approved.
He still hoped he might get Mr Gladstone to take the lead in the House
of Commons, without which assistance he must not conceal that it was
almost impossible for him to go on. Mr Gladstone was on his way
home from Paris, and he had written to him to see him as soon as he
arrived; till then he could not promise that he would succeed to
form an Administration, and he only undertook it for the good of his
country, but was afraid of ruining his reputation.
To this I rejoined that who tried to do the best by his country need
never be afraid for his reputation.
The Queen showed Lord Stanley Lord John Russell's letter respecting Mr
Disraeli's denial of the truth of Lord John's statement in the House
of Commons yesterday.
Lord Stanley said it had been a very unfortunate misunderstanding,
that he had been sorry Lord John and Lord Lansdowne should have felt
it necessary to say that "he had not _then_ been prepared to form a
Government," as the knowledge of this fact, as long as there was a
chance of his being called back, could not but act injuriously to him
and dispirit those with whom he acted. He would explain all this on
Friday in the House of Lords, and had no objection to sending Lord
John a copy of his letter.
We now came to _Measures_. Lord Stanley hopes to obviate the Papal
Question by a Parliamentary declaration and the appointment in both
Houses of a Committee to enquire into the position of the Roman
Catholic Church in this country; he would diminish the Income Tax by a
million, and exempt temporary incomes; he would allow compounding for
the Window Tax and levy a moderate duty on corn, which he called a
Countervailing Duty, and tried to defend as good political economy, on
the authority of Mr M'Culloch's last edition of "Ricardo." (I had some
discussion with him, however, on that point.)
Returning to the offices to be filled, Lord Stanley said he should
have to propose Mr Disraeli as one of the Secretaries of State. The
Queen interrupted him by saying that she had not a very good opinion
of Mr Disraeli on account of his conduct to poor Sir R. Peel, and what
had just happened did not tend to diminish that feeling; but that she
felt so much Lord Stanley's difficulties, that she would not aggravate
them by passing a sentence of exclusion on him. She must, however,
make Lord Stanley responsible for his conduct, and should she have
cause to be displeased with him when in office, she would remind Lord
Stanley of what now passed. Lord Stanley promised to be responsible,
and excused his friend for his former bitterness by his desire to
establish his reputation for cleverness and sharpness; nobody had
gained so much by Parliamentary schooling, and he had of late quite
changed his tone.
Mr Herries would make a good Chancellor of the Exchequer.
As to Ireland, he had thought of having a more ostensible
Lord-Lieutenant, whilst the business should be done by the Secretary
for Ireland. He asked the Queen whether the Duke of Cambridge might
be offered that post, which she took _ad referendum_. The Duke of
Northumberland, though not of his Party, he should like to offer the
Admiralty to.
At the conclusion of the interview he broached the important question
of Dissolution, and said that a Dissolution would anyhow become
necessary; that, if it was thought that the Queen would withhold
from him the privilege of dissolving, he would not have the slightest
chance in the House of Commons; he would be opposed and beat, and then
his adversaries would come in and dissolve. He avowed that it could
not be said that the Queen had refused him the power of dissolving,
but he required some assurance.
On the Queen's objecting to giving him a contingent positive promise,
but declaring her readiness fairly to discuss the question when the
emergency arose, he contented himself with the permission to deny,
if necessary, that she would _not_ consent to it, putting entire
confidence in the Queen's intention to deal fairly by him.
I tried to convince Lord Stanley, and I hope not without effect, of
the advantage, both to the Queen and Lord Stanley himself, that they
should not be hampered by a positive engagement on that point, which
might become very inconvenient if circumstances arose which made a
Dissolution dangerous to the country.
ALBERT.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th February 1851._
The Queen has seen Lord Stanley, who will let Lord John Russell have a
copy of the letter. He wishes it not to be known or considered that
he has formally undertaken to form a Government till to-morrow, on
account of the House of Lords meeting to-day. He feels the difficulty
of his position, and is not sure yet that he will be able to complete
a Ministry. To-morrow he will give the Queen a positive answer.
_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th February 1851._
The Queen has just received Lord Stanley's letter. She had forgotten
the Levee, and was just going to write to him to inform him that she
wished to see him at eleven o'clock to-morrow.
The Queen cannot but regret that Lord Stanley should think Lord John
Russell's explanation led to a wrong inference; for Lord Stanley
will himself recollect that he stated his objections to her much more
strongly in his first interview than he did in writing, and as Lord
Stanley so strongly advised the Queen to try if no other arrangement
could first be come to, she hardly knows how this could otherwise have
been expressed than by the words used by Lord Lansdowne and Lord John
Russell.
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
_26th February 1851._
(_Wednesday._)
Lord Stanley came again at eleven. The first part of the audience,
which was not long, was occupied by Lord Stanley's trying to explain
away Mr Disraeli's contradiction of Lord John Russell, though he
termed it "very unfortunate," by saying that he wished Lord John had
_not mentioned_ that _he_ (Lord Stanley) "was not _then_ prepared"
to form a Government, for that, though true in fact, he had _not_
absolutely _refused_, but had only advised me to _try_ and make other
arrangements first. I said I thought the distinction "a very nice
one," which he admitted. What passed between us on the subject the
correspondence between Albert and Lord John will best explain.
Lord Stanley then told us that he had seen the Duke of Northumberland,
who wished for time to consider; that he was to see Lord Canning again
to-day, but had no hopes of his accepting; and that he found so many
people out of Town that he must ask for _forty-eight_ hours more
before he could give me a positive answer, viz. till Friday. He added
he "must not conceal" from me that he was "not very sanguine" of
success; almost all depended on Mr Gladstone, who was expected
to arrive to-day; but that it might _now_ be said (in answer to a
question of Albert's "whether in these days of nice distinctions one
_might_ say that he had _undertaken_ to form a Government"), that he
had _attempted_ to _undertake_ to _form a Government_.
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY RESIGNS]
_Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _27th February 1851._
(_Four o'clock_ P.M.)
Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, awaits your Majesty's commands at
what hour he may be honoured with an audience, to explain the
grounds on which, with the deepest regret, he feels himself under the
necessity of resigning the important trust with which your Majesty has
honoured him.
_Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1851._
The Queen sanctions Sir James Graham's making any statement to the
House of Commons which he thinks necessary, to explain the part which
he and Lord Aberdeen took in the late Ministerial negotiations, and
indeed hopes that these explanations will be as full as possible
on all parts, in order that the country may fully appreciate the
difficulties of the crisis.
[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY'S REASONS]
[Pageheading: THE PAPAL BILL]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1851._
Lord Stanley arrived at half-past five o'clock. We were struck by the
change of his countenance, which had lost all the expression of care
and anxiety which had marked it at the previous interviews.
He assured the Queen that he had been labouring incessantly since he
had seen her last, but that he was sorry to say without any success.
He had seen Mr Gladstone, who declined joining his Government
on account of his previous pledges in Parliament respecting the
Commercial Policy of Sir R. Peel, but evidently also on account of his
peculiar views with respect to the Papal Aggression, which he did not
seem disposed to look upon as in any way objectionable.
Lord Canning had given him some hope at one time, but finally declined
in order not to risk his credit for political consistency.
Mr H. Corry, whose opinions on Free Trade were by no means decided,
and who had only filled a very subordinate situation in Sir R. Peel's
Government, he had offered high office, but was refused, Mr Corry
expressing his fears that the Government had no chance of standing
against the opposition it would have to meet in the House of Commons.
The Duke of Northumberland was the only person not properly belonging
to the Protection Party who had accepted office (First Lord of the
Admiralty). At one time Lord Ellenborough had accepted, but having
been sent on a mission to Mr Goulburn in order to see whether he
could convert him, he came home himself converted, and withdrew his
acceptance again.
In this situation Lord Stanley called his friends together, and after
some discussion concurred in their opinion that it was not possible
for them to form such an Administration as ought to be offered to the
Queen. Lord Stanley then qualified this expression again, and said
that though he could have offered a very respectable Government if
he had had a majority in the House of Commons, or the means of
strengthening himself by an immediate Dissolution, he could not form
such a one which could have withstood an adverse majority and such a
formidable array of talent in the Opposition. He therefore returned
the trust which had been committed to him into the Queen's hands,
expressing at the same time his deep sense of gratitude for the
kindness with which she had treated him, the support and confidence
she had given him, sorry only that it should have led to no result.
He thought, however, that the prolongation of the crisis had not
inconvenienced the public service, as Her Majesty's _present_
Government were constitutionally enabled to carry on all necessary
business.
The Queen rejoined that she was very sorry that this attempt had also
failed, that she had tried every possible combination, and still was
without a Government. Lord Stanley answered as if he considered
it natural that Lord John Russell's Government should now quietly
proceed; but on the Queen's observation, that it was now necessary
that all Parties should join in the support of some measures at least,
and particularly the Papal Bill, he stated what he was prepared to
support, and would have been prepared to propose had he taken office,
viz. a fuller recital in the preamble of the Bill and no penal clause
in the body of it. (The present Bill looked pettish and undignified,
as if framed in anger as a return for the insult, and not a correction
of the state of the law.) He thought the Law very complex and obscure,
and never found it acted upon. He would have proposed therefore that
Committees of both Houses should enquire into the whole subject; the
state of the Convents; whether subjects were detained against their
will; whether people were forced to bequeath their property to the
Church on the deathbed, etc., etc.; he knew that the Roman Catholic
laity felt severely the oppression which the Priests exercised over
them, and would be willing to give evidence.
Lord Stanley asked whether it could be of use if he were to state all
this in his explanation to-day, which the Queen strongly affirmed. I
added that I hoped he would explain what he was prepared to do on all
the subjects in dispute--the Commercial and Financial Policy as well.
He promised to do so, and entered into his views on the Income Tax,
which he called a War Tax, which had been imposed for temporary
purposes only in 1842, and ought to be taken off again when
practicable in order to keep faith with the public; but if, as often
as there was a surplus, this was immediately absorbed by remission of
other burdens, this object could never be fulfilled. He would
propose that by degrees, as surpluses arose, the Income Tax should be
decreased, and so on to its final repeal.
I disputed with him for some time on the advantages of an Income Tax,
but without coming to any result.
On his enquiry whether there was anything else the Queen might wish
him to state--perhaps the rumour that he had been refused the power of
dissolving--we agreed that he should say the question had never been
seriously entertained, but that the Queen had been ready to give him
the same support and advantages which any other Government might have
enjoyed.[9]
ALBERT.
[Footnote 9: The Prince thereupon, at the Queen's request,
communicated with Lord John Russell, and after recounting
to him the various successive failures to form a Government,
wrote that the Queen must "pause before she again entrusts the
commission of forming an Administration to anybody, till
she has been able to see the result of to-morrow evening's
Debate." He added, "Do you see any Constitutional objection to
this course?"]
[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]
_The Prince Albert to the Duke of Wellington._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _28th February 1851._
MY DEAR DUKE,--Lord Stanley has likewise resigned his task, not being
able to gain over any of Sir R. Peel's friends, and being incapable of
forming a Government out of his Party alone.
So Lord John Russell has declared his inability to carry on the
Government. Lord Stanley has then declared his inability to form one
until every other combination should have failed. We have tried
all possible combinations between Whigs and Peelites, and have not
succeeded, and now Lord Stanley throws up the game a second time!
The Queen would be happy to consult you and hear your advice in this
dilemma. Possibly to-night's Debate may define the position of Parties
more clearly, and give a clue to what may be best to be done under the
circumstances. Ever yours, etc.
ALBERT.
_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._
CHESHAM PLACE, _28th February 1851._
SIR,--The former Cabinet meet at eleven, at Lansdowne House.
It appears to me that the Queen might with advantage see Lord
Lansdowne. He was in office with Mr Fox and Lord Grenville in 1806; he
has been distinguished and respected in political life ever since; he
is now desirous of retiring, and has therefore no personal object to
gain. If the Queen approves, Lord Lansdowne might wait on Her Majesty
soon after twelve o'clock. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal
Highness's very dutiful Servant,
J. RUSSELL.
[Pageheading: LORD LANSDOWNE]
_Queen Victoria to Lord Lansdowne._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _28th February 1851._
It would be a great satisfaction to the Queen to hear Lord Lansdowne's
advice in the present critical state of affairs, and she would be glad
if he could come to her at twelve this morning. The Queen has sent
to the Duke of Wellington in order to hear his opinion also; but he
cannot be here before to-night, being at Strathfieldsaye.
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
FRIDAY, _28th February 1851._
Lord Lansdowne, who arrived at twelve o'clock, was asked by the Queen
what advice he could offer her in the present complication. His answer
was: "I wish indeed I had any good advice to offer to your Majesty."
He expressed his delight at the Queen having sent for the Duke of
Wellington. We talked generally of the state of affairs; he agreed in
a remark of mine, that I thought the Queen should be entirely
guided in her choice of the person to construct a Government, by the
consideration which Party would now appear to be the strongest in the
House of Commons. On my asking, however, whether he knew if, on the
failure of Lord Stanley to form a Government, part of his followers
would now give up Protection as past hope, and be prepared in future
to support the Peelite section of the Conservative Party, Lord
Lansdowne said he had heard nothing on the subject, nor could he give
us more information on the chance of the Radicals and Irish members
now being more willing to support Lord John Russell in future. He
liked Lord Stanley's plan of dealing with the Papal Question, of
which the Queen communicated to him the outlines, was afraid of Sir
J. Graham's excessive leaning towards economy, shook his head at
Lord John Russell's letter to the Bishop of Durham[10] which had been
instrumental in bringing on the present crisis, and confessed that he
had been amongst those in the Cabinet who had prevented the bringing
forward of a measure of reform in the present Session. He offered to
do whatever might be most conducive to the Queen's comfort--stay out
of office, or come into office--as might be thought the most useful.
ALBERT.
[Footnote 10: See _ante_, p. 273 note 1.]
[Pageheading: FURTHER DIFFICULTIES]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st March 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I did not write to you yesterday, thinking I could
perhaps give you some more positive news to-day, but I _cannot_. I am
still without a Government, and I am still trying to hear and pause
before I actually call to Lord John to undertake to form, or rather
more to continue, the Government. We have passed an anxious, exciting
week, and the difficulties are very peculiar; there are so many
conflicting circumstances which render coalition between those
who agree in almost everything, and in particular on _Free Trade_,
impossible, but the "Papal Question" is the real and almost
insuperable difficulty.
Lord Lansdowne is waiting to see me, and I must go, and with many
thanks for your two kind letters, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd March 1851._
(_Sunday._)
Lord Lansdowne, who arrived after church, had seen Lord John
Russell and discussed with him the Memorandum which we left with him
yesterday. He had since drawn up a Memorandum himself which embodied
his views, and which he had not yet communicated to any one. He was
very apprehensive lest to begin a new Government with an open question
would produce the greatest prejudice against it in the public; he was
still inclined therefore to recommend the continuance of the present
Government avowedly for the purpose of passing the Papal Bill, after
which the Coalition might take place, which, however, should be agreed
upon and settled at this time. As the Duke of Wellington has not yet
sent his promised Memorandum, and Lord Lansdowne was anxious to hear
his opinion, the Queen commissioned him to appoint Lord John Russell
to come at three o'clock, and to go himself to the Duke of Wellington.
Lord John Russell, who arrived at the appointed time, and had not seen
Lord Lansdowne's Memorandum yet, read it over, and expressed great
misgivings about the execution of the proposal. He said he saw in
fact, like Sir J. Graham, nothing but difficulties. He had ascertained
that his Party by no means liked the idea of a fusion, and had been
much relieved when the attempt to form a Coalition Ministry had
failed. He was afraid that in the interval between their resuming
office and giving it up again every possible surmise would be current
who were the Ministers to be displaced, and every possible intrigue
would spring up for and against particular members of the Cabinet. He
would prefer not to make any arrangements for the Coalition now, but
merely to engage to resign again after having carried the Papal
Bill, when the Queen could try the Coalition, and that failing, could
entrust Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham with the carrying on of the
Government, whose chief difficulty would then be removed. I objected
to this--that his Party might feel justly aggrieved if after their
having carried him through the difficulty of the Papal Measure, he
were to throw them over and resign, and asked him whether his Cabinet
would not repent in the meantime and wish to stay in.
He answered that it would be entirely in his and Lord Lansdowne's
hands to carry out the proposed arrangements.
We asked him whether it would strengthen his hands if, instead of his
only _accepting_ the task of continuing the Government till the Papal
Measure had been passed, the Queen were to make it a _condition_
in _giving_ him the Commission, that it should terminate then. He
replied, "Certainly." He begged, however, to be understood not to have
given a decided opinion that the plan of "the open Question" proposed
in our Memorandum was not preferable, although he saw great objections
to that also, particularly as Sir J. Graham had reserved the statement
of his principal objections to the Papal Bill for the second reading.
He promised to draw up a Memorandum, which he would bring to-morrow
at twelve o'clock, after having consulted some of his colleagues,
and begged that it might not be considered that he had accepted the
Government till then.
One of the difficulties which we likewise discussed was the position
of the financial measures which required almost immediate attention,
and still ought to be left open for the consideration of the future
Government.
We agreed that the pressing on the Papal Measure was the chief point,
and that it ought to be altered to meet the objections (as far as they
are reasonable) of its opponents, strengthening the declaratory part,
however, to please Lord Stanley; and the Queen promised to call upon
Lord Stanley to give this so modified Bill the support of himself and
his Party, which we thought she could in fairness claim after all that
had happened.
The Queen reiterated her objections to Lord Palmerston, and received
the renewed promise that her wishes should be attended to.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: A COALITION IMPOSSIBLE]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd March 1851._
Lord John Russell arrived at the hour appointed (twelve o'clock), and
was sorry to inform the Queen that all hope of a Coalition must be
given up. He had found that his Party was very much averse to it. On
proposing to his former colleagues the plan of keeping Office now,
and vacating it after the Aggression Bill had passed, many of them,
amongst which were Lord Grey, Sir Charles Wood, Sir Francis Baring,
declared they would not be _warming-pans_ (an expression used at the
time of the Grey-Grenville Coalition), and would resign at once. The
Duke of Wellington, whose opinion the Queen had asked, had recommended
the return of the old Cabinet to power. He (Lord John) could therefore
only advise that course, although he was conscious that it would be a
very weak Government, and one not likely to last any length of time.
He then read the Memorandum which he had drawn up and which follows
here.[11]
The Queen now asked whether Lord John proposed a modification of
his own Cabinet, to which Lord John replied, None, except perhaps
an exchange of Office between Sir C. Wood and Sir F. Baring, if Sir
Charles were to refuse bringing in a different budget from the one he
had already propounded; he was for maintaining the Income Tax, whilst
Sir Francis was for repealing it by degrees. The Queen then reminded
Lord John of her objections to Lord Palmerston, and his promise
that Lord Palmerston should not again be thrust upon her as Foreign
Secretary. Lord John admitted to the promise, but said he could not
think for a moment of resuming office and either expel Lord Palmerston
or quarrel with him. He (Lord John) was in fact the weakness and Lord
Palmerston the strength of the Government from his popularity with the
Radicals.... He said he was very anxious that he and Lord Lansdowne
should bear the responsibility of removing Lord Palmerston from the
Foreign Office and not the Queen; her refusal now could only go to the
country as a personal objection on her part, and the country would be
left without a Government in consequence. On the Queen's reiterating
that she wanted to keep Lord John and get rid of Lord Palmerston, and
that it was too painful to her to be put into the situation of having
actually to _wish_ the fall of her own Government, Lord John promised
to move Lord Palmerston in the Easter recess, or to resign then
himself if he should meet with difficulties; in the meantime he must
apprise Lord Palmerston of this intention, which he could explain to
him as a wish to make a general modification of his Government. He
would offer him the Lieutenancy of Ireland or the Presidency or lead
in the House of Lords, which Lord Lansdowne would be ready to resign.
He might at that period perhaps get some of the Radicals into office
or some Peelites. The Queen finally entrusted Lord John with the
Government on these conditions.
ALBERT.
[Footnote 11: _See_ next page.]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ADVICE]
[Pageheading: ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL]
_Memorandum by Lord John Russell._
_3rd March 1851._
Her Majesty having tried in vain the formation of a Government--first,
by Lord Stanley; second, by Lord John Russell, Lord Aberdeen, and
Sir James Graham; third, by Lord Aberdeen; fourth, by Lord Stanley
a second time--had recourse to the advice and opinion of the Duke of
Wellington. The Duke, admitting the great qualifications for office
of the adherents of the late Sir Robert Peel, yet advises the Queen to
restore her former Ministers to office.
But supposing Her Majesty to follow that advice, a further question
naturally arises: the late Government having fallen from want of
Parliamentary support, can they upon their return be in any way
strengthened, and be enabled to carry on the public business with more
power and efficiency?
This might be done in three ways: first, by a Coalition sooner or
later with the Peel Party; secondly, by admitting to office some of
their own Radical supporters; thirdly, by seeking aid from the Party
which has followed Lord Stanley.
The first of these courses appears the most natural. The present
Ministers are agreed with the adherents of Sir Robert Peel on Free
Trade, and on the policy which has regulated our finances of late
years. The difference between them is of a temporary nature. But it
may be doubted whether any strength would be gained by an immediate
junction with that Party.
If such junction took place now, the Ministers coming in must oppose
their colleagues on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill--an unseemly
spectacle, a source of weakness, and probably the beginning of strife,
which would not end with the Bill in question.
If, on the other hand, the junction were delayed till the
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill is disposed of, the existing Ministry would
be divided into two portions, one of which would have only a temporary
tenure of office. Rumours, cabals, and intrigues would have ample room
to spread their mischief in such a state of things.
But finally the Whig Party in the House of Commons would not be
cordial supporters of the junction; jealousy and discontent would soon
break up the Ministry.
Secondly, by admitting to office some of their Radical supporters.
This course must lead to concessions on measures as well as men, and
those concessions would provoke hostility in other quarters. The great
question of the defence of the country is besides one of too great
importance to be made a matter of compromise.
Third, by seeking aid from the Party which has followed Lord Stanley.
This cannot be done by means of official connection; but something
might be effected by adopting measures calculated to convince the
Landed Interest that their sufferings were not disregarded.
Upon the whole, if the late Ministers are invited by your Majesty to
resume office, the easiest course would be to proceed at once with
the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. That question disposed of, it would
be seen whether the Ministry had sufficient strength to go on; if
they had, they might, as occasion arose, seek assistance from other
quarters, looking to those with whom there is the greatest agreement
of opinion.
Should the Ministry, on the other hand, not receive Parliamentary
support sufficient to enable them to carry on the Government, the
Queen would be in a position to form a new Government free from the
obstacles which have lately been fatal.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th March 1851._
... The Queen was in hopes to have heard from Lord John Russell this
morning relative to what passed in the House of Commons last night.
She wishes likewise to hear what takes place at the meeting of Lord
John's supporters to-day. The Queen must ask Lord John to keep her
constantly informed of what is going on, and of the temper of parties
in and out of Parliament; for no one _can_ deny that the present state
of affairs is most critical; and after all that has happened it
is absolutely necessary that the Queen should not be in a state of
uncertainty, not to say of ignorance, as to what is passing. She can
else not form a just opinion of the position of affairs.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th March 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Pray receive my warmest thanks for two kind letters
of the 28th, and my excuses for the terribly incoherent scrawl of last
Saturday. The _denouement_ of ten days of the greatest anxiety and
excitement I cannot call satisfactory, for it holds out only the
prospect of another crisis in a very short time, and the so much
wished-for union of Parties has been again frustrated. I have been
speaking _very strongly_ about Lord Palmerston to Lord John, and he
has _promised_ that if the Government should still be in at Easter,
then to make a change.... Lord Stanley can never succeed _until_ he
gives up Protection, which he would do, if the country decides against
him;[12] he has failed solely from the _impossibility_ of finding
_one_ single man capable to take the important Offices. He said last
night to Lord John Russell, "I am _l'homme impossible_; they cannot
come to me again." Still it would be very desirable that there
should be a strong Conservative Party; nothing but the abandonment of
Protection can bring this to pass, and Lord Stanley cannot abandon
it with honour till _after_ the _next Election_. This is the state
of Parties, which is greatly _erschwert_ by the Papal Question, which
divides the Liberals and Conservatives. In short, there _never_ was
_such_ a _complicated_ and difficult state of affairs. Ever your
devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
Stockmar has been an immense comfort to us in our trials, and I hope
you will tell him so.
[Footnote 12: The Queen's judgment was amply confirmed by the
events of 1852. See _post_, p. 404. note 1.]
[Pageheading: THE NATIONAL GALLERY]
_Memorandum by the Queen._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _5th March 1851._
The Queen would give every facility to the selection of a good site
for a new National Gallery, and would therefore not object to its
being built on to Kensington Palace or anywhere in Kensington Gardens;
but does not see why it should exactly be placed upon the site of the
present Palace, if not for the purpose of taking from the Crown the
last available set of apartments. She is not disposed to trust in the
disposition of Parliament or the public to give her an equivalent
for these apartments from time to time when emergencies arise. The
surrender of Kensington Palace will most likely not be thanked for at
the moment, and any new demand in consequence of such surrender would
be met with lavish abuse. As to economy in the construction, it will
most likely be best consulted by building on a spot perfectly free and
unencumbered.
_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._
CHESHAM PLACE, _14th March 1851._
SIR,--I cannot undertake to make any change in the Foreign Office. Our
Party is hardly reunited, and any break into sections, following one
man or the other, would be fatal to us. I need not say that the Queen
would suffer if it were attributed to her desire, and that as I have
no difference of opinion on Foreign Policy, that could not fail to be
the case.
Upon the whole, the situation of affairs is most perplexing. A
Dissolution I fear would not improve it.
I can only say that my Office is at all times at the Queen's disposal.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful
Servant,
J. RUSSELL.
_Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _30th March 1851._
The Queen approves of the draft of a letter to the Archbishop of
Canterbury. With respect to the Archbishop's letter and the address,
the Queen will receive it in the Closet. It seems strange to propose
as a remedy for the present evils in the Church, and for its evident
great disunion, _600_ more churches to be built! There ought clearly
to be some security given to those who are to encourage such a scheme
against the extension of those evils.
[Pageheading: THE GREAT EXHIBITION]
_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _19th April 1851._
SIR,--Lord Granville came here yesterday to speak to me upon the order
for opening the Exhibition at one o'clock on the 1st of May. He is
anxious to have the order changed, and the season-ticket bearers
admitted at eleven o'clock.
I did not give him any positive opinion on the subject. But the
account he gave me of the route which the Queen will follow in going
to the Exhibition takes away the main objection which I felt to the
admission of visitors before one o'clock. It appears there cannot well
be any interruption to Her Majesty's progress to and from the Crystal
Palace on the 1st of May.
I conclude that Her Majesty will not go in the State Coach, but in the
same manner that Her Majesty goes in state to the theatres....
I feel assured there will be no undue and inconvenient pressure of the
crowd in the part of the building in which Her Majesty may be. Colonel
Wemyss and Colonel Bouverie might easily be in attendance to request
the visitors not to crowd where the Queen is. At the same time, I am
ready to abide by the existing order, if Her Majesty wishes it to be
enforced.
I have the honour to submit two private letters sent by Lord
Palmerston. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most
dutiful Servant,
J. RUSSELL.
[Pageheading: THE OPENING CEREMONY]
_The Duchess of Gloucester to Queen Victoria._
GLOUCESTER HOUSE, _2nd May 1851._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--It is impossible to tell you how warmly I do
participate in all you must have felt yesterday, as well as dear
Albert, at everything having gone off so beautifully. After so much
anxiety and the trouble he has had, the joy _must_ be the greater.[13]
The sight from my window was the gayest and the most gratifying to
witness, and to me who loves you so dearly as _I do_, made it the more
delightful. The good humour of all around, the fineness of the
day, the manner you were received in both going and coming from the
Exhibition, was quite perfect. Therefore what must it have been in the
inside of the building!
Mary and George came away in perfect _enchantment_, and every soul I
have seen describes it as the fairest sight that ever was seen and the
best-conducted _fete!_Why, G. Bathurst told me it far surpassed the
_Coronation_ as to magnificence, and we all agreed in rejoicing that
the _Foreigners should_ have witnessed the affection of the _People_
to _you_ and _your Family_, and how the _English people_ do _love_ and
respect the _Crown_. As to Mary, she was in _perfect enchantment_, and
full of how pretty your dear little Victoria looked, and how nicely
she was dressed, and so grateful to your Mother for all her kindness
to her. I should have written to you last night, but I thought I would
not plague you with a letter until to-day, as I think you must have
been tired last night with the _excitement_ of the day. I shall ever
lament the having missed such a sight, but I comfort myself in feeling
sure I could not have followed you (as I ought) when you walked round.
Therefore I was _better_ out of the way. We drank your health at
dinner and _congratulation_ on the _complete success_ of _Albert's
plans_ and _arrangements_, and also dear little Arthur's health. Many
thanks for kind note received last night. Love to Albert. Yours,
MARY.
[Footnote 13: The Great Exhibition in Hyde Park was opened
with brilliant ceremony on the 1st of May.]
[Pageheading: THE GREAT EXHIBITION]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd May 1851._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... I wish you _could_ have witnessed the _1st May
1851_, the _greatest_ day in our history, the _most beautiful_ and
_imposing_ and _touching_ spectacle ever seen, and the triumph of my
beloved Albert. Truly it was astonishing, a fairy scene. Many cried,
and all felt touched and impressed with devotional feelings. It was
the _happiest_, _proudest_ day in my life, and I can think of
nothing else. Albert's dearest name is immortalised with this _great_
conception, _his_ own, and my _own_ dear country _showed_ she was
_worthy_ of it. The triumph is _immense_, for up to the _last hour_
the difficulties, the opposition, and the ill-natured attempts
to annoy and frighten, of a certain set of fashionables and
Protectionists, were immense; but Albert's temper, patience, firmness,
and energy surmounted all, and the feeling is universal. _You_ will
be astounded at this great work when you see it!--the beauty of the
building and the vastness of it all. I can never thank God enough.
I feel _so_ happy, so proud. Our dear guests were much pleased and
impressed. You are right to like the dear Princess, for she is a
noble-minded, warm-hearted, distinguished person, much attached to
you, and who revered dearest Louise. Oh! _how_ I thought of _her_ on
that great day, how kindly she would have rejoiced in our success! Now
good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Austria._[14]
PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _5 Mai 1851._
SIRE ET MON BON FRERE,--C'est avec un vif empressement que je viens
remercier votre Majeste Imperiale des superbes objets de l'industrie
et des arts de votre Empire, que vous avez eu l'extreme bonte de
m'envoyer et qui me seront bien precieux a plus d'un titre d'abord
comme venant de votre Majeste, et puis a cause de leur grande beaute
et comme un souvenir a une epoque ou il a plu au Tout-Puissant de
permettre une reunion pacifique de tous les peuples du monde et de
leurs produits.
La ceremonie de l'inauguration de l'Exposition a fait une profonde
impression sur mon c[oe]ur et je regrette d'avoir ete le seul
Souverain qui ait pu jouir de cette scene a la fois imposante
et parlant au c[oe]ur. Nous avons deja fait plusieurs visites au
departement Autrichien et le Prince et moi avons eu occasion d'admirer
beaucoup les produits qui nous sont venus de vos Etats. Puisse
leur exposition contribuer a la prosperite du commerce de l'Empire
Autrichien.
Agreez l'expression de ma sincere amitie, qui j'espere pourra un jour
etre cimentee par la connaissance personnelle de votre Majeste,
et croyez-moi toujours, Sire, de votre Majeste Imperiale, la bonne
S[oe]ur,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 14: Francis Joseph, who became Emperor in December
1848.]
[Pageheading: DEATH OF MR SHEIL]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd June 1851._
The Queen will see the Judge Advocate on Saturday at three.
The place of the late Mr Mill is already filled up.
Mr Sheil's death is very sudden, and must be a great shock to his
family....
We go to Windsor this afternoon to stay till Friday. We hope that Lord
John Russell's little girl is going on quite well.
The Queen has had good accounts from the dear Princess of Prussia from
Coblentz. Her letter is full of England, her great happiness here,
and her great sorrow at having left it. The Princes have expressed
the same, so this dangerous journey has gone off without _one_ single
unpleasant circumstance, which is very gratifying.
The Prince and Prince Frederic are gone to Berlin, where the statue of
Frederic the Great was to be inaugurated yesterday.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th June 1851._
The Queen returns the papers signed. We are both much pleased at what
Lord John Russell says about the Prince's speech yesterday.[15] It was
on so ticklish a subject that one could not feel sure beforehand
how it might be taken; at the same time the Queen felt sure that the
Prince would say the right thing, from her entire confidence in his
great tact and judgment.
The Queen, at the risk of not appearing sufficiently modest (and yet,
why should a wife ever be modest about her husband's merits?), must
say that she thinks Lord John Russell will admit now that the Prince
is possessed of very extraordinary powers of mind and heart. She feels
so proud at being his wife that she cannot refrain from herself paying
a tribute to his noble character.
[Footnote 15: The Prince presided at the meeting commemorative
of the one hundred and fifty years' existence of the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel. His speech was warmly
praised by the Premier.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th July 1851._
The Queen hastens to tell Lord John Russell how amiably everything
went off last [night], and how enthusiastically we were received by an
almost _fearful_ mass of people in the streets;[16] the greatest order
prevailed, and the greatest and most gratifying enthusiasm.
Not being aware whether Sir George Grey is equal to any business, the
Queen writes to Lord John to direct that a proper letter be written
without delay to the Lord Mayor, expressing not only the Queen's and
Prince's thanks for the splendid entertainment at the Guildhall, but
also our high gratification at the hearty, kind, and enthusiastic
reception we met with during our progress through the City, both
going and returning. Our only anxiety is lest any accident should have
occurred from the great pressure of the dense crowds.
The Queen would likewise wish to know what distinction should be
conferred in honour of the occasion on the Lord Mayor.
[Footnote 16: A ball in commemoration of the Exhibition took
place at the Guildhall on the 9th of July.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th July 1851._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. She has no
objection on this particular occasion to knight the two Sheriffs, this
year being so memorable a one.
But the Queen would wish it clearly to be _understood_ that they have
no right or claim to be knighted whenever the Queen goes into the
City.
On the occasion of the opening of the Royal Exchange the Sheriffs were
not knighted....
We regret to hear of Lord John's continued indisposition.
[Pageheading: THE DANISH SUCCESSION]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _25th August 1851._
The Queen wishes to draw Lord John Russell's attention to the enclosed
draft, which she does not think can go in its present shape. We argued
in innumerable despatches that the _choice of the successor_ to the
Danish Crown was entirely an internal question for Denmark, in which
foreign Powers could not interfere. Here, however, it is laid down
that the German Diet has no right to treat the succession in Holstein
(a German State) as an _internal_ question, as it ought to be decided
on--not according to the _German law of succession_, but according to
the interests of Europe. Nor is it true, as stated in the despatch,
that the Duke of Augustenburg has _no_ claim to the Danish Crown. His
mother was the daughter of Christian VII. and of Queen Matilda.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN IN SCOTLAND]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BALMORAL CASTLE, _16th September 1851._