m'honorer m'a cause un bien vif plaisir comme temoignage que votre
Majeste a su apprecier les sentiments d'amitie pour vous et le desir
d'agir avec impartialite qui m'ont animee ainsi que mon Gouvernement
pendant tout le cours des longues negociations qui out precede la
signature de la Paix avec l'Allemagne. Votre Majeste peut aisement
comprendre aussi combien je dois regretter le renouvellement de la
guerre avec le Schleswig qui ne pourra avoir d'autre resultat que
l'accroissement de l'animosite et l'affaiblissement des deux nobles
peuples sur lesquels vous regnez. Dieu veuille que cette derniere
lutte se termine pourtant dans une reconciliation solide, basee sur
la reconnaissance des droits et des obligations des deux cotes. Je me
trouve poussee a vous soumettre ici, Sire, une priere pour un Prince
qui s'est malheureusement trouve en conflit avec votre Majeste, mais
pour lequel les liens de parente me portent a plaider, le Duc de
Holstein-Augustenburg. Je suis persuadee que la magnanimite de votre
Majeste lui rendra ses biens particuliers, qu'elle a juge necessaire
de lui oter pendant la guerre de 1848, ce que je reconnaitrais bien
comme une preuve d'amitie de la part de votre Majeste envers moi.
En faisant des v[oe]ux, pour son bonbeur et en exprimant le desir du
Prince, mon Epoux, d'etre mis aux pieds de votre Majeste, je suis,
Sire et mon bon Frere, de votre Majeste la bonne S[oe]ur,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: DENMARK AND SCHLESWIG]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _31st July 1850._
The Queen must draw Lord John Russell's attention to the accompanying
draft[31] with regard to Schleswig, which is evidently intended to
lay the ground for future foreign armed intervention. This is to be
justified by considering the assistance which the Stadthalterschaft
of Holstein may be tempted to give to their Schleswig brethren "as an
invasion of Schleswig by a German force."
Lord John seems himself to have placed a "?" against that passage.
This is, after two years' negotiation and mediation, _begging the
question_ at issue. The whole war--Revolution, mediation, etc.,
etc.--rested upon the question whether Schleswig was part of Holstein
(though not of the German Confederation), or part of Denmark and not
of Holstein.
[Footnote 31: In this draft, Lord Palmerston was remonstrating
with the Prussian Government against the orders given by the
Holstein Statthalters to their army to invade Schleswig, after
the signature of the peace between Prussia and Denmark.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _31st July 1850._
The Queen has considered Lord Seymour's memorandum upon the Rangership
of the Parks in London, but cannot say that it has convinced her of
the expediency of its abolition. There is nothing in the management of
these parks by the Woods and Forests which does not equally apply to
all the others, as Greenwich, Hampton Court, Richmond, etc. There is
certainly a degree of inconvenience in the divided authority, but this
is amply compensated by the advantage to the Crown, in appearance
at least, to keep up an authority emanating personally from the
Sovereign, and unconnected with a Government Department which is
directly answerable to the House of Commons. The last debate upon Hyde
Park has, moreover, shown that it will not be safe not to remind the
public of the fact that the parks are Royal property. As the Ranger
has no power over money, the management will always remain with the
Office of Woods.
[Pageheading: SIR CHARLES NAPIER RESIGNS]
_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _3rd August 1850._
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your
Majesty. He regrets to be under the necessity of submitting to your
Majesty the enclosed letter from General Sir Charles Napier,
G.C.B., in which he tenders his resignation of the office of
Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Forces in the East Indies.[32]
Upon the receipt of this paper Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington
considered it to be his duty to peruse all the papers submitted by
Sir Charles Napier; to survey the transaction which had occasioned
the censure of the Governor-General in Council complained of by Sir
Charles Napier; to require from the India House all the information
which could throw light upon the conduct complained of, as well as
upon the motives alleged for it; the reasons given on account of which
it was stated to be necessary.
He has stated in a minute, a memorandum of which he submits the copy
to your Majesty, his views and opinions upon the whole subject, and
the result which he submits to your Majesty is that he considers it
his duty humbly to submit to your Majesty that your Majesty should be
graciously pleased to accept the resignation of General Sir Charles
Napier thus tendered.
Before he should submit this recommendation to your Majesty in
relation to an office of such high reputation in so high and important
a station, Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington considered it his duty
to submit his views to your Majesty's servants, who have expressed
their concurrence in his opinion.
It is probable that the President of the Board of Control will lay
before your Majesty the papers transmitted to the Secret Committee of
the Court of Directors, by the Governor-General in Council, which
are adverted to in the paper drawn up by the Duke, and of which the
substance alone is stated.
All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's
most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,
WELLINGTON.
[Footnote 32: This was in consequence of Sir Charles Napier's
action in exercising powers belonging to the Supreme Council,
on the occasion of a mutiny of a regiment of the Native Army.]
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S CONDUCT OF AFFAIRS]
[Pageheading: A POSSIBLE RE-ARRANGEMENT]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
OSBORNE, _5th August 1850._
Lord John Russell having lately stated that Lord Clarendon, who
had always been most eager to see Lord Palmerston moved, had lately
expressed to him his opinion that it would be most dangerous and
impolitic to do so under present circumstances, we thought it right
to see Lord Clarendon here.... In conversation with me, Lord Clarendon
spoke in his old strain of Lord Palmerston, but very strongly also
of the danger of turning him out and making him the leader of the
Radicals, who were anxiously waiting for that, were much dissatisfied
with Lord John Russell, and free from control by the death of Sir
Robert Peel. I said that if everything was done with Lord Palmerston's
consent there would be no danger, to which Lord Clarendon assented,
but doubted that he would consent to giving up what was his hobby. He
added, nobody but Lord John could carry on the Foreign Affairs, but he
ought not to leave the House of Commons under present circumstances,
where he was now the only authority left.
We saw the Duke of Bedford yesterday, whom Lord John had wished us
to invite. He is very unhappy about the present state of affairs,
frightened about things going on as at present, when Lord John can
exercise no control over Lord Palmerston, and the Queen is exposed
year after year to the same annoyances and dangers arising from Lord
Palmerston's mode of conducting the affairs; but on the other hand,
equally frightened at turning him loose. The Duke was aware of all
that had passed between us and Lord John, and ready to do anything
_he_ could to bring matters to a satisfactory solution, but thought
his brother would not like to leave the House of Commons now. He had
very much changed his opinion on that head latterly, and the more so
as he thought something ought to be done next year with the franchise,
which he alone could carry through. On my questioning whether it was
impossible to persuade him to take the Foreign Office and stay in the
Lower House, with a first-rate under-secretary, at least for a time,
the Duke thought he might perhaps temporarily, as he felt he owed
to the Queen the solution of the difficulty, but expressed again his
fears of Lord Palmerston's opposition. I replied that if Lord John
would make up his mind to take the Foreign Office, and to stay in
the House of Commons, I saw no danger, as Lord John would be able to
maintain himself successfully, and Lord Palmerston would not like to
be in opposition to him, whilst he would become most formidable to
anybody who was to _gain_ only the leadership in the House; moreover,
Lord John, having done so much for Lord Palmerston, could expect and
demand a return of sacrifice, and a variety of posts might be offered
to him--the Presidency of the Council, the office of Home Secretary,
or Secretary for the Colonies, Chancellor of the Exchequer, etc.,
etc., which places I was sure any member of the Cabinet would vacate
for him. The Duke of Bedford added the Lieutenancy of Ireland, as Lord
Clarendon had told him he was ready to give it up for the purpose, but
only under _one_ condition, viz. that of not having to succeed to
Lord Palmerston at the Foreign Office. Observing our surprise at
this declaration, the Duke added that Lord Clarendon acted most
considerately, that he was ready to have no office at all, and would
support the Government independently in the House of Lords if this
were to facilitate arrangements. The Queen rejoined that a peerage was
of course also at Lord John's disposal for Lord Palmerston. We then
agreed that Lord Granville would be the best person to become Lord
John's Under-Secretary of State, a man highly popular, pleasing,
conciliatory, well versed in Foreign Affairs, and most industrious;
trained under Lord John, he could at any time leave him the office
altogether, if Lord John should find it too much for himself. Lord
Granville had a higher office now, that of Vice-President of the
Board of Trade and Paymaster-General, but would be sure to feel the
importance of taking a lower office under such circumstances and with
such contingencies likely to depend upon it. I have seen a great deal
of him latterly, as he is the only working man on the Commission for
the Exhibition of 1851, and have found him most able, good-natured,
and laborious. The Duke liked the proposal very much, and is going to
communicate all that passed between us to Lord John on Tuesday.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S POSITION]
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
OSBORNE, _8th August 1850._
Lord John Russell came down here yesterday in order to report to the
Queen what had passed between him and Lord Palmerston the day before,
on whom he had called in order to have an explanation on the Foreign
Affairs.
Lord John reminded him of former communications, but admitted that
circumstances were much changed by the recent debates in both Houses
of Parliament; still, it was necessary to come to an understanding of
the position. The _policy_ pursued with regard to the Foreign Affairs
had been right and such as had the approval of Lord John himself, the
Cabinet generally, and he believed the greater part of the country.
But the manner in which it had been executed had been unfortunate,
led to irritation and hostility; although peace had actually been
preserved, and England stood in a position requiring no territorial
aggrandisement or advantage of any kind, yet all Governments and
Powers, not only Russia and Austria, but also France and the liberal
states, had become decidedly hostile to us, and our intercourse was
not such as was desirable. Lord John could instance many cases in
which they had been unnecessarily slighted and provoked by Lord
Palmerston, like M. Drouyn de Lhuys in the Greek affair. Lord
Palmerston's conduct towards the Queen had been disrespectful and
wanting in due attention and deference to her, and had been much
complained of.
In consequence of all this Lord John had before proposed to Her
Majesty that the Foreign Affairs should be entrusted to Lord Minto,
he himself should go to the House of Lords, and Lord Palmerston
should have the lead in the House of Commons. The Queen had, however,
objected to this arrangement, [thinking] the lead in the Lower
House to be more properly given to Sir George Grey, who had as Home
Secretary conducted all internal business in the House. Now had come
Sir R. Peel's death, which made it impossible for Lord John to leave
the House of Commons without endangering the position of Government
and of the parties in the House.
Lord Palmerston was much pleased to hear of Lord John's intention to
stay in the House of Commons, said all was changed now; there had been
a great conspiracy against him, he had been accused in Parliament, put
on his trial and acquitted. The acquittal had produced the greatest
enthusiasm for him in the country, and he was now supported by a
strong party; he owned, however, that his success had been chiefly
owing to the handsome manner in which Lord John and his colleagues had
supported him in the debate. That he should incur the momentary enmity
of those states whose interests and plans he might have to cross was
quite natural; he had never intended any disrespect to the Queen, and
if he had been guilty of any he was quite unconscious of it and sorry
for it.
Lord John reminded him that although the Government had got a majority
in the House of Commons in the Foreign debate, it was not to be
forgotten that the fate of the Government had been staked upon it, and
that many people voted on that account who would not have supported
the Foreign policy; that it was remarkable that all those who had the
strongest reason to be anxious for the continuance of the Government,
but who could not avoid _speaking_, were obliged to speak and vote
against the Government. Sir R. Peel's speech was a most remarkable
instance of this.
Lord Palmerston saw in Sir Robert's speech nothing but a reluctant
effort to defend Lord Aberdeen, whom he was bound to defend. If he
(Lord Palmerston) were to leave the Foreign Office, there must be a
ground for it, such as his having to take the lead in the House of
Commons, which was evidently impossible with the conduct of Foreign
Department at the same time. (It had killed Mr Canning, and after
that failure nobody ought to attempt it.) But without such a ground it
would be loss of character to him, which he could not be expected
to submit to. There was not even the excuse of wishing to avoid a
difficulty with a foreign country, as all was smooth now. Those who
had wished to injure him had been beat, and now it would be
giving them a triumph after all. If the Queen or the Cabinet were
dissatisfied with his management of the Foreign Affairs, they had a
right to demand his resignation, and he would give it, but they could
not ask him to lower himself in public estimation. Lord John answered
that his resignation would lead to a further split of parties: there
were parties already enough in the House, and it was essential that at
least the Whig party should be kept together, to which Lord Palmerston
assented. He (Lord Palmerston) then repeated his complaints against
that plot which had been got up in this country against him, and
urged on by foreigners, complained particularly of Lord Clarendon, Mr
Greville of the Privy Council, Mr Reeve, ditto, and their attacks upon
him in the _Times_, and of Mr Delane, the Editor of the _Times_,
of Guizot, Princess Lieven, etc., etc., etc. However, they had been
convinced that they could not upset him, and Mr Reeve had declared to
him that he had been making open and honourable (?!!) war upon him;
now he would make a lasting peace. With Russia and France he (Lord
Palmerston) had just been signing the Danish Protocol, showing that
they were on the best terms together.
Lord John felt he could not press the matter further under these
circumstances, but he seemed much provoked at the result of his
conversation. We expressed our surprise that he had not made Lord
Palmerston any offer of any kind. Lord John replied he had not been
sure what he could have offered him....
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: DUTIES OF THE FOREIGN SECRETARY]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._[33]
OSBORNE, _12th August 1850._
With reference to the conversation about Lord Palmerston which the
Queen had with Lord John Russell the other day, and Lord Palmerston's
disavowal that he ever intended any disrespect to her by the various
neglects of which she has had so long and so often to complain, she
thinks it right, in order _to prevent any mistake_ for the _future_,
shortly to explain _what it is she expects from her Foreign
Secretary_. She requires: (1) That he will distinctly state what
he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as
distinctly to _what_ she has given her Royal sanction; (2) Having
_once given_ her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily
altered or modified by the Minister; such an act she must consider as
failing in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by
the exercise of her Constitutional right of dismissing that Minister.
She expects to be kept informed of what passes between him and the
Foreign Ministers before important decisions are taken, based upon
that intercourse; to receive the Foreign Despatches in good time, and
to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to
make herself acquainted with their contents before they must be sent
off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell should show this
letter to Lord Palmerston.
[Footnote 33: Compare the memorandum suggested by Baron
Stockmar, _ante_, p. 238. This letter was, after much
forbearance, written in the hope of bringing Lord Palmerston
to a proper understanding of his relation to the Sovereign.
Even when the catastrophe came, and its tenor had to be
communicated by the Premier to Parliament, the Preamble was
generously omitted; but in consequence of its description by
Lord Palmerston, in a letter published by Mr Ashley, as an
_angry_ memorandum, it was printed in full in _The Life of the
Prince Consort_.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _13th August 1850._
MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--I have taken a copy of this memorandum of the
Queen and will not fail to attend to the directions which it contains.
With regard to the sending of despatches to the Queen, they have
sometimes been delayed longer than should have been the case, in
consequence of my having been prevented by great pressure of business,
and by the many interruptions of interviews, etc., to which I am
liable, from reading and sending them back into the Office so soon
as I could have wished. But I will give orders that the old practice
shall be reverted to, of making copies of all important despatches
as soon as they reach the Office, so that there may be no delay in
sending the despatches to the Queen; this practice was gradually left
off as the business of the Office increased, and if it shall require
an additional clerk or two you must be liberal and allow me that
assistance.--Yours sincerely,
PALMERSTON.
[Pageheading: DEATH OF LOUIS PHILIPPE]
_The Duc de Nemours to Queen Victoria._
CLAREMONT, _26 Aout 1850._
MADAME MA CHERE COUSINE,--La main de Dieu vient de s'appesantir sur
nous. Le Roi notre Pere n'est plus.[34] Apres avoir recu hier avec
calme et resignation les secours de la religion, il s'est eteint ce
matin a huit heures au milieu de nous tous. Vous le connaissiez ma
chere Cousine, vous savez tout ce que nous perdons, vous comprendrez
donc l'inexprimable douleur dans laquelle nous sommes plonges; vous la
partagerez meme je le sais!
La Reine brisee, malgre son courage, ne trouve de soulagement que dans
une retraite absolue ou ne voyant personne elle puisse laisser cours a
sa douleur.
Veuillez faire part a Albert de notre malheur et recevoir ici, ma
chere Cousine, l'hommage des sentiments de respect et d'attachement,
de votre bien affectionne Cousin,
LOUIS D'ORLEANS.
[Footnote 34: King Louis Philippe was in his seventy-seventh
year when he died: his widow, Queen Marie Amelie, lived till
1866, when she died at the age of eighty-four.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _26th August 1850._
The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to give directions for a Court
mourning according to those which are usual for an abdicated King.
She likewise wishes that every assistance should be given, and every
attention shown to the afflicted Royal Family, who have been so
severely tried during the last two years, on the melancholy occasion
of the poor King of the French's death.
The Queen starts for Scotland to-morrow.
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _30 August 1850._
... I have offered to the poor Queen of the French to remain at
Claremont and _d'en disposer_ as long as Heaven does not dispose of
myself. She, of course, dislikes the place, but will keep the family
with her at least for some time.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
TAYMOUTH CASTLE, _5th September 1850._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and was
happy to receive your Majesty's gracious letter, which reached him the
night before last.
The proofs of attachment to your Majesty, which are everywhere
exhibited, are the more gratifying as they are entirely spontaneous.
It is fit and becoming that your Majesty should inhabit the royal
Palace of Holyrood, and this circumstance gives great satisfaction
throughout Scotland.
Lord John Russell is glad to learn that the family of the late King of
the French will continue to reside in England.
The reflection naturally occurs, if Napoleon and Louis Philippe were
unable to consolidate a dynasty in France, who will ever be able to
do it? The prospect is a succession of fruitless attempts at civil
Government till a General assumes the command, and governs by military
force.
[Pageheading: THE POET LAUREATE]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
DUNKELD, _7th September 1850._
... Lord John Russell has had the honour of receiving at Taymouth a
letter from the Prince. He agrees that the office of Poet Laureate
ought to be filled up. There are three or four authors of nearly equal
merit, such as Henry Taylor, Sheridan Knowles, Professor Wilson, and
Mr Tennyson, who are qualified for the office.
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
OSTEND, _7th October 1850._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I write a few words only to tell you how our
dear patient is.[35] Yesterday was a most perilous, truly dreadful
day; our dear angelic Louise was so fainting that Madame d'Hulst, who
was with her, felt the greatest alarm. She afterwards was better, and
her mother, Clem, Joinville, and Aumale having arrived, she saw them
with more composure than could have been expected. Still, she would
in fact wish to be left quiet and alone with me, and we try to manage
things as much as possible so that their visit does not tire her too
much.
Her courage and strength of mind are most heart-breaking when one
thinks of the danger in which she is, and her dear and angelic soul
seems even to shine more brightly at this moment of such great and
imminent danger. I am in a dreadful state when I am with her. She is
so contented, so cheerful, that the possibilities of danger appear
to me impossible; but the physicians are very much alarmed, without
thinking the state absolutely hopeless. That one should write such
things about a life so precious, and one in fact still so young, and
whose angelic soul is so strong! You will feel with me as you love
her so dearly. God bless you and preserve you from heart-breaking
sufferings like mine. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 35: The Queen of the Belgians died on the 11th of
October, at the age of thirty-eight.]
[Pageheading: GENERAL HAYNAU]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
BROADLANDS, _8th October 1850._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has had the honour to receive your Majesty's communication of the 4th
instant, expressing your Majesty's wish that an alteration should be
made in his answer to Baron Koller's[36] note of the 5th of September,
on the subject of the attack made upon General Haynau;[37] but
Viscount Palmerston begs to state that when Baron Koller was at this
place about ten days ago, he expressed so much annoyance at the delay
which had already taken place in regard to the answer to his note
of the 5th September, and he requested so earnestly that he might
immediately have the reply, that Viscount Palmerston could do
no otherwise than send him the answer at once, and Baron Koller
despatched it the next day to Vienna.
Viscount Palmerston had put the last paragraph into the answer,
because he could scarcely have reconciled it to his own feelings and
to his sense of public responsibility to have put his name to a
note which might be liable to be called for by Parliament, without
expressing in it, at least as his own personal opinion, a sense of the
want of propriety evinced by General Haynau in coming to England at
the present moment.[38]
The state of public feeling in this country about General Haynau and
his proceedings in Italy and Hungary was perfectly well known; and
his coming here so soon after those events, without necessity or
obligation to do so, was liable to be looked upon as a bravado, and as
a challenge to an expression of public opinion.
Baron Koller indeed told Viscount Palmerston that Prince Metternich
and Baron Neumann had at Brussels strongly dissuaded General Haynau
from coming on to England; and that he (Baron Koller) had after his
arrival earnestly entreated him to cut off those long moustachios
which rendered him so liable to be identified.
With regard to the transaction itself, there is no justifying a breach
of the law, nor an attack by a large number of people upon one or two
individuals who cannot resist such superior force; and though in the
present case, according to Baron Koller's account, the chief injury
sustained by General Haynau consisted in the tearing of his coat, the
loss of a cane, and some severe bruises on his left arm, and though
four or five policemen proved to be sufficient protection, yet a mob
who begin by insult lead each other on to outrage; and there is no
saying to what extremes they might have proceeded if they had not been
checked.
Such occurrences, however, have taken place before; and to go no
further back than the last summer, the attacks on Lord Talbot at
the Stafford meeting, and on Mr Bankes, Mr Sturt, and others at the
Dorchester meeting, when a man was killed, were still more violent
outrages, and originated simply in differences of political opinion;
whereas in this case the brewers' men were expressing their feeling at
what they considered inhuman conduct on the part of General Haynau.
The people of this country are remarkable for their hospitable
reception of foreigners, and for their forgetfulness of past
animosities. Napoleon Bonaparte, the greatest enemy that England
ever had, was treated while at Plymouth with respect, and with
commiseration while at St Helena. Marshal Soult, who had fought
in many battles against the English, was received with generous
acclamation when he came here as Special Ambassador. The King of the
French, Mons. Guizot, and Prince Metternich, though all of them great
antagonists of English policy and English interests, were treated in
this country with courtesy and kindness. But General Haynau was looked
upon as a great moral criminal; and the feeling in regard to him was
of the same nature as that which was manifested towards Tawell[39] and
the Mannings,[40] with this only difference, that General Haynau's bad
deeds were committed upon a far larger scale, and upon a far larger
number of victims. But Viscount Palmerston can assure your Majesty
that those feelings of just and honourable indignation have not been
confined to England, for he had good reason to know that General
Haynau's ferocious and unmanly treatment of the unfortunate
inhabitants of Brescia and of other towns and places in Italy, his
savage proclamations to the people of Pesth, and his barbarous acts in
Hungary excited almost as much disgust in Austria as in England, and
that the nickname of "General Hyaena" was given to him at Vienna long
before it was applied to him in London.
[Footnote 36: The Austrian Ambassador.]
[Footnote 37: General Haynau had earned in the Hungarian War
an odious reputation as a flogger of women. When visiting the
brewery of Barclay & Perkins, the draymen mobbed and
assaulted him; he had to fly from them, and take refuge in a
neighbouring house. Lord Palmerston had to send an official
letter of apology to the Austrian Government, which, as
originally despatched, without waiting for the Queen's
approval, contained a paragraph offensive to Austria.]
[Footnote 38: See Lord Palmerston's letter to Sir G. Grey,
Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. vi.]
[Footnote 39: Executed for the Salt Hill murder.]
[Footnote 40: Marie Manning (an ex-lady's maid, whose career
is said to have suggested Hortense in _Bleak House_ to
Dickens) was executed with her husband, in 1849, for the
murder of a guest. She wore black satin on the scaffold, a
material which consequently became unpopular for some time.]
[Pageheading: THE DRAFT DESPATCHED]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th October 1850._
The Queen having written to Lord Palmerston in conformity with Lord
John Russell's suggestion respecting the draft to Baron Koller, now
encloses Lord Palmerston's answer, which she received at Edinburgh
yesterday evening. Lord John will see that Lord Palmerston has not
only _sent_ the draft, but passes over in silence her injunction to
have a corrected copy given to Baron Koller, and adds a vituperation
against General Haynau, which clearly shows that he is not sorry for
what has happened, and makes a merit of sympathising with the draymen
at the brewery and the Chartist Demonstrations....
The Queen encloses likewise a copy of her letter to Lord Palmerston,
and hopes Lord John will write to him.[41]
[Footnote 41: Lord John insisted on the note being withdrawn,
and another substituted with the offensive passage omitted.
After threatening resignation, Lord Palmerston somewhat tamely
consented.
Lord John Russell wrote to the Prince Albert that he would be
"somewhat amused, if not surprised, at the sudden and amicable
termination of the dispute regarding the letter to Baron
Koller. The same course may be adopted with advantage if a
despatch is ever again sent which has been objected to, and
to which the Queen's sanction has not been given." See the
Queen's letter of the 19th of October.]
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON CENSURED]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th October 1850._
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting the draft
to Baron Koller. She cannot suppose that Baron Koller addressed his
note to Lord Palmerston in order to receive in answer an expression of
his _own personal opinion_; and if Lord Palmerston could not reconcile
it to his own feelings to express the regret of the Queen's Government
at the brutal attack and wanton outrage committed by a ferocious mob
on a distinguished foreigner of past seventy years of age, who was
quietly visiting a private establishment in this metropolis, without
adding _his censure of the want of propriety_ evinced by General
Haynau in coming to England--he might have done so in a private
letter, where his personal feelings could not be mistaken for the
opinion of the Queen and her Government. She must repeat her request
that Lord Palmerston will rectify this.
The Queen can as little approve of the introduction of Lynch Law
in this country as of the _violent_ vituperations with which Lord
Palmerston accuses and condemns public men in other countries, acting
in most difficult circumstances and under heavy responsibility,
without having the means of obtaining correct information or of
sifting evidence.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _16th October 1850._
The Queen is glad to hear from Lord Palmerston that he has given no
countenance to the French and Russian proposal at the suggestion of
Denmark, that England, France, and Russia should, after having signed
the Protocol in favour of Denmark, now go further and send their
armies to aid her in her contest with Holstein.[42] The Queen does not
expect any good result from Lord Palmerston's counter proposal to urge
Prussia and Austria to compel the Holsteiners to lay down their arms.
The mediating power ought rather to make Denmark feel that it requires
more than a cessation of hostilities, a plan of reconciliation, and a
solution of the questions in dispute, before she can hope permanently
to establish peace. The mediating power itself, however, should strive
to arrive at some opinion on the matter in dispute, based, not on
_its own_ supposed interests, as the Protocol is, but on an anxious,
careful, and impartial investigation of the rights and pretensions of
the disputing parties; and if it finds it impossible to arrive at such
an opinion, to fix upon some impartial tribunal capable of doing
so, to which the dispute could be submitted for decision. Common
principles of morality would point out such a course, and what is
morally right only can be politically wise.
[Footnote 42: A strenuous attempt was being made by the Danish
Government to bring pressure to bear on Austria and Prussia,
to put down the nationalist movement in the Duchies, either by
active intervention, or by reassembling the Conference
which had negotiated the Treaty of Berlin. Lord Palmerston
discountenanced both alternatives, but wrote to the Queen
that he and the representatives of France, Russia, and Denmark
thought that Austria and Prussia should be urged to take all
feasible steps to put an end to the hostilities.]
[Pageheading: DEATH OF QUEEN LOUISE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _18th October 1850._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--_This_ was the day I _always_ and for so _many
years_ wrote to _her_, to _our adored Louise_, and I _now_ write to
_you_, to thank you for that _heart-breaking_, touching letter of the
16th, which you so _very kindly_ wrote to me. It is _so_ kind of you
to write to us. _What_ a day Tuesday must have been! _Welch einen
Gang!_ and _yesterday!_ My _grief_ was _so great_ again yesterday.
To _talk_ of her is my _greatest consolation!_Let us _all try_ to
imitate _her!_My poor dear Uncle, we wish so to be with you, to be of
_any use_ to you. You will allow us, in three or four weeks, to go
to you for two or three days, _quite quietly_ and alone, to Laeken
without _any_ one, without _any_ reception anywhere, to cry with you
and to talk with you of _Her_. It will be a great comfort to us--a
_silent tribute_ of _respect and love to her_--to be able to mingle
our tears with yours over _her_ tomb! And the affection of your
two devoted children will perhaps be _some slight balm_. My _first_
impulse was to _fly at once_ to you, but perhaps a few weeks' delay
will be better. It will be a _great_ and melancholy satisfaction to
us. _Daily_ will you feel more, my poor dear Uncle, the _poignancy_ of
_your dreadful_ loss; my _heart breaks_ in thinking of _you_ and the
poor dear children. _How_ beautiful it must be to see that _your whole
country_ weeps and mourns _with_ you! For this country and for your
children you must _try_ to bear up, and feel that in _so doing_ you
are doing _all_ SHE wished. If only _we_ could be of use to you! if
_I_ could do _anything_ for dear little Charlotte, whom our blessed
Louise talked of _so_ often to me.
May I _write_ to _you_ on _Fridays_ when I used to write to her, as
well as on Tuesdays? You need _not_ answer me, and whenever it bores
you to write to me, or you have no time, let one of the dear children
write to me.
May God bless and protect you ever, my beloved Uncle, is our anxious
prayer. Embrace the dear children in the name of one who has almost
the feelings of a mother for them. Ever your devoted Niece and loving
Child,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _19th October 1850._
The Queen is very glad of the result of the conflict with Lord
Palmerston, of which Lord John Russell apprised her by his letter of
yesterday's date. The correspondence, which the Queen now returns,
shows clearly that Lord Palmerston in this transaction, as in every
other, remained true to his principles of action.... But it shows
also that Lord John has the power of exercising that control over Lord
Palmerston, the careful exercise of which he owes to the Queen, his
colleagues, and the country, if he will take the necessary pains to
remain firm. The Queen does not believe in _resignation_ under almost
any circumstances.
The Queen is very anxious about the Holstein question, and sends a
copy of her last letter to Lord Palmerston on the subject.
_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _21st October 1850._
SIR,--I have just received this note from Lord Palmerston.[43]
The French Ambassador, who has been here, confirms the news. We must
consider the whole affair on Wednesday, and I shall be glad to learn
what the Queen thinks can be done.
Mr Tennyson is a fit person to be Poet Laureate.
I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,
J. RUSSELL.
[Footnote 43: The note was in reference to the affairs of
Hesse-Cassel, and to the rumours of a Conference to be held in
Austria for the settlement of German affairs.]
[Pageheading: THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
BISHOPTHORPE, _25th October 1850._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has
read with attention the letter of the Duchess of Norfolk.[44] He
has also read the Pope's Bull. It strikes him that the division into
twelve territorial dioceses of eight ecclesiastical vicariats is not
a matter to be alarmed at. The persons to be affected by this change
must be already Roman Catholics before it can touch them.
The matter to create rational alarm is, as your Majesty says, the
growth of Roman Catholic doctrines and practices within the bosom of
the Church. Dr Arnold said very truly, "I look upon a Roman Catholic
as an enemy in his uniform; I look upon a Tractarian as an enemy
disguised as a spy."
It would be very wrong to do as the Bishop of Oxford proposed, and
confer the patronage of the Crown on any of these Tractarians. But, on
the other hand, to treat them with severity would give the whole party
vigour and union.
The Dean of Bristol is of opinion that the Tractarians are falling to
pieces by dissension. It appears clear that Mr Denison and Mr Palmer
have broken off from Dr Pusey.
Sir George Grey will ask the Law Officers whether there is anything
illegal in Dr Wiseman's assuming the title of Archbishop of
Westminster. An English Cardinal is not a novelty.[45]
[Footnote 44: Two important events in the history of the
English Church had just occurred. The Bishop of Exeter had
refused to institute Mr Gorham to a Crown living in his
diocese, on the ground that his teaching on baptism was at
variance with the formularies of the Church. This decision,
though upheld in the Court of Arches, was reversed (though
not unanimously) by the Privy Council. High Church feeling was
much aroused by the judgment.
In September, Pius IX. (now re-established in the Vatican)
promulgated a papal brief, restoring the Roman Catholic
hierarchy in England, and dividing it territorially into
twelve sees, and in October Cardinal Wiseman, as Archbishop
of Westminster, issued his Pastoral, claiming that Catholic
England had been restored to its orbit in the ecclesiastical
firmament. The Duchess of Norfolk, writing from Arundel, had
criticised the proselytising action of certain Roman Catholic
clergy. _See_ the Queen's reply, _post_, p. 277.]
[Footnote 45: Lord John wrote on the 4th of November to
Dr Maltby, Bishop of Durham, denouncing the assumption of
spiritual superiority over England, in the documents issued
from Rome. But what alarmed him more (he said) was the
action of clergymen within the Church leading their flocks
dangerously near the brink, and recommending for adoption
the honour paid to saints, the claim of infallibility for the
Church, the superstitious use of the sign of the cross, the
muttering of the liturgy so as to disguise the language
in which it was said, with the recommendation of auricular
confession and the administration of Penance and absolution.
Lord John was pictorially satirised in _Punch_ as the boy who
chalked up "No popery" on the door and ran away.]
[Pageheading: UNREST IN EUROPE]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
ARDENNE, _10th November 1850._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I write already to-day that it may not miss
to-morrow's messenger. I came here yesterday by a mild sunshine, and
the valley of the Meuse was very pretty. I love my solitude here, and
though the house is small and not what it ought to have been, still I
always liked it. There seems in most countries danger of agitation
and convulsions arising. I don't know how it will end in Germany. In
France it is difficult that things should not break up some way or
other. I trust you may be spared religious agitation. These sorts of
things begin with one pretext, and sometimes continue with others. I
don't think Europe was ever in more danger, _il y a tant d'anarchie
dans les esprits_. I don't think that can be cured _a l'eau de rose_;
the human race is not naturally good, very much the contrary; it
requires a strong hand, and is, in fact, even pleased to be led in
that way; the memory of all the sort of Cesars and Napoleons,
from whom they chiefly got blows, is much dearer to them than the
benefactors of mankind, whom they crucify when they can have their
own way. Give my best love to Albert; and I also am very anxious to
be recalled to the recollection of the children, who were so very
friendly at Ostende. How far we were then to guess what has since
happened.... My dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
_Queen Victoria to the Countess of Gainsborough._[46]
_Thursday morning_ [_November ..._] _1850._
DEAREST FANNY,--This is a case of positive necessity, and as _none_
of the ladies are forthcoming I fear I must call upon you to attend
me _to-night_. You did so once _in state_ before, and as it is not
a _matter of pleasure_, but of duty, I am sure you will at once feel
that you can have no scruple.
Whenever the Mistress of the Robes does not attend, I _always_ have
three ladies, as they must take turns in standing behind me. Ever
yours affectionately,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 46: Frances, Countess of Gainsborough, daughter of
the third Earl of Roden, a Lady of the Bedchamber, and known
till 1841 as Lady Barham.]
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND GERMANY]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th November 1850._
The Queen is exceedingly sorry to hear that Lord Westmorland[47] is
gone, as she was particularly anxious to have seen him before his
return to Berlin, and to have talked to him on the present critical
events in Germany; but she quite forgot the day of his departure. What
is the object of his seeing the President at Paris? and what are his
instructions with regard to Germany?[48]
Having _invariably encouraged Constitutional_ development in other
countries,... and having at the beginning of the great movement in
1847, which led to all the catastrophes of the following years, _sent_
a Cabinet Minister to Italy to _declare_ to all Italian states that
_England_ would _protect_ them from Austria if she should attempt
by threats and violence to debar them from the _attainment_ of their
_Constitutional_ development, _consistency_ would require that we
should _now_, when that great struggle is at its end and _despotism_
is to be _re-imposed_ by Austrian arms upon Germany, throw _our
weight_ into the scale of _Constitutional_ Prussia and Germany.... The
Queen is afraid, however, that all our Ministers abroad,--at Berlin,
Dresden, Munich, Stuttgart, Hanover, etc. (with the exception of Lord
Cowley at Frankfort)--are warm partisans of the _despotic_ league
against Prussia and a German Constitution and _for_ the maintenance
of the old Diet under Austrian and Russian influence. Ought not Lord
Palmerston to make his agents understand that their sentiments are at
variance with those of the English Government? and that they are doing
_serious mischief_ if they express them at Courts which have _already_
every inclination to follow their desperate course?
Lord Palmerston is of course aware that the old Diet once
reconstituted and recognised, one of the main laws of it is that "_no
organic change can be made_ without _unanimity_ of voices," which was
the cause of the nullity of that body from 1820 to 1848, and will
now enable Austria, should Prussia and her confederates recognise
the Diet, to condemn Germany to a further life of stagnation or new
revolution.
[Footnote 47: Minister at Berlin.]
[Footnote 48: Lord Palmerston may have had this letter of the
Queen's in mind when he wrote on the 22nd of November to Lord
Cowley: "Her (_i.e._ Prussia's) partisans try to make out
that the contest between her and Austria is a struggle between
constitutional and arbitrary Government, but it is no such
thing." Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. 1. chap. vi.]
[Pageheading: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN GERMANY]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _18th November 1850._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty. With
respect to the maintenance of Constitutional Government in Germany,
Viscount Palmerston entirely subscribes to your Majesty's opinion,
that a regard for consistency, as well as a sense of right and
justice, ought to lead your Majesty's Government to give to the
Constitutional principle in Germany the same moral support which they
endeavoured to afford it in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and elsewhere; but
though he is conscious that he may be deceived and may think better
of the Austrian Government in this respect than it deserves, yet
he cannot persuade himself that rational and sound Constitutional
Government is at present in danger in Germany, or that the Austrian
Government, whatever may be their inclination and wishes, can think it
possible in the present day to re-establish despotic government in
a nation so enlightened, and so attached to free institutions as the
German people now is. The danger for Germany seems to lie rather in
the opposite direction, arising from the rash and weak precipitation
with which in 1848 and 1849 those Governments which before had refused
everything resolved in a moment of alarm to grant everything, and,
passing from one extreme to the other, threw universal suffrage among
people who had been, some wholly and others very much, unaccustomed
to the working of representative Government. The French have found
universal suffrage incompatible with good order even in a Republic;
what must it be for a Monarchy?
Viscount Palmerston would, moreover, beg to submit that the conflict
between Austria and Prussia can scarcely be said to have turned upon
principles of Government so much as upon a struggle for political
ascendency in Germany. At Berlin, at Dresden, and in Baden the
Prussian Government has very properly no doubt employed military
force to reestablish order; and in regard to the affairs of Hesse, the
ground taken by Prussia was not so much a constitutional as a military
one, and the objection which she made to the entrance of the troops
of the Diet was that those troops might become hostile, and that they
ought not, therefore, to occupy a central position in the line of
military defence of Prussia.
The remark which your Majesty makes as to unanimity being required for
certain purposes by the Diet regulations is no doubt very just, and
that circumstance certainly shows that the free Conference which
is about to be held is a better constructed body for planning a new
arrangement of a central organ.[49]
[Footnote 49: War was staved off by the Conference; but the
relative predominance of Prussia and Austria in Germany was
left undecided for some years to come.]
[Pageheading: STATE OF THE CONTINENT]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd November 1850._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the
17th, and the dear little English one from dear little Charlotte,
which is so nicely written, and shows such an amiable disposition.
I send her to-day a little heart for the hair of our blessed Angel,
which I hope she will often wear. Our girls have all got one. I have
written to the dear child. You should have the dear children as much
with you as possible; I am _sure_ it would be so _good and useful_
for _you_ and _them_. Children ought to have great confidence in their
parents, in order for them to have any influence over them.
Yesterday Vicky was ten years old. It seems a dream. If she lives, in
eight years more she may be married! She is a very clever child, and I
must say very much improved.
The state of the Continent is deplorable; the folly of Austria and the
giving way of Prussia are lamentable. _Our_ influence on the Continent
is _null_.... Add to this, we are between two fires in _this_ country:
a furious Protestant feeling and an enraged Catholic feeling in
Ireland. I believe that Austria fans the flame at Rome, and that
the _whole movement_ on the Continent is _anti-Constitutional_,
_anti-Protestant_, _and anti-English_; and this is so complicated, and
we have (thanks to Lord Palmerston) contrived to quarrel _so happily_,
separately with each, that I do not know _how_ we are to stand against
it all!
I must now conclude. Trusting soon to hear from you again. Ever your
devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
My longing for dearest Louise seems only to increase as time goes on.
_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Norfolk._
Windsor Castle, _22nd November 1850._
MY DEAR DUCHESS,--It is very remiss in me not to have sooner answered
your letter with the enclosure, but I received it at a moment of great
grief, and since then I have been much occupied.
I fully understand your anxiety relative to the proceedings of the
Roman Catholic Clergy, but I trust that there is no _real_ danger to
be apprehended from that quarter, the more so as I believe they see
that they have been misled and misinformed as to the feeling of this
country by some of the new converts to their religion. The real danger
to be apprehended, and what I am certain has led to these proceedings
on the part of the Pope, lies in _our own_ divisions, and in the
extraordinary conduct of the Puseyites. I trust that the eyes of many
may now be opened. One would, however, much regret to see any acts of
intolerance towards the many innocent people who I believe entirely
disapprove the injudicious conduct of their Clergy.
Hoping that you are all well, believe me, always, yours,
affectionately,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th November 1850._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have no dear letter to answer, but write to keep
to the dear day, rendered so peculiarly dear to me by the recollection
of our dearly beloved Louise.
We are well, but much troubled with numberless things. Our religious
troubles are great, and I must just say that Cardinal Wiseman
_himself_ admits that Austria not only approves the conduct of the
Pope but is urging _on_ the _Propaganda_. I _know this_ to be so.
Our great difficulty must be, and will be, to steer clear of both
parties--the violent Protestants and the Roman Catholics. We wish in
no way to infringe the rights of the Roman Catholics, while we must
protect and uphold our own religion.
We have seen General Radowitz,[50] with whom we have been much
interested; his accounts are very clear and very able, and I must say,
very fair and strictly constitutional. You know him, I suppose? Might
I again ask, dearest Uncle, if you would like to have a copy of Ross's
picture of our angel Louise or of Winterhalter's?
Lady Lyttelton, who is returned, is very anxious in her enquiries
after you.
I must now conclude, my dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 50: General Radowitz, who had been Minister for
Foreign Affairs in Prussia, had just arrived in England on a
special mission from the King of Prussia.]
[Pageheading: STATE OF GERMANY]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd December 1850._
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Two of your dear letters are before me, of the
29th November and of yesterday. In the former you _give me a promise_,
which I consider _most_ valuable, and which I shall _remind_ you of if
you get desponding, viz. "I will to please you _labour on, and do all
the good I can_." It is so pleasing to feel that one _does_ good and
does one's duty. It sweetens so many bitter trials.
The state of Germany is indeed a very anxious one. It is a mistake
to think the _supremacy of Prussia_ is _what is wished for_. General
Radowitz himself says that what is necessary for Germany [is] that
she should take the lead, and should redeem the pledges given in '48.
Unless this be _done_ in a moderate and determined way, a _fearful
reaction_ will take place, which will _overturn Thrones_; to use
Radowitz's own words: "_und nicht vor dem Thron stehen bleiben_."
Prussia is the _only large_ and powerful _really German_ Power
there is, and therefore she must take the lead; but her constant
vacillation--one day doing one thing and another day another--has
caused her to be entirely distrusted. You are quite right in saying
things should be done _d'un commun accord_, and I think that the other
great Powers ought to be consulted. Unfortunately, _Lord Palmerston_
has contrived to make us _so hated_ by all parties abroad, that we
have lost our position and our influence, which, considering the
flourishing and satisfactory state of this country during all the
European convulsions, _ought_ to have been _immense_. This it is
which pains and grieves me so deeply, and which I have so plainly been
speaking to Lord John Russell about. What a noble position we _might_
have had, and how wantonly has it been thrown away!
Good Stockmar is well, and always of the _greatest_ comfort and use to
us. His judgment is so sound, so unbiassed, and so dispassionate. Ever
your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ROME]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th December 1850._
The Queen received Lord John Russell's letter and the draft yesterday.
He must be a better judge of what the effect of Mr Sheil's[51]
presence in Rome may be than she can; but for her own part, she thinks
it entirely against her notions of what is _becoming_ to _ask_ the
_Pope_ for a _favour_ (for it is tantamount to that) at a moment when
his name is being vilified and abused in every possible manner in
this country. It strikes the Queen as an _undignified_ course for this
Government to pursue.
The Queen is glad to hear of what passed between the Archbishop and
Lord John.[52] She trusts that something may be done, as the desire
for it seems to be so great. On the other hand, the Queen deeply
regrets the great abuse of the Roman Catholic religion which takes
place at all these meetings, etc. She thinks it unchristian and
unwise, and trusts that it will soon cease....
[Footnote 51: Minister at the Court of Tuscany.]
[Footnote 52: The Government were preparing for the
introduction of their Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.]
[Pageheading: LADY PEEL]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th December 1850._
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--My letter must, I fear, be a somewhat hurried and
short one, for my morning has been taken up in receiving in state
Addresses from the City and Universities about this _unfortunate_
"Papal Aggression" business, which is still keeping people in a
feverish state of wild excitement.[53] _One_ good effect it has had,
viz. that of directing people's serious attention to the very alarming
tendency of the _Tractarians_, which was doing _immense_ harm....
_Many, many thanks_ for your two dear and kind letters of the 6th
and of yesterday. All you _say_ about _Louise_, and about the
disappearance _for ever_ of _all_ that _she loved_ and was _proud of_,
is so true, so _dreadful_. One fancies (foolishly and wrongly, but
still one _does_) that the lost one has been hardly used in no longer
enjoying these earthly blessings, and one's grief seems to break
out afresh in bitter agony upon _small and comparatively trifling_
occasions. Poor Lady Peel (whom I saw for the first time yesterday at
Buckingham Palace, whither I had gone for an hour) expressed _this_
strongly. _Hers_ is indeed a _broken heart_; she is so _truly_ crushed
by the _agony_ of _her_ grief; it was _very_ touching to see and to
hear her. Poor thing! she _never_ can be happy again!
What you say about _me_ is far too kind. I am very _often_ sadly
dissatisfied with myself and with the little self-control I have.
Your long letter interested us much. I fear the German affairs are
very bad.... That everlasting "backwards and forwards," as you say,
of my poor friend the King of Prussia is _calamitous_; it causes
_all_ parties to distrust him, and gives _real_ strength only to the
Republicans. Since '48 that has been his conduct, and the _misfortune_
for Germany. A _steady_ course, _whatever_ it may be, is _always_ the
best.
What you say about poor Helene[54] and France is true and sad. I
really wish you would caution Helene as to her language; she is much
attached to you. I _pity_ her very much; her position is very trying,
and her religion renders it more difficult even.
I must now end my letter. I grieve to hear of your going _alone_ to
Ardenne; it is BAD for you to be alone, and your poor children also
ought not to be alone. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 53: These Addresses were presented at Windsor,
Prince Albert and the Duke of Wellington representing the
Universities of Cambridge and Oxford.]
[Footnote 54: The Duchess of Orleans.]
[Pageheading: THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _11th December 1850._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that the Cabinet to-day considered at great
length the question of the steps to be taken in respect to the Papal
Aggression.
The inclination of the majority was not to prosecute, but to bring
a Bill into Parliament to make the assumption of any titles of
archbishop, etc., of any place in the United Kingdom illegal, and to
make any gift of property conveyed under such title null and void.
[Pageheading: RITUALISM]
_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Gloucester._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th December 1850._
MY DEAR AUNT,--Many thanks for your kind letter; you are quite right
not to distress the Duchess of Cambridge by mentioning to her what I
wrote to you about the Bishop of London.[55] I am glad that you
are pleased with my answers to the Addresses; I thought them very
proper.[56]
I would never have consented to say anything which breathed a spirit
of intolerance. Sincerely Protestant as I always have been and
always shall be, and indignant as I am at those who _call themselves
Protestants_, while they in fact _are_ quite the _contrary_, I much
regret the unchristian and intolerant spirit exhibited by many people
at the public meetings. I cannot bear to hear the violent abuse of the
Catholic religion, which is so painful and cruel towards the many good
and innocent Roman Catholics. However, we must hope and trust this
excitement will soon cease, and that the wholesome effect of it on our
own _Church_ will be the lasting result of it. Ever yours ...
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 55: The Bishop of London had taken the same view
as Lord John Russell of the Papal action, though they had
disagreed over the Gorham controversy.]
[Footnote 56: See _ante_, p. 279.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th December 1850._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday. She
sanctions the introduction into Parliament of a Bill framed on the
principles agreed upon at yesterday's Cabinet, presuming that it will
extend to the whole United Kingdom. What is to be done, however,
with respect to the Colonies where the Roman Catholic bishoprics are
recognised by the Government under territorial titles? and what is
to be done with Dr Cullen, who has assumed the title of Archbishop
of Armagh, Primate of all Ireland, which is punishable under the
Emancipation Act? If this is left unnoticed, the Government will be
left with the "_lame_" argument in Parliament of which we conversed
here. Could the Government not be helped out of this difficulty by
the Primate himself prosecuting the obtruder? The Queen hopes that the
meeting of the archdeacons with Dr Lushington may do some good; she
cannot say that she is pleased with the Archbishop's answer to the
laity published in to-day's _Times_, which leaves them without a
remedy if the clergymen persist in Puseyite Rituals! The Queen will
return Lord Minto's letter with the next messenger.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1850._
The Queen now returns Lord Seymour's letter respecting the New Forest,
and sanctions the proposed arrangement. Considering, however, that she
gives up the deer, and all patronage and authority over the Forest,
she wishes the shooting, as the only remaining Royalty, not to be
withdrawn from her authority also. It will be quite right to give
Deputations[57] to shoot over the various divisions and walks of the
Forest to gentlemen of the neighbourhood or others; but in order that
this may establish no right on their part, and may leave the Sovereign
a voice in the matter, she wishes that a list be prepared every
year of the persons recommended by the Office of Woods to receive
Deputations and submitted for her approval.
[Footnote 57: A deputation, _i.e._, a deputed right to take
game.]
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XX
The Ministry were in difficulties at the very beginning of the session
(1851), being nearly defeated on a motion made in the interest of
the agricultural party; and though the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill was
allowed to be brought in, they were beaten in a thin House chiefly by
their own friends, on the question of the County Franchise. A crisis
ensued, and a coalition of Whigs and Peelites was attempted, but
proved impracticable. Lord Stanley having then failed to form a
Protectionist Ministry, the Whigs, much weakened, had to resume
office.
The Exhibition, which was opened in Hyde Park on the 1st of May, was a
complete success, a brilliant triumph indeed, for the Prince, over six
million people visiting it; it remained open till the Autumn, and the
building, some time after its removal, was re-erected at Sydenham, at
the Crystal Palace.
The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, much modified, was proceeded with,
and, though opposed by the ablest Peelites and Radicals, became law,
though its effect, while in operation, was virtually _nil_. It was in
after-years repealed.
Kossuth, the champion of Hungarian independence, visited England in
October, and Lord Palmerston had to be peremptorily restrained
from receiving him publicly at the Foreign Office. A little later,
Kossuth's ultra-liberal sympathisers in London addressed the Foreign
Secretary in language violently denunciatory of the Emperors of
Austria and Russia, for which Lord Palmerston failed to rebuke them.
The cup was filled to the brim by his recognition of the President's
_coup d'etat_ in France. Louis Napoleon, after arresting M. Thiers and
many others, proclaimed the dissolution of the Council of State and
the National Assembly, decreed a state of siege, and re-established
universal suffrage, with a Chief Magistrate elected for ten years,
and a Ministry depending on the executive alone. Palmerston thereupon,
though professing an intention of non-interference, conveyed to the
French Ambassador in London his full approbation of the proceeding,
and his conviction that the President could not have acted otherwise.
Even after this indiscreet action, the Premier found some difficulty
in bringing him to book; but before the end of the year he was
dismissed from office, with the offer, which he declined, of the
Irish Lord-Lieutenancy and a British Peerage. Greatly to the Queen's
satisfaction, Lord Granville became Foreign Secretary.
At the Cape, Sir Harry Smith was engaged in operations against the
Kaffirs, which were not brought to a successful termination till the
following year, when General Cathcart had superseded him.