1850
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th February 1850._
MY DEAR UNCLE,--We had the house full for three days last week on
account of our theatrical performances on Friday, which went off
extremely well. The Grand Duchess Stephanie was here, _tres aimable_,
and not altered. She spoke much of Germany and of politics, and
of _you_ in the highest terms--"Comme le Roi Leopold s'est bien
tenu"--and that she had mentioned this at Claremont, and then felt
shocked at it, but that the poor King had answered: "Il avait mon
exemple devant lui, et il en a profite!" She thought the whole family
_tres digne_ in their _malheur_, but was struck with the melancholy
effect of the whole thing.
Our affairs have gone off extremely well in Parliament, and the
Protectionists have received an effective check; the question of the
Corn Laws seems _indeed settled_. This is of great importance, as it
puts a stop to the excitement and expectations of the farmers, which
have been falsely kept up by the aristocracy....
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._
CARLTON GARDENS, _15th February 1850._
MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--I have altered this draft so as I think to meet
the views of the Queen and of yourself in regard to the continuance
of the suspension.[1] I should not like to put into a despatch an
instruction to accept less than we have demanded, because that would
imply what I don't think to be the fact, viz. that we have demanded
more than is due. If the demands were for the British Government, we
might forego what portions we might like to give up, but we have no
right to be easy and generous with the rights and claims of other
people. Besides, if we get anything, we shall get all. The whole
amount is quite within the power of the Greek Government to pay. Yours
sincerely,
PALMERSTON.
[Footnote 1: _I.e._ of hostilities against the Greek
Government, designed to extract compensation for the injuries
inflicted on British subjects. See _ante_, p. 231.]
[Pageheading: THE DRAFT TO GREECE]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th February 1850._
The Queen sent the day before yesterday the proposed draft to Mr
Wyse back to Lord Palmerston, enclosing a Memorandum from Lord John
Russell, and telling Lord Palmerston "that she entirely concurred with
Lord John, and wished the draft to be altered accordingly." She has
not yet received an answer from Lord Palmerston, but just hears from
Lord John, in answer to her enquiry about it, that Lord Palmerston has
_sent_ the draft off _unaltered_.[2] The Queen must remark upon this
sort of proceeding, of which this is not the first instance, and
plainly tell Lord Palmerston that this must not happen again. Lord
Palmerston has a perfect right to state to the Queen his reasons for
disagreeing with her views, and will always have found her ready to
listen to his reasons; but she cannot allow a servant of the Crown
and her Minister to act contrary to her orders, and this without her
knowledge.
[Footnote 2: _See_ Ashley's _Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. v.]
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
CARLTON GARDENS. _17th February 1850._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in
reply to your Majesty's communication of this day, he begs to
state that upon receiving, the day before yesterday, your Majesty's
Memorandum on the proposed draft to Mr Wyse, together with the
accompanying Memorandum[3] from Lord John Russell, he altered the
draft, and sent it to Lord John Russell, and received it back from
Lord John Russell with the accompanying note in answer to that which
he wrote to Lord John Russell. It was important that the messenger
should go off that evening, and the time occupied in these
communications rendered it just, but barely, possible to despatch the
messenger by the mail train of that evening. The despatch thus altered
coincided with the views of your Majesty and Lord John Russell as to
the question in regard to the length of time during which reprisals
should be suspended to give scope for the French negotiation. The
other question as to giving Mr Wyse a latitude of discretion to
entertain any proposition which might be made to him by the Greek
Government was considered by the Cabinet at its meeting yesterday
afternoon, and Viscount Palmerston gave Mr Wyse a latitude of that
kind in regard to the claim of Mr Pacifico, the only one to which
that question could apply, in a despatch which he sent by the overland
Mediterranean mail which went off yesterday afternoon. That despatch
also contained some instructions as to the manner in which Mr Wyse
is to communicate with Baron Gros,[4] and those instructions were the
result of a conversation which Viscount Palmerston had with the French
Ambassador after the meeting of the Cabinet. Viscount Palmerston was
only waiting for a copy of the despatch of yesterday evening, which,
owing to this day being Sunday, he has not yet received, in order to
send to your Majesty the altered draft of yesterday evening, with
an explanation of the circumstances which rendered it impossible to
submit them to your Majesty before they were sent off.[5]
[Footnote 3: Lord John Russell's opinion was that three weeks
should be allowed to Mr Wyse and Sir W. Parker to accept terms
as satisfactory as they could obtain, and that Sir W. Parker
should not be obliged to resume coercive measures, if the
concessions of the Greek Government should appear to afford a
prospect of a speedy settlement of the affair.]
[Footnote 4: Baron Gros was the Commissioner despatched by
the French Government to Athens to assist in arranging the
dispute.]
[Footnote 5: See subsequent correspondence between Lord John
and Lord Palmerston, Walpole's _Russell_, vol. ii. chap. xix.]
[Pageheading: RE-ARRANGEMENT SUGGESTED]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PLAN]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd March 1850._
Before leaving Town yesterday we saw Lord John Russell, who came to
state what had passed with reference to Lord Palmerston. He premised
that Lord Palmerston had at all times been a most agreeable and
accommodating colleague; that he had acted with Lord John ever since
1831, and had not only never made any difficulty, but acted most
boldly and in the most spirited manner on all political questions;
besides, he was very popular with the Radical part of the House of
Commons as well as with the Protectionist, so that both would be ready
to receive him as their Leader; he (Lord John) was therefore most
anxious to do nothing which could hurt Lord Palmerston's feelings, nor
to bring about a disruption of the Whig Party, which at this moment
of Party confusion was the only one which still held together. On the
other hand, the fact that the Queen distrusted Lord Palmerston was a
serious impediment to the carrying on of the Government. Lord John was
therefore anxious to adopt a plan by which Lord Palmerston's services
could be retained with his own goodwill, and the Foreign Affairs
entrusted to other hands. The only plan he could think of was to give
Lord Palmerston the lead in the House of Commons--the highest position
a statesman could aspire to--and to go himself to the House of Lords.
He had communicated his views to Lord Lansdowne, who agreed in them,
and thought he could do nothing better than speak to Lord Palmerston
at once. Lord Palmerston said that he could not have helped to have
become aware that he had forfeited the Queen's confidence, but he
thought this had not been on _personal_ grounds, but merely on account
of his line of policy, with which the Queen disagreed. (The Queen
interrupted Lord John by remarking that she distrusted him on
_personal_ grounds also, but I remarked that Lord Palmerston had so
far at least seen rightly; that he had become disagreeable to the
Queen, not on account of his person, but of his political doings,
to which the Queen assented.) Lord Palmerston appeared to Lord John
willing to enter into this agreement.
On the question how the Foreign Office should be filled, Lord John
said that he thought his father-in-law, Lord Minto, ought to take
the Foreign Office.... As the Queen was somewhat startled by this
announcement, I said I thought that would not go down with the public.
After Lord Palmerston's removal (who was considered one of the ablest
men in the country) he ought not to be replaced but by an equally able
statesman; the Office was of _enormous_ importance, and ought not to
be entrusted to any one but Lord John himself or Lord Clarendon. On
the Queen's enquiry why Lord Clarendon had not been proposed for it,
Lord John said he was most anxious that the change of the Minister
should not produce a change in the general line of policy which he
considered to have been quite right, and that Lord Clarendon did
not approve of it; somehow or other he never could agree with
Lord Clarendon on Foreign Affairs; he thought Lord Clarendon very
anti-French and for an alliance with Austria and Russia. The Queen
replied she knew Lord Clarendon's bad opinion of the mode in which the
Foreign Affairs had been conducted, and thought that a merit in him,
but did not think him Austrian or Russian, but merely disapproving
of Lord Palmerston's behaviour. I urged Lord John to take the Foreign
Affairs himself, which he said would have to be done if the Queen did
not wish Lord Minto to take them; he himself would be able to do the
business when in the House of Lords, although he would undertake it
unwillingly; with the business in the House of Commons it would have
been impossible for him.
The Queen insisted on his trying it with a seat in the House of Lords,
adding that, if he found it too much for him, he could at a later
period perhaps make the Department over to Lord Clarendon.
I could not help remarking that it was a serious risk to entrust Lord
Palmerston with the lead in the House of Commons, that it might be
that the Government were defeated and, if once in opposition, Lord
Palmerston might take a different line as leader of the Opposition
from that which Lord John would like, and might so easily force
himself back into office as Prime Minister. Lord John, however,
although admitting that danger, thought Lord Palmerston too old to do
much in the future (having passed his sixty-fifth year); he admitted
that Sir George Grey was the natural leader of the Commons, but
expected that a little later the lead would still fall into his hands.
The arrangements of the Offices as proposed would be that Lord
Palmerston would take the Home Office, and Sir George Grey the
Colonial Office, and Lord Grey vacate this office for the Privy
Seal. If Lord Minto, however, was not to have the Foreign Office, the
arrangement must be recast. Lord Clarendon would become Secretary
of State for Ireland, after the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy.
Possibly also Sir George Grey might take the office, and Lord
Clarendon take the Colonies, which Lord Grey would be glad to be rid
of. On my observing that I had thought the Colonies would have done
best for Lord Palmerston, leaving Sir George Grey at the Home Office,
Lord John acknowledged that he would likewise prefer this arrangement,
but considered it rendered impossible from its having been the very
thing Lord Grey had proposed in 1845, and upon which the attempt to
form a Whig Government at that time had broken down, Lord Palmerston
having refused to enter the Cabinet on those terms. Lord John ended
by saying that Lord Palmerston having agreed to the change, it was
intended that nothing should be done about it till after the close of
the Session, in order to avoid debates and questions on the subject;
moreover, Lord Lansdowne had agreed to continue still this Session his
labours as Leader in the House of Lords, and begged for the _utmost
secrecy_ at present.
ALBERT.
Lord John Russell already last year had spoken to me of his wish to
go to the House of Lords, finding the work in the House of Commons,
together with his other business, too much for him, and Lord Lansdowne
being desirous to be relieved from the lead in the Upper House.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM]
_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._[6]
_12th March 1850._
The least the Queen has a right to require of her Minister is:--
1. That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in
order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she has to give
her royal sanction.
2. Having given once her sanction to a measure, the Minister who,
in the execution of such measure alters or modifies it arbitrarily,
commits an act of dishonesty towards the Crown, which the Queen has
an undoubted constitutional right to visit with the dismissal of that
Minister.
STOCKMAR.
[Footnote 6: Compare this with the Memorandum ultimately drawn
up on the 12th of August.]
_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th March 1850._
The Queen wishes to remark to Lord Lansdowne, that his answer to Lord
Stanley in the House of Lords last night might possibly lead to the
misapprehension that Lord Palmerston's delay in sending the despatch
to Mr Wyse had been caused by the time it took to get the Queen's
approval of it. She must protest against such an inference being
drawn, as being contrary to the fact, Lord Palmerston indeed having
sent out in the first instance a different despatch from that which
she had approved.
[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _25th March 1850._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,-- ... King Louis Philippe seems better, but still
he is evidently breaking; there is no wonder when one considers all
he has gone through, and is still to suffer! No one can tell a day
[ahead] what may happen in France, and if all the family have, which
is but[7] in France, may not be confiscated. The thirst for spoliation
is great; the people who lead have no other view, they are not
fanatics, their aim is to rise and to enrich themselves; the remainder
is mere humbug, exactly as you have it very near home. Never was
there a nation in a worse and a more helpless state, and the numerous
parties who will _not_ unite render all solutions impossible, and the
republic will be maintained for that very reason. It is but a name
and no substance, but that _name of_ _republic_ encourages every
extravagant or desperate proceeding, and turns people's heads in the
old monarchies; every doctor or magistrate sees himself president of
some republic, and the ambitions of so many people who see all the
impediments which existed formerly removed, and who, according to
their _own opinion_, are wonderful people, will be insatiable and much
more dangerous than you imagine in England. On the Continent every man
thinks himself fit to be at the head of the Government; there is no
political measure or scale, and the success of some bookseller or
doctor or advocate, etc., turns the heads of all those in similar
positions--_on ne doute de rien_. When you consider that a
_banqueroutier_ like Ledru Rollin[8] ruled over France _for six
months_ almost with _absolute power,_ merely because he took it, you
may imagine how many thousands, even of workmen, cooks, stage people,
etc., look to be taken to rule over their fellow-citizens; _toujours
convaincu de leur propre merite_. I am happy to see that you escaped
a ministerial crisis; the peril was great, and it would have been
dreadful for you at such a moment.
Albert made a fine long speech, I see.[9] Did he read it? _ex
tempore_, it would have been very trying. I trust we may come to that
unity of mankind of which he speaks, and of universal peace which our
friend Richard Cobden considers as very near at hand; if, however,
the red benefactors of mankind at Paris get the upper hand, _universal
war_ will be the order of the day. We are so strongly convinced of
this that we are very seriously occupied with the means of defence
which this country can afford, and we imagine that if we are not
abandoned by our friends, it will be impossible to force our positions
on the Schelde.
I must now quickly conclude. Remaining ever, my beloved Victoria, your
devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 7: _I.e._ "only."]
[Footnote 8: He was President in 1848.]
[Footnote 9: At the Mansion House banquet to the Commissioners
for the Exhibition of 1851. See quotation from it in Sir T.
Martin's _Life_, vol. ii, p. 247.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th March 1850._
The Queen approves these drafts, but thinks that in the part alluding
to M. Pacifico, should be added a direction to Mr Wyse to satisfy
himself of the _truth_ of M. Pacifico's statements of losses before
he grounds his demands upon them.[10] The draft merely allows a
sub-division of the claims, but takes their validity for granted.
[Footnote 10: Don Pacifico claimed L31,500--L4,900 being for
effects destroyed, and L26,600 in respect of certain claims
against the Portuguese Government, the vouchers for which he
stated had been destroyed by the mob which pillaged his house.
His valuation of the various items was of the most extravagant
description.]
[Pageheading: SPEECH BY PRINCE ALBERT]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th March 1850._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Albert made a really beautiful speech the other
day, and it has given the greatest satisfaction and done great good.
He is indeed _looked up to and beloved_, as _I_ could _wish_ he should
be; and the _more_ his _rare qualities_ of mind and heart are _known_,
the _more_ he will be understood and appreciated. People are much
struck at his great powers and energy; his great self-denial, and
constant wish to work for others, is so striking in his character; but
it is the _happiest_ life; pining for what one cannot have, and trying
to run after what is pleasantest, _invariably_ ends in disappointment.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th March 1850._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write only a few lines to-day, begging you to
give the accompanying drawing of her little _namesake_ to dearest
Louise _on_ her birthday.
I shall duly answer your dear letter of the 25th on Tuesday, but am
anxious to correct the impression that Albert read his fine speech.
He _never_ has done so with any of his fine speeches, but speaks them,
having first prepared them and written them down,--and does so _so
well_, that no one believes that he is ever nervous, which _he is_.
This last he is said to have spoken in so particularly English a way.
We have still sadly cold winds. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th April 1850._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter with the drafts,
which he mentioned last night to her, and she has sent his letter with
them to Lord Palmerston.
Lord Palmerston's conduct in this Spanish question[11] in not
communicating her letter to Lord John, as she had directed, is really
too bad, and most disrespectful to the Queen; she can really hardly
communicate with him any more; indeed it would be better she should
not.
[Footnote 11: The question was the selection of a Minister for
Madrid.]
[Pageheading: LORD HOWDEN]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th April 1850._
In order to save the Government embarrassments, the Queen has
sanctioned the appointment of Lord Howden[12] to Madrid, although
she does not consider him to be quite the stamp of person in whom she
could feel entire confidence that he will be proof against all spirit
of intrigue, which at all times and now particularly is so much
required in Spain. But she must once more ask Lord John to watch that
the Queen may be quite openly and considerately dealt by. She knows
that Lord Howden has long been made acquainted with his appointment,
and has been corresponding upon it with General Narvaez; the
correspondent of the _Times_ has announced his appointment from Madrid
already three weeks ago, and all that time Lord Palmerston remained
silent upon the matter to the Queen, not even answering her upon her
letter expressing her wish to see Lord Westmorland[13] appointed. Lord
John must see the impropriety of this course, and if it were not for
the Queen's anxiety to smooth all difficulties, the Government might
be exposed to most awkward embarrassments. She expects, however,
and has the right to claim, equal consideration on the part of her
Ministers. She addresses herself in this matter to Lord John as the
head of the Government.
[Footnote 12: Lord Howden had been recently Minister at Rio
Janeiro.]
[Footnote 13: Minister at Berlin, 1841-51.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _28th April 1850._
... Lord John Russell cannot but assent to your Majesty's right to
claim every consideration on the part of your Majesty's Ministers.
He will take care to attend to this subject, and is much concerned to
find that your Majesty has so frequently occasion to complain of Lord
Palmerston's want of attention.
[Pageheading: THE KOH-I-NOOR]
_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._
SIMLA, _15th May 1850._
... When the Governor-General had the honour of addressing your
Majesty from Bombay, the arrangements for the transmission of the
Koh-i-noor were incomplete. He therefore did not then report to your
Majesty, as he now humbly begs leave to do, that he conveyed the
jewel himself from Lahore in his own charge, and deposited it in the
Treasury at Bombay. One of your Majesty's ships had been ordered to
Bombay to receive it, but had not then arrived, and did not arrive
till two months afterwards, thus causing delay. The _Medea_, however,
sailed on 6th April, and will, it is hoped, have a safe and speedy
passage to England.
By this mail the Governor-General transmits officially a record of all
that he has been able to trace of the vicissitudes through which the
Koh-i-noor has passed. The papers are accurate and curious.
In one of them it is narrated, on the authority of Fugueer-ood-deen,
who is now at Lahore, and who was himself the messenger, that Runjeet
Singh sent a message to Wufa Begum, the wife of Shah Sooja, from whom
he had taken the gem, to ask her its value. She replied, "If a strong
man were to throw four stones, one north, one south, one east, one
west, and a fifth stone up into the air, and if the space between
them were to be filled with gold, all would not equal the value of the
Koh-i-noor." The Fugueer, thinking probably that this appraisement was
somewhat imaginative, subsequently asked Shah Sooja the same question.
The Shah replied that its value was "good fortune; for whoever
possessed it had conquered their enemies."
The Governor-General very respectfully and earnestly trusts that your
Majesty, in your possession of the Koh-i-noor, may ever continue to
realise its value as estimated by Shah Sooja.
He has the honour to subscribe himself, with deep respect, your
Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and
Servant,
DALHOUSIE.
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]
_The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th May 1850._
MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--I return you the enclosed letters which forbode
a new storm, this time coming from Russia.[14] I confess I do not
understand that part of the quarrel, but one conviction grows stronger
and stronger with the Queen and myself (if it is possible), viz. that
Lord Palmerston is bringing the whole of the hatred which is borne to
him--I don't mean here to investigate whether justly or unjustly--by
all the Governments of Europe upon England, and that the country
runs serious danger of having to pay for the consequences. We cannot
reproach ourselves with having neglected warning and entreaties, but
the Queen may feel that her duty demands her not to be content with
mere warning without any effect, and that for the sake of one man the
welfare of the country must not be exposed....
ALBERT.
[Footnote 14: Russia as well as France had been appealed to by
Greece against the pressure brought to bear upon her. On the
18th of April a Convention was signed in London disposing of
the whole dispute, and referring Don Pacifico's claims
against Portugal to arbitration. Lord Palmerston was remiss in
communicating the progress of those negotiations to Mr Wyse,
who persisted in his coercive measures, disregarding the
intelligence on the subject he received from Baron Gros, and
Greece accordingly submitted to his terms. France and Russia
were incensed, the French Ambassador was recalled, and on the
18th of May Baron Brunnow intimated the imminence of similar
action by the Czar.]
_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _18th May 1850._
SIR,--I feel very strongly that the Queen ought not to be exposed to
the enmity of Austria, France, and Russia on account of her Minister.
I was therefore prepared to state on Monday that it is for Her Majesty
to consider what course it will be best for her and for the country to
pursue.
1. I am quite ready to resign my office, but I could not make Lord
Palmerston the scapegoat for the sins which will be imputed to the
Government in the late negotiations.
2. I am ready, if it is thought best, to remain in office till
questions pending in the two Houses are decided. If unfavourably, a
solution is obtained; if favourably, Lord John Russell will no longer
remain in office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary.
These are hasty and crude thoughts, but may be matured by Monday.
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REPORT]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _20th May 1850._
Lord John Russell came to-day to make his report to the Queen on
his final determination with respect to the Greek question and Lord
Palmerston. He said it was quite impossible to abandon Lord Palmerston
upon this question, that the Cabinet was as much to blame (if there
were cause for it) as Lord Palmerston, and particularly he himself,
who had given his consent to the measures taken, and was justly held
responsible by the country for the Foreign Policy of the Government.
Admitting, however, that Lord Palmerston's personal quarrels with all
Governments of foreign countries and the hostility with which they
were looking upon him was doing serious injury to the country, and
exposing the Crown to blows aimed at the Minister, he had consulted
Lord Lansdowne.... Lord Lansdowne fully felt the strength of what I
said respecting the power of the Leader of the House of Commons, and
the right on the part of the Queen to object to its being conferred
upon a person who had not her entire confidence. I said I hoped Lord
Lansdowne would consider the communication of the letter as quite
confidential, as, although I had no objection to telling Lord
Palmerston anything that was said in it myself, I should not like that
it should come to his ears by third persons or be otherwise talked
of. Lord John assured me that Lord Lansdowne could be entirely relied
upon, and that he himself had locked up the letter under key the
moment he had received it, and would carefully guard it.
The result of our conference was, that we agreed that Lord Clarendon
was the only member of the Government to whom the Foreign Affairs
could be entrusted unless Lord John were to take them himself, which
was much the best. Lord John objected to Lord Clarendon's intimate
connection with the _Times_, and the violent Austrian line of that
paper; moreover, Lord Clarendon would be wanted to organise the new
department of Secretary of State for Ireland. The Colonial Office
was much the best for Lord Palmerston, and should Lord John go to the
House of Lords, Sir George Grey was to lead in the Commons. Lord John
would take an opportunity of communicating with Lord Palmerston, but
wished nothing should be said or done about the changes till after the
close of the Session.[15]
ALBERT.
[Footnote 15: The question of the relations of Lord Palmerston
with the Crown had to be postponed owing to the debates in
both Houses on Foreign Policy. In the Lords, Lord Stanley
moved a vote of censure on the Government for enforcing by
coercive measures various doubtful or exaggerated claims
against the Greek Government.]
[Pageheading: SUNDAY POSTS]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _9th June 1850._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters. If the
Cabinet _think_ it impossible to do otherwise, of course the Queen
consents--though _most reluctantly_--to a compliance with the vote
respecting the Post Office.[16] The Queen thinks it a very _false_
notion of obeying God's will, to do what will be the cause of much
annoyance and possibly of great distress to private families. At any
rate, she thinks decidedly that great caution should be used with
respect to any alteration in the transmission of the mails, so that at
least _some means_ of communication may still be possible.
[Footnote 16: Lord Ashley carried a resolution forbidding
the Sunday delivery of letters; a Committee of Inquiry was
appointed, and reported against the proposed change, which was
abandoned.]
_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Cambridge._
OSBORNE, _10th June 1850._
MY DEAR UNCLE,--I have enquired into the precedents, and find that
though there are none exactly similar to the case of George, there
will be no difficulty to call him up to the House of Lords; and I
should propose that he should be called up by the name of Earl of
Tipperary, which is one of your titles. Culloden, which is your
other title, would be from recollections of former times obviously
objectionable. There are several precedents of Princes being made
Peers without having an establishment, consequently there can be no
difficulty on this point.
I feel confident that George will be very moderate in his politics,
and support the Government whenever he can. Princes of the Royal
Family should keep as much as possible aloof from _Party Politics_, as
I think they else invariably become mixed up with Party violence, and
frequently are made the tools of people who are utterly regardless of
the mischief they cause to the Throne and Royal Family. Believe me,
always, your affectionate Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: PRINCE GEORGE OF CAMBRIDGE]
_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._
CAMBRIDGE HOUSE, _10th June 1850._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I seize the earliest opportunity of thanking you
for your very kind letter, which I have this moment received, and to
assure you at the same time that I do most fully agree with you in
your observations concerning the line in politics which the members
of the Royal Family ought to take. This has always been my principle
since I entered the House of Lords, and I am fully convinced that
George will follow my example.
I must also add that I have felt the great advantage of supporting the
Government, and I have by that always been well with all Parties, and
have avoided many difficulties which other members of my family have
had to encounter.
I shall not fail to communicate your letter to George, who will, I
trust, never prove himself unworthy of the kindness you have shown
him.
With the request that you will remember me most kindly to Albert, I
remain, my dearest Victoria, your most affectionate Uncle,
ADOLPHUS.
_Prince George of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S PALACE, _15th June 1850._
MY DEAR COUSIN,--I have not as yet ventured to address you on a
subject of much interest personally to myself, and upon which I am
aware that you have been in correspondence with my father; but as I
believe that the question which was brought to your notice has
been settled, I cannot any longer deprive myself of the pleasure of
expressing to you my most sincere and grateful thanks for the kind
manner in which you have at once acceded to the anxious request of my
father and myself, by arranging with the Government that I should be
called up to the House of Lords. This has been a point upon which I
have long been most anxious, and I am truly and sincerely grateful
that you have so considerately entered into my feelings and wishes. I
understand that it is your intention that I should be called up by my
father's second title as Earl of Tipperary; at the same time I hope
that though I take a seat in the House as Earl of Tipperary, I may be
permitted to retain and be called by my present name on all occasions
not connected with the House of Lords. As regards the wish expressed
by yourself, that I should not allow myself to be made a political
partisan, I need not, I trust, assure you that it will be ever my
endeavour to obey your desires upon this as on all other occasions;
but I trust I may be permitted to add, that even before this desire
expressed by you, it had been my intention to follow this line of
conduct. I conceive that whenever they conscientiously can do so, the
members of the Royal Family should support the Queen's Government; and
if at times it should happen that they have a difficulty in so doing,
it is at all events not desirable that they should place themselves
prominently in opposition to it. This I believe to be your feelings
on the subject, and if you will permit me to say so, they are also my
own.
Hoping to have the pleasure soon of expressing to you my gratitude in
person, I remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,
GEORGE.
_Queen Victoria to Prince George of Cambridge._
OSBORNE, _17th June 1850._
MY DEAR GEORGE,--Many thanks for your kind letter received yesterday.
I am glad to hear that you are so entirely of my opinion with respect
to the political conduct of the Princes of the Royal Family who are
peers, and I feel sure that your conduct will be quite in accordance
with this view. With respect to your wish to be called as you have
hitherto been, I do not think that this will be possible. It has never
been done, besides which I think the Irish (who will be much flattered
at your being called up by the title of Tipperary) would feel it as a
slight if you did not wish to be called by the title you bear. All
the Royal Peers have always been called by their titles in this and in
other countries, and I do not think it would be possible to avoid it.
Ever, etc.,
VICTORIA R.[17]
[Footnote 17: The patent was made out, but not signed, a
memorandum of Prince Albert recording:--
BUCKINGHAM PALACE. _8th July 1850._
I kept this warrant back from the Queen's signature on account
of the Duke of Cambridge's illness. The Duke died yesterday
evening, without a struggle, after an attack of fever which
had lasted four weeks. So the summons of Prince George has
never been carried out.
ALBERT.]
[Pageheading: MR ROEBUCK'S MOTION]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _21st June 1850._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that Mr Roebuck asked him yesterday what course
the Government intends to pursue after the late vote of the House of
Lords.[18]
The newspapers contain the report of Lord John Russell's answer.
Mr Roebuck has proposed to move on Monday a general approbation of the
Foreign Policy of the Government.
What may be the result of such a Motion it is not easy to say, but
as Lord Stanley has prevailed on a majority in the House of Lords
to censure the Foreign Policy of the Government, it is impossible to
avoid a decision by the House of Commons on this subject.
The misfortune is that on the one side every detail of negotiation is
confounded with the general principles of our Foreign Policy, and on
the other a censure upon a Foreign Policy, the tendency of which has
been to leave despotism and democracy to fight out their own battles,
will imply in the eyes of Europe a preference for the cause of
despotism, and a willingness to interfere with Russia and Austria on
behalf of absolute government. The jealousy of the House of Commons
would not long bear such a policy.
Be that as it may, Lord Stanley has opened a beginning of strife,
which may last for many years to come.
[Footnote 18: Lord Stanley's Motion of Censure was carried by
a majority of 37 in a House of 301.]
[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY'S MOTION]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st June 1850._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and read his speech
in the House of Commons. She regrets exceedingly the position in which
the Government has been placed by the Motion of Lord Stanley in the
House of Lords. Whichever way the Debate in the House of Commons
may terminate, the Queen foresees great troubles. A defeat of the
Government would be _most inconvenient_. The Queen has always
approved the _general_ tendency of the policy of the Government to
let despotism and democracy fight out their battles abroad, but must
remind Lord John that in the execution of this policy Lord Palmerston
has _gone a long way_ in taking up the side of democracy in the fight,
and this is the "detail of negotiations" which Lord John is afraid may
be confounded with the general principle of our Foreign Policy. Indeed
it is already confounded by the whole of the foreign and the great
majority of the British public, and it is to be feared that the
discussion will place despotic and democratic principles in array
against each other in this country, whilst the original question turns
only upon the justice of Don Pacifico's claims.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _22nd June 1850._
Lord John Russell deeply regrets that your Majesty should be exposed
to inconvenience in consequence of Lord Stanley's Motion. He has
copied Mr Roebuck's Motion as it now stands on the votes. The word
"principles" includes the general policy, and excludes the particular
measures which from time to time have been adopted as the objects of
approbation.
It is impossible to say at this moment what will be the result. Lord
Stanley, Lord Aberdeen, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Disraeli appear to be in
close concert.
Lord Stanley can hardly now abandon Protection. Mr Gladstone, one
should imagine, can hardly abandon Free Trade. The anger of the honest
Protectionists and the honest Free-Traders will be very great at so
unprincipled a coalition.
Mr Roebuck's Motion: That the principles on which the Foreign Policy
of Her Majesty's Government has been regulated have been such as were
calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country, and in
times of unexampled difficulty to preserve peace between England and
the various nations of the world.
[Pageheading: HOLSTEIN AND GERMANY]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd June 1850._
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday, but
cannot say that his arguments in support of his former opinion, that
the Germanic Confederation should be omitted from amongst the Powers
who are to be invited to sign a protocol, the object of which is to
decide upon the fate of Holstein, have proved successful in convincing
her of the propriety of this course. As Holstein belongs to the
Germanic Confederation and is only accidentally connected with Denmark
through its Sovereign, a Protocol to ensure the integrity of the
Danish Monarchy is a direct attack upon Germany, if carried out
without her knowledge and consent; and it is an act repugnant to all
feelings of justice and morality for third parties to dispose of other
people's property, which no diplomatic etiquette about the difficulty
of finding a proper representative for Germany could justify. The mode
of representation might safely be left to the Confederation itself.
It is not surprising to the Queen that Austria and Prussia should
complain of Lord Palmerston's agreeing with Sweden, Russia, Denmark,
and France upon the Protocol before giving Prussia and Austria any
notice of it.
[Pageheading: THE PROTOCOL]
_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._
CARLTON GARDENS, _23rd June 1850._
MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--The Queen has entirely misconceived the object
and effect of the proposed Protocol. It does not "decide upon the
fate of Holstein," nor is it "an attack upon Germany." In fact, the
Protocol is to _decide_ nothing; it is to be merely a record of the
wishes and opinions of the Power whose representatives are to sign
it....[19]
How does any part of this decide the fate of Holstein or attack
Germany?
Is not the Queen requiring that I should be Minister, not indeed for
Austria, Russia, or France, but for the Germanic Confederation?
Why should we take up the cudgels for Germany, when we are inviting
Austria and Prussia, the two leading powers of Germany, and who would
of course put in a claim for the Confederation if they thought it
necessary, which, however, for the reasons above stated, they surely
would not?...
As to my having _agreed_ with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France
before communicating with Prussia and Austria, that is not the course
which things have taken. Brunnow proposed the Protocol to me, and
I have been in discussion with him about it. It is _he_ who has
communicated it to the French Ambassador, to Reventlow, and to
Rehausen; I sent it privately several weeks ago to Westmorland, that
he might show it confidentially to Schleinitz, but telling Westmorland
that it was not a thing settled, but only a proposal by Russia, and
that, at all events, some part of the wording would be altered. I have
no doubt that Brunnow has also shown it to Koller; but I could not
send it officially to Berlin or Vienna till Brunnow had agreed to such
a wording as I could recommend the Government to adopt, nor until I
received the Queen's sanction to do so.
The only thing that occurs to me as practicable would be to say to
Austria and Prussia that if, in signing the Protocol, they could add
that they signed also in the name of the Confederation, we should be
glad to have the additional weight of that authority, but that could
not be made a _sine qua non_, any more than the signature of Austria
and Prussia themselves, for I think that the Protocol ought to be
signed by as many of the proposed Powers as may choose to agree to
it, bearing always in mind that it is only a record of opinions and
wishes, and does not decide or pretend to decide anything practically.
Yours sincerely,
PALMERSTON.
[Footnote 19: The Protocol was to record the desirability
of the following points:--(1) that the several states which
constituted the Danish Monarchy should remain united, and
that the Danish Crown should be settled in such manner that it
should go with the Duchy of Holstein; (2) that the signatory
Powers, when the peace should have been concluded, should
concert measures for the purpose of giving to the results
an additional pledge of stability, by a general European
acknowledgment.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S OPINION]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th June 1850._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter enclosing those of
Lord Palmerston and Lord Lansdowne. The _misconception_ on the Queen's
part, which Lord Palmerston alleges to exist, consists in her taking
the essence of the arrangement for the mere words. Lord Palmerston
pretends that the Protocol "does not decide upon the fate of Holstein
nor attack Germany." However, the only object of the Protocol is the
fate of Holstein, which is decided upon--
(1.) By a declaration of the importance to the interests of Europe to
uphold the integrity of the Danish Monarchy (which has no meaning, if
it does not mean that Holstein is to remain with it).
(2.) By an approval of the efforts of the King of Denmark to keep it
with Denmark, by adapting the law of succession to that of Holstein.
(3.) By an engagement on the part of the Powers to use their "_soins_"
to get the constitutional position of Holstein settled in a peace
according to the Malmoe preliminaries, of which it was one of
the conditions that the question of the succession was to be left
untouched.
(4.) To seal the whole arrangement by an act of European
acknowledgment.
If the declarations of importance, the approval, the "_soins_" and
the acknowledgments of _all_ the great Powers of Europe are to decide
nothing, then Lord Palmerston is quite right; if they decide anything,
it is the fate of Holstein.
Whether this will be an attack upon Germany or not will be easily
deduced from the fact that the attempt on the part of Denmark to
incorporate into her polity the Duchy of Schleswig was declared by
the Diet in 1846 to be a declaration of war against Germany merely on
account of its intimate connection with the Duchy of Holstein.
The Queen does not wish her Minister to be Minister for Germany, but
merely to treat that country with the same consideration which is due
to every country on whose interests we mean to decide.
The Queen would wish her correspondence upon this subject to be
brought before the Cabinet, and will abide by their deliberate
opinion.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th June 1850._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Charles will have told you how kindly and amiably
the Prince of Prussia has come here, travelling night and day from
St Petersburg, in order to be in time for the christening of our
little _Arthur_.[20] I wish you could (and you will, for he intends
stopping at Brussels) hear him speak, for he is so straightforward,
conciliatory, and yet firm of purpose; I have a great esteem and
respect for him. The poor King of Prussia is recovered,[21] and has
been received with great enthusiasm on the first occasion of his first
reappearance in public.
We are in a _crisis_, no one knowing how this debate upon this most
unfortunate Greek business will end. It is most unfortunate, for
whatever way it ends, it must do great harm.
I must now conclude, for I am quite overpowered by the heat. Ever your
truly devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 20: The present Duke of Connaught, born on the 1st
of May, the birthday of the Duke of Wellington, who was one of
the sponsors, and after whom he was named.]
[Footnote 21: From an attempt to assassinate him.]
[Pageheading: THE DON PACIFICO DEBATE]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _26th June 1850._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has the honour to report that in the debate of last night Viscount
Palmerston defended the whole Foreign Policy of the Government in a
speech of four hours and three quarters.[22] This speech was one
of the most masterly ever delivered, going through the details of
transactions in the various parts of the world, and appealing from
time to time to great principles of justice and of freedom.
The cheering was frequent and enthusiastic. The debate was adjourned
till Thursday, when it will probably close.
The expectation is that Ministers will have a majority, but on the
amount of that majority must depend their future course.
[Footnote 22: It lasted from dusk till dawn, and the Minister
asked for a verdict on the question whether, "as the Roman in
days of old held himself free from indignity when he could
say, _Civis Romanus sum_, so also a British subject, in
whatever land he may be, shall feel confident that the
watchful eye and the strong arm of England will protect
him against injustice and wrong." Peel, who made his last
appearance in the House, voted against Palmerston.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
_Chesham Place_, _27th June 1850._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that the prospects of the division are rather more
favourable for Ministers than they were.
Ministers ought to have a majority of forty to justify their remaining
in office.[23]
Mr Gladstone makes no secret of his wish to join Lord Stanley in
forming an Administration.
Lord John Russell would desire to have the honour of an audience of
your Majesty on Saturday at twelve or one o'clock.
The division will not take place till to-morrow night.
[Footnote 23: In the result, Ministers succeeded by 310 to
264, although opposed to them in the debate were Mr Gladstone,
Mr Cobden, Sir Robert Peel, Mr Disraeli, Sir James Graham,
and Sir William Molesworth. Next to the speeches of Lord
Palmerston and Lord John Russell, the most effective speech
on the Government side was that of Mr Alexander Cockburn,
afterwards Lord Chief Justice of England.]
[Pageheading: PEEL'S ACCIDENT]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd July 1850._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--For two most kind and affectionate letters I offer
my warmest and best thanks. The good report of my beloved Louise's
improvement is a great happiness. By my letter to Louise you will have
learnt all the details of this certainly very disgraceful and very
inconceivable attack.[24] I have not suffered except from my head,
which is still very tender, the blow having been extremely violent,
and the brass _end_ of the stick fell on my head so as to make a
considerable noise. I own it makes me nervous out driving, and I start
at any person coming near the carriage, which I am afraid is natural.
We have, alas! now another cause of much greater anxiety in the person
of our excellent Sir Robert Peel,[25] who, as you will see, has had
a most serious fall, and though going on well at first, was very ill
last night; thank God! he is better again this morning, but I fear
still in great danger. I cannot bear even to think of losing him; it
would be the greatest loss for the whole country, and irreparable for
us, for he is so trustworthy, and so entirely to be depended on. _All_
parties are in great anxiety about him. I will leave my letter open to
give you the latest news.
Our good and amiable guest[26] likes being with us, and will remain
with us till Saturday. We had a concert last night, and go to the
opera very regularly. The _Prophete_ is quite beautiful, and I am
sure would delight you. The music in the _Scene du Couronnement_ is,
I think, finer than anything in either _Robert_ or the _Huguenots_; it
is highly dramatic, and really very touching. Mario sings and acts
in it quite in perfection. His _Raoul_ in the Huguenots is also most
beautiful. He improves every year, and I really think his voice is the
finest tenor I ever heard, and he sings and acts with such _intense_
feeling.
What do you say to the conclusion of our debate? It leaves things just
as they were. The House of Commons is becoming very unmanageable and
troublesome....
I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your most affectionate
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
I am happy to say that Sir Robert, though still very ill, is freer
from pain, his pulse is less high, and he feels himself better; the
Doctors think there is _no_ vital injury, and nothing from which he
cannot recover, but that he must be for some days in a precarious
state.
[Footnote 24: The Queen, as she was leaving Cambridge House,
where she had called to inquire after the Duke of Cambridge's
health, was struck with a cane by one Robert Pate, an
ex-officer, and a severe bruise was inflicted on her forehead.
The outrage was apparently committed without motive, but an
attempt to prove Pate insane failed, and he was sentenced to
seven years' transportation.]
[Footnote 25: On the day following the Don Pacifico debate,
Sir Robert Peel, after attending a meeting of the Exhibition
Commissioners, had gone out riding. On his return, while
passing up Constitution Hill, he was thrown from his horse,
and, after lingering three days in intense pain, died on the
5th of July.]
[Footnote 26: The Prince of Prussia.]
[Pageheading: THE KING OF DENMARK]
_The King of Denmark to Queen Victoria._
COPENHAGUE, _4 Juillet 1850._
MADAME MA S[OE]UR,--Je remplis un devoir des plus agreables, en
m'empressant d'annoncer a votre Majeste que la paix vient d'etre
signee le 2 de ce mois a Berlin entre moi et Sa Majeste le Roi de
Prusse, en Son nom et en celui de la Confederation Germanique.[27]
Je sais et je reconnais de grand c[oe]ur combien je suis redevable
a votre Majeste et a Son Gouvernement de ce resultat important, qui
justifie mon esperance de pouvoir bientot rendre a tous mes sujets les
bienfaits d'une sincere reconciliation et d'une veritable concorde.
Votre Majeste a par la sollicitude avec laquelle Elle a constamment
accompli le mandat de la mediation dans l'interet du Danemark et de
l'Europe, ajoute aux temoignages inappreciables de sincere amitie
qu'elle n'a cesse de m'accorder durant la longue et penible epreuve
que le Danemark vient de nouveau de traverser, mais qui parait, a
l'aide du Tout-Puissant, devoir maintenant faire place a un meilleur
avenir, offrant, sous les auspices de votre Majeste, de nouvelles
garanties pour l'independance de mon antique Couronne et pour le
maintien de l'integrite de ma Monarchie, a la defense desquelles je me
suis voue entierement.
Je suis persuade que votre Majeste me fera la justice de croire que je
suis on ne peut plus reconnaissant, et que mon peuple fidele et loyal
s'associe a moi et aux miens, penetre de ces memes sentiments de
gratitude envers votre Majeste.
Je m'estimerais infiniment heureux si Elle daignait ajouter a toutes
Ses bontes, celle que de me fournir l'occasion de Lui donner des
preuves de mon devouement inalterable et de la haute consideration
avec lesquels je prie Dieu qu'il vous ait, Madame ma S[oe]ur, vous,
votre auguste Epoux et tous les votres, dans sa sainte et digne garde,
et avec lesquels je suis, Madame ma S[oe]ur, de votre Majeste, le bon
Frere,
FREDERICK.
[Footnote 27: Denmark and the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies were
still at war. Germany was bent on absorbing the Duchies, but
Prussia now concluded a peace with Denmark: the enlistment of
individual Germans in the insurgent army continued.]
[Pageheading: DEATH OF PEEL]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _5th July 1850._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--It gave me the greatest pain to learn of the
death of our true and kind friend, Sir Robert Peel. That he should
have met with his end--he so valuable to the whole earth--from an
accident so easily to be avoided with some care, is the more to
be lamented. You and Albert lose in him a friend whose moderation,
correct judgment, great knowledge of everything connected with the
country, can never be found again. Europe had in him a benevolent and
a truly wise statesman....
Give my best thanks to Albert for his kind letter. I mean to send a
messenger probably on Sunday or Monday to write to him. I pity him
about the great Exhibition. I fear he will be much plagued, and I was
glad to see that the matter is to be treated in Parliament. Alas! in
all human affairs one is sure to meet with violent passions, and Peel
knew that so well; great care even for the most useful objects is
necessary.
I will write to you a word to-morrow. God grant that it may be
satisfactory.[28] Ever, my beloved, dear Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 28: The Princess Charlotte of Belgium was seriously
ill.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1850._
SIRE, MY MOST HONOURED BROTHER,--I have to express to you my thanks
for the pleasure which the visit of your dear brother has given us,
who, as I hope, will remit these lines to you in perfect health. That
things go so well with you, and that the healing of your wound has
made undisturbed progress, has been to us a true removal of anxiety.
You will no doubt have learnt that I too have been again the object
of an attempt, if possible still more cowardly. The criminal is, _as
usual_, this time too, insane, or will pretend to be so; still the
deed remains.
All our feelings are, in the meanwhile, preoccupied by the sorrow,
in which your Majesty and all Europe will share, at the death of Sir
Robert Peel. That is one of the hardest blows of Fate which could
have fallen on us and on the country. You knew the great man, and
understood how to appreciate his merit. His value is now becoming
clear even to his opponents; all Parties are united in mourning.
The only satisfactory event of recent times is the news of
your conclusion of peace with Denmark. Accept my most cordial
congratulations on that account.
Requesting you to remember me cordially to the dear Queen, and
referring you for detailed news to the dear Prince, also recommending
to your gracious remembrance Albert, who does not wish to trouble you,
on his part, with a letter, I remain, in unchangeable friendship, dear
Brother, your Majesty's faithful Sister,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: DEATH OF THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th July 1850._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We live in the midst of sorrow and death! My poor
good Uncle Cambridge breathed his last, without a struggle, at a few
minutes before ten last night. I still saw him yesterday morning at
one, but he _did not see me_, and to-day I saw him lifeless and cold.
The poor Duchess and the poor children are very touching in their
grief, and poor Augusta,[29] who arrived just _five hours too late_,
is quite heartbroken. The end was most peaceful; there was no
disease; only a gastric fever, which came on four weeks ago, from
over-exertion, and cold, and which he neglected for the first week,
carried him off.
The good Prince of Prussia you will have been pleased to talk to and
see. Having lived with him for a fortnight on a very intimate footing,
we have been able to appreciate his _real_ worth fully; he is so
honest and frank, and so steady of purpose and courageous.
Poor dear Peel is to be buried to-day. The sorrow and grief at his
death are most touching, and the country mourns over him as over a
father. Every one seems to have lost a personal friend.
As I have much to write, you will forgive me ending here. You will
be glad to hear that poor Aunt Gloucester is wonderfully calm and
resigned. My poor dear Albert, who had been so fresh and well when we
came back, looks so pale and fagged again. He has felt, and feels, Sir
Robert's loss _dreadfully_. He feels he has lost a second father.
May God bless and protect you all, you dear ones! Ever your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 29: See _ante_, vol. i. p. 437.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _19th July 1850._
Before this draft to Lord Bloomfield about Greece is sent, it would be
well to consider whether Lord Palmerston is justified in calling
the Minister of the Interior of Greece "a notorious defaulter to the
amount of 200,000 drachms,"[30] and should he be so, whether it is
a proper thing for the Queen's Foreign Secretary to say in a public
despatch!
[Footnote 30: The Convention of the 18th of April (see _ante_,
p. 242, note 1) had decided that L8500 should be distributed
among the claimants, and that Don Pacifico's special claim
against Portugal should be referred to arbitration. Ultimately
he was awarded only an insignificant sum.]
[Pageheading: THE FOREIGN OFFICE]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _28th July 1850._
The Queen will have much pleasure in seeing the Duke and Duchess of
Bedford here next Saturday, and we have invited them. She will be
quite ready to hear the Duke's opinions on the Foreign Office. Lord
John may be sure that she fully admits the great difficulties in the
way of the projected alteration, but she, on the other hand, feels
the duty she owes to the country and to herself, not to allow a man
in whom she can have no confidence, who has conducted himself in
_anything but_ a straightforward and proper manner to herself, to
remain in the Foreign Office, and thereby to expose herself to insults
from other nations, and the country to the constant risk of serious
and alarming complications. The Queen considers these reasons as
much graver than the other difficulties. Each time that we were in
a difficulty, the Government seemed to be determined to move Lord
Palmerston, and as soon as these difficulties were got over, those
which present themselves in the carrying out of this removal appeared
of so great a magnitude as to cause its relinquishment. There is no
chance of Lord Palmerston reforming himself in his sixty-seventh year,
and after having considered his last escape as a triumph.... The
Queen is personally convinced that Lord Palmerston at this moment is
secretly planning an armed Russian intervention in Schleswig, which
may produce a renewal of revolutions in Germany, and possibly a
general war.
The Queen only adduces this as an instance that there is no question
of delicacy and danger in which Lord Palmerston will not arbitrarily
and without reference to his colleagues or Sovereign engage this
country.
_Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark._
OSBORNE, _29 Juillet 1850._