1846
_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd January 1846._
The Queen must compliment Sir Robert Peel on his beautiful and indeed
_unanswerable_ speech of last night, which we have been reading with
the greatest attention.[1] The concluding part we also greatly admire.
Sir R. Peel has made a very strong case. Surely the impression which
it has made must have been a good one. Lord John's explanation is
a fair one;[2] the Queen has _not_ a doubt that he will support Sir
Robert Peel.
He has indeed pledged himself to it. He does not give a very
satisfactory explanation of the causes of his failure, but perhaps he
could not do so without exposing Lord Palmerston.
What does Sir Robert think of the temper of the House of Commons, and
of the debate in the House of Lords? The debates not being adjourned
is a good thing. The crowd was immense out-of-doors yesterday, and we
were never better received.
[Footnote 1: The Queen had opened Parliament in person; the
Prime Minister took the unusual course of speaking immediately
after the seconder of the Address, and in his peroration,
after laying stress on the responsibilities he was incurring,
proceeded: "I do not desire to be Minister of England; but
while I am Minister of England I will hold office by no
servile tenure; I will hold office unshackled by any other
obligation than that of consulting the public interests and
providing for the public safety."]
[Footnote 2: He explained that the attitude of Lord Grey made
the difficulties attending the formation of a Whig Ministry
insuperable.]
[Pageheading: EXTENSION OF INDIAN FRONTIER]
_Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria._[3]
CAMP, LULLIANEE, 24 miles from LAHORE, _18th February 1846._
The territory which it is proposed should be ceded in perpetuity to
your Majesty is a fine district between the Rivers Sutlej and Beas,
throwing our frontier forward, within 30 miles of Amritsar, so as
to have 50 miles of British territory in front of Loodiana, which,
relatively with Ferozepore, is so weak, that it appeared desirable to
the Governor-General to improve our frontier on its weakest side, to
curb the Sikhs by an easy approach towards Amritsar across the Beas
River instead of the Sutlej--to round off our hill possessions near
Simla--to weaken the Sikh State which has proved itself to be too
strong--and to show to all Asia that although the British Government
has not deemed it expedient to annex this immense country of the
Punjab, making the Indus the British boundary, it has punished the
treachery and violence of the Sikh nation, and exhibited its powers
in a manner which cannot be misunderstood. For the same political
and military reason, the Governor-General hopes to be able before the
negotiations are closed to make arrangements by which Cashmere may be
added to the possessions of Gholab Singh, declaring the Rajpoot Hill
States with Cashmere independent of the Sikhs of the Plains. The Sikhs
declare their inability to pay the indemnity of one million and a
half, and will probably offer Cashmere as an equivalent. In this case,
if Gholab Singh pays the money demanded for the expenses of the war,
the district of Cashmere will be ceded by the British to him, and the
Rajah become one of the Princes of Hindostan.
There are difficulties in the way of this arrangement, but considering
the military power which the Sikh nation has exhibited of bringing
into the field 80,000 men and 300 pieces of field artillery, it
appears to the Governor-General most politic to diminish the means of
this warlike people to repeat a similar aggression. The nation is in
fact a dangerous military Republic on our weakest frontier. If the
British Army had been defeated, the Sikhs, through the Protected
States, which would have risen in their favour in case of a reverse,
would have captured Delhi, and a people having 50,000 regular troops
and 300 pieces of field artillery in a standing permanent camp within
50 miles of Ferozepore, is a state of things that cannot be tolerated
for the future....
The energy and intrepidity displayed by your Majesty's
Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, his readiness to carry on the
service in cordial co-operation with the Governor-General, and the
marked bravery and invincibility of your Majesty's English troops,
have overcome many serious obstacles, and the precautions taken have
been such that no disaster or failure, however trifling, has attended
the arduous efforts of your Majesty's Arms.
[Footnote 3: The Sikhs were defeated at Sobraon on 10th
February by the British troops under Sir Hugh Gough,
reinforced by Sir Harry Smith, fresh from his victory at
Aliwal. _See_ p. 71.]
[Pageheading: PEEL'S ANXIETIES]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _3rd March 1846._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I hasten to thank you for a most dear and kind
letter of the 28th, which I received this morning. You know how I
love and esteem my dearest Louise; she is the dearest friend, after my
beloved Albert, I have.
I wish you could be here, and hope you will come here for a few days
during your stay, to see the innumerable alterations and improvements
which have taken place. My dearest Albert is so happy here, out all
day planting, directing, etc., and it is so good for him. It is a
relief to be away from all the bitterness which people create for
themselves in London. Peel has a very anxious and a very peculiar
position, and it is the force of circumstances and the great energy
he _alone possesses_ which will carry him through the Session. He
certainly acts a most disinterested part, for did he not feel (as
_every one_ who is fully acquainted with the _real state_ of the
country must feel) that the line he pursues is the _only right_ and
sound one for the welfare of this country, he never would have
exposed himself to all the annoyance and pain of being attacked by his
friends. He was, however, determined to have done this before the next
general election, but the alarming state of distress in Ireland forced
him to do it now. I must, however, leave him to explain to you fully
himself the peculiar circumstances of the present very irregular state
of affairs. His majority was _not_ a _certain_ one _last year_, for on
Maynooth, upwards of a _hundred_ of his followers voted against him.
The state of affairs in India is very serious. I am glad you do
justice to the bravery of our good people.
[Pageheading: DEATH OF SIR ROBERT SALE]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge._
OSBORNE, _4th March 1846._
The Queen is anxious to seize the first opportunity of expressing to
Sir Henry Hardinge, her admiration of his conduct on the last most
trying occasion, and of the courage and gallantry of the officers and
men who had so severe a contest to endure.[4] Their conduct has been
in every way worthy of the British name, and both the Prince and Queen
are deeply impressed with it. The severe loss we have sustained in
so many brave officers and men is very painful, and must alloy the
satisfaction every one feels at the brilliant successes of our Arms.
Most deeply do we lament the death of Sir Robert Sale, Sir John
M'Caskill,[5] and Major Broadfoot,[6] and most deeply do we sympathise
with that high-minded woman, Lady Sale, who has had the misfortune
to lose her husband less than three years after she was released from
captivity and restored to him.
We are truly rejoiced to hear that Sir H. Hardinge's health has
not suffered, and that he and his brave son have been so mercifully
preserved. The Queen will look forward with great anxiety to the next
news from India.
[Footnote 4: At Moodkee on 18th December, and Ferozeshah on
21st and 22nd December.]
[Footnote 5: Who had commanded a brigade under Pollock in the
second Afghan campaign.]
[Footnote 6: Major George Broadfoot, C.B., Political Agent on
the north-western frontier.]
[Pageheading: THE PRINCE'S MEMORANDUM]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st April 1846._
I saw this day Sir R. Peel, and showed him a memorandum, which I had
drawn up respecting our conversation of the 30th.
It filled six sheets, and contained, as minutely as I could render
it, the whole of the arguments we had gone through. Sir Robert read
it through and over again, and, after a long pause, said: "I was not
aware when I spoke to your Royal Highness that my words would be taken
down, and don't acknowledge that this is a fair representation of my
opinion." He was visibly uneasy, and added, if he knew that what he
said should be committed to paper, he would speak differently, and
give his opinion with all the circumspection and reserve which a
Minister ought to employ when he gave responsible advice; but he had
in this instance spoken quite unreservedly, like an advocate defending
a point in debate, and then he had taken another and tried to carry
this as far as it would go, in order to give me an opportunity of
judging of the different bearings of the question. He did so often in
the Cabinet, when they discussed important questions, and was often
asked: "Well, then, you are quite against this measure?" "Not at
all, but I want that the counter argument should be gone into to the
fullest extent, in order that the Cabinet should not take a one-sided
view."
He viewed the existence of such a paper with much uneasiness, as it
might appear as if he had left this before going out of office in
order to prepossess the Queen against the measures, which her future
Minister might propose to her, and so lay secretly the foundation
of his fall. The existence of such a paper might cause great
embarrassment to the Queen; if she followed the advice of a Minister
who proposed measures hostile to the Irish Church, it might be said,
she knew what she undertook, for Sir R. Peel had warned her and left
on record the serious objections that attached to the measure.
I said that I felt it to be of the greatest importance to possess
his views on the question, but that I thought I would not have been
justified in keeping a record of our conversation without showing it
to him, and asking him whether I had rightly understood him; but if
he felt a moment's uneasiness about this memorandum, I would at once
destroy it, as I was anxious that nothing should prevent his
speaking without the slightest reserve to me in future as he had done
heretofore. I felt that these open discussions were of the greatest
use to me in my endeavour to investigate the different political
questions of the day and to form a conclusive opinion upon them.
As Sir Robert did not say a word to dissuade me, I took it as an
affirmative, and threw the memorandum into the fire, which, I could
see, relieved Sir Robert.
ALBERT.
_Mr Gladstone to Queen Victoria._
13 CARLTON HOUSE TERRACE, _1st April 1846._
Mr William Gladstone presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
prays that he may be honoured with your Majesty's permission to direct
that the Park and Tower Guns may be fired forthwith in celebration of
the victory which was achieved by your Majesty's forces over the Sikh
army in Sobraon on the 10th of February.[7]
[Footnote 7: In September 1882 Mr Gladstone quoted this as
a precedent for firing the Park Guns after the victory of
Tel-el-Kebir. See _Life of Right Hon. Hugh C. E. Childers_, by
Colonel Childers, C.B., R.E., vol. ii p. 127.]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th April 1846._
The Queen must write a line to Sir Henry Hardinge in order to express
her extreme satisfaction at the brilliant and happy termination of
our severe contest with the Sikhs, which he communicated to her in his
long and interesting letter of the 18th and 19th February. The
Queen much admires the skill and valour with which their difficult
operations have been conducted, and knows how much she owes to Sir
Henry Hardinge's exertions. The Queen hopes that he will see an
acknowledgment of this in the communication she has ordered to be made
to him relative to his elevation to the Peerage.
The Prince, who fully knows all the Queen's feelings on this glorious
occasion, wishes to be named to Sir Henry Hardinge.
[Pageheading: KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]
_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _5 Mai 1846._
MADAME MA TRES CHERE S[OE]UR,--Quand le 1^er de Mai, au moment ou
j'allais commencer les nombreuses et longues receptions de mon jour
de fete, on m'a remis la lettre si gracieuse que votre Majeste a eu
l'aimable attention de m'ecrire de maniere a ce que je la recoive ce
jour la, j'en ai ete penetre, et j'ai pense tout de suite aux paroles
du Menuet d'Iphigenie comme exprimant le remerciment qu'a mon grand
regret, je ne pouvais que sentir, et non exprimer par ecrit dans un
pareil moment. J'ai donc fait chercher tout de suite la partition de
ce menuet, et celles du Ch[oe]ur du meme Opera de Glueck "_Chantons,
celebrons notre Reine!_" mais on n'a pu, ou pas su se les procurer, et
j'ai du me contenter de les avoir arranges pour le piano dans un
livre (pas meme relie) qui a au moins pour excuse de contenir toute la
musique de cet Opera. Je l'ai mis dans une grande enveloppe adressee
a votre Majeste et j'ai fait prier Lord Cowley de l'expedier par
le premier Courier qui pourrait s'en charger, comme Depeche, afin
d'eviter ces postages dont Lord Liverpool m'a revele l'etonnant usage.
Que vous dirai-je, Madame, sur tous les sentiments dont m'a penetre
cette nouvelle marque d'amitie de votre part? Vous connaissez celle
que je vous porte, et combien elle est vive et sincere. J'espere
bien que l'annee ne s'ecoulera pas sans que j'aie ete presenter mes
hommages a votre Majeste....
Tout ce que j'entends, tout ce que je recueille, me donne de plus en
plus l'esperance que la crise Parlementaire dans laquelle le Ministere
de votre Majeste se trouve engage, se terminera, comme Elle sait
que je le desire vivement, c'est-a-dire que Sir Robert Peel, Lord
Aberdeen, etc., will hold fast, et qu'ils seront encore ses Ministres
quand j'aurai le bonheur de Lui faire ma Cour. Je vois avec plaisir
que ce v[oe]u est a peu pres general en France, et qu'il se manifeste
de plus en plus....
Que votre Majeste me permette d'offrir ici au Prince Albert
l'expression de ma plus tendre amitie, et qu'elle veuille bien me
croire pour la vie, Madame ma tres chere S[oe]ur, de votre Majeste, le
bon Frere et bien fidele Ami,
LOUIS PHILIPPE, R.
J'ai vole ces feuilles de papier a ma bonne Reine pour echapper aux
reproches trop bien fondes que Lord Aberdeen a faits a la derniere
fourniture dont je me suis servi.
[Pageheading: IRISH CRIMES BILL]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _12th June 1846._ (_Friday Night._)
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to
acquaint your Majesty that no progress has been made to-night with the
Irish Bill.[8]
On reading the order of the day Sir Robert Peel took that opportunity
of defending himself from the accusations[9] brought forward by
Lord George Bentinck and Mr Disraeli against Sir Robert Peel for
transactions that took place twenty years since. The debate on this
preliminary question lasted until nearly half-past eleven.
Like every unjust and malignant attack, this, according to Sir Robert
Peel's impressions, recoiled upon its authors.
He thinks the House was completely satisfied. Lord John Russell and
Lord Morpeth behaved very well.
The vindictive motive of the attack was apparent to all but a few
Protectionists.
[Footnote 8: In consequence of a serious increase of crime in
Ireland, a Coercion Bill had been introduced.]
[Footnote 9: This refers to the Catholic Emancipation
discussions of 1827, when Bentinck and Disraeli accused Peel
of having hounded Canning to death.]
[Pageheading: ATTACK ON PEEL]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _22nd June 1846._
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and assures
your Majesty that he is penetrated with a deep sense of your Majesty's
great kindness and your Majesty's generous sympathy with himself and
Lady Peel.
Sir Robert Peel firmly believes that the recent attack made upon him
was the result of a foul conspiracy concocted by Mr Disraeli and Lord
George Bentinck, in the hope and belief that from the lapse of time
or want of leisure in Sir Robert Peel to collect materials for his
defence, or the destruction of documents and papers, the means of
complete refutation might be wanting....
He hopes, however, he had sufficient proof to demonstrate the
falseness of the accusation, and the malignant motives of the
accusers.
He is deeply grateful to your Majesty and to the Prince for the kind
interest you have manifested during the progress of this arduous
struggle, which now he trusts is approaching to a successful
termination.
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _26th June 1846._ (_Two o'clock._)
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave
to acquaint your Majesty that the members of the Government met in
Cabinet to-day at one.
Sir Robert Peel is just returned from this meeting.
He stated to the Cabinet that after the event of yesterday (the
rejection of the Irish Bill by so large a majority as 73) he felt
it to be his duty as head of the Government humbly to tender his
resignation of office to your Majesty. He added that, feeling no
assurance that the result of a Dissolution would be to give a majority
agreeing with the Government in general principles of policy, and
sufficient in amount to enable the Government to conduct the business
of the country with credit to themselves and satisfaction to your
Majesty and the public at large, he could not advise your Majesty to
dissolve the Parliament.
Sir Robert Peel said that, in his opinion, the Government generally
ought to resign, but his mind was made up as to his own course.
There was not a dissenting voice that it was the duty of the
Government to tender their resignation to your Majesty, and for the
reasons stated by Sir Robert Peel, not to advise dissolution. If Sir
Robert Peel does not receive your Majesty's commands to wait upon your
Majesty in the course of to-day, Sir Robert Peel will be at Osborne
about half-past three to-morrow.
[Pageheading: PEEL'S RESIGNATION]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
OSBORNE HOUSE, _28th June 1846._
Sir Robert Peel arrived yesterday evening and tendered his
resignation. He is evidently much relieved in quitting a post, the
labours and anxieties of which seem almost too much for anybody to
bear, and which in these last six months were particularly onerous.
In fact, he said that he would not have been able to stand it much
longer. Nothing, however, would have induced him to give way before
he had passed the Corn Bill and the Tariff.[10] The majority upon the
Irish Bill was much larger than any one had expected; Sir Robert was
glad of this, however, as it convinced his colleagues of the necessity
of resigning. He told them at the Cabinet that, as for himself
personally, he had made up his mind to resign, and on being asked
what he advised his Cabinet to do, he recommended them to do the
same, which received general concurrence. The last weeks had not been
without some intrigue. There was a party headed by Lord Ellenborough
and Lord Brougham, who wished Sir Robert and Sir James Graham to
retire, and for the rest of the Cabinet to reunite with the Protection
section of the Conservatives, and to carry on the Government. Lord
Ellenborough and Lord Brougham had in December last settled to head
the Protectionists, but this combination had been broken up by Lord
Ellenborough's acceptance of the post of First Lord of the Admiralty;
Lord Brougham then declared for free trade, perhaps in order to follow
Lord Ellenborough into office. The Duke of Wellington had been for
dissolution till he saw the complete disorganisation of his party
in the House of Lords. The Whigs, having been beat twice the evening
before by large majorities on the Roman Catholic Bill, had made every
exertion on the Coercion Bill, and the majority was still increased by
Sir Robert's advising the Free Traders and Radicals, who had intended
to stay away in order not to endanger Sir Robert's Government, not to
do so as they would not be able to save him. Seventy Protectionists
voted with the majority.
[Footnote 10: By a remarkable coincidence the Corn Bill passed
through the Lords on the same night that the Ministry were
defeated in the Commons.]
Before leaving Town Sir R. Peel addressed a letter to Lord John
Russell, informing him that he was going to the Isle of Wight in order
to tender his and his colleagues' resignation to the Queen, that he
did not the least know what Her Majesty's intentions were, but that in
case she should send for Lord John, he (Sir Robert) was ready to see
Lord John (should he wish it), and give him any explanation as to
the state of public affairs and Parliamentary business which he could
desire. Sir Robert thought thereby, without in the least committing
the Queen, to indicate to Lord John that he had nothing to fear on his
part, and that, on the contrary, he could reckon upon his assistance
in starting the Queen's new Government. He hoped likewise that this
would tend to dispel a clamour for dissolution which the Whigs have
raised, alarmed by their defeats upon the Catholic Bill.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: END OF THE OREGON DISPUTE]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _29th June 1846._
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to
acquaint your Majesty that he has just concluded his speech notifying
to the House the resignation of the Government.
He thinks it was very well received.[11] Lord Palmerston spoke after
Sir Robert Peel, but not very effectively, but no other person spoke.
Sir Robert Peel is to see Lord John Russell at ten to-morrow morning.
Sir Robert Peel humbly congratulates your Majesty on the intelligence
received _this day_ from America. The defeat of the Government on
the day on which they carried the Corn Bill, and the receipt of the
intelligence from America[12] on the day on which they resign, are
singular coincidences.
[Footnote 11: He expressed his hope to be remembered with
goodwill "in the abodes of those whose lot it is to labour,
and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brows,
when they shall recruit their exhausted strength with abundant
and untaxed food, the sweeter because no longer leavened with
a sense of injustice."]
[Footnote 12: The Convention for adjusting the dispute as to
the Oregon boundary had been accepted by the United States
Government.]
[Pageheading: PEEL'S TRIBUTE TO COBDEN]
_The Bishop of Oxford[13] to Mr Anson._
61 EATON PLACE, _29th June 1846._ (_Midnight._)
MY DEAR ANSON,--Your kind letter reached me half an hour ago whilst
Sir T. Acland was sitting with me; and I must say a few words in reply
by the early post. I went down to hear Peel in the House of Commons,
and very fine it was. The House crowded, Peers and Ambassadors filling
every seat and overflowing into the House. Soon after six all private
business was over; Peel not come in, all waiting, no one rose for
anything; for ten minutes this lasted: then Peel came in, walked up
the House: colder, dryer, more introverted than ever, yet to a close
gaze showing the fullest working of a smothered volcano of emotions.
He was out of breath with walking and sat down on the Treasury Bench
(placing a small despatch box with the Oregon despatches on the table)
as he would be fully himself before he rose. By-and-by he rose, amidst
a breathless silence, and made the speech you will have read long ere
this. It was very fine: very effective: really almost solemn: to fall
at such a moment. He spoke as if it was his last political scene: as
if he felt that between alienated friends and unwon foes he could
have no party again; and could only as a shrewd bystander observe and
advise others. There was but one point in the Speech which I thought
doubtful: the apostrophe to "Richard Cobden."[14] I think it was
wrong, though there is very much to be said for it. The opening of the
American peace was noble; but for the future, what have we to look to?
Already there are whispers of Palmerston and War; the Whig budget and
deficiency. The first great question all men ask is: does Lord John
come in, leaning on Radical or Conservative aid? Is Hawes to be in the
Cabinet? the first Dissenter? the first tradesman? the Irish Church? I
wish you were near enough to talk to, though even then you would know
too much that must not be known for a comfortable talk. But I shall
hope soon to see you; and am always, my dear Anson, very sincerely and
affectionately yours,
S. OXON.
[Footnote 13: Dr S. Wilberforce.]
[Footnote 14: "Sir, the name which ought to be, and which will
be, associated with the success of these measures, is the name
of a man who, acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested
motives, has advocated their cause with untiring energy, and
by appeals to reason, enforced by an eloquence the more to
be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned--the
name which ought to be and which will be associated with the
success of these measures is the name of Richard Cobden."]
[Pageheading: THE NEW GOVERNMENT]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
OSBORNE HOUSE, _30th June 1846._
Lord John Russell arrived here this afternoon; he has seen Sir Robert
Peel this morning, and is prepared to undertake the formation of
a Government which he thinks will stand; at least, for the present
session he anticipates no difficulty, as Sir R. Peel has professed
himself ready not to obstruct its progress, and as the Protectionists
have held a meeting on Saturday at which Lord Stanley has declared
that he would let this Government go on smoothly unless the word
"Irish Church" was pronounced. About men and offices, Lord John has
consulted with Lord Lansdowne, Palmerston, Clarendon, and Cottenham,
who were of opinion that the Liberal members of Sir Robert's Cabinet
ought to be induced to retain office under Lord John, viz. Lord
Dalhousie, Lord Lincoln, and Mr Sidney Herbert. Sir Robert Peel at the
interview of this morning had stated to Lord John that he would not
consider it as an attempt to draw his supporters away from him (it not
being his intention to form a party), and that he would not dissuade
them from accepting the offer, but that he feared that they would not
accept. We concurred in this opinion, but Lord John was authorised
by Victoria to make the offer. Mr F. Baring, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer under the late Whig Government, has intimated to Lord John
that he would prefer if no offer of office was made to him; Lord John
would therefore recommend Mr Charles Wood for this office. Lord Grey
was still a difficulty; in or out of office he seemed to be made a
difficulty. It would be desirable to have him in the Cabinet if he
could waive his opinions upon the Irish Church. His speech in the
House of Lords[15] at the beginning of the session had done much harm,
had been very extreme, and Lord John was decidedly against him in
that. Lord Grey knew that everybody blamed it, but said everybody
would be of those (his) opinions ten years hence, and therefore he
might just as well hold them now. Mr Wood having great influence with
him might keep him quiet, and so would the Colonial seals, as he would
get work enough. About Lord Palmerston, he is satisfied, and would no
more make any difficulty.
[Footnote 15: On the 23rd of March, in the course of a long
speech on the state of Ireland, Earl Grey had contrasted the
poverty of the Roman Catholic Church in that country with the
affluence of the Establishment, diverted, as he said, by the
superior power of England from its original objects; adding
that the Protestant Church was regarded by the great mass of
the Irish people as an active cause of oppression and misery.]
Lord John Russell told me in the evening that he had forgotten to
mention one subject to the Queen: it was that Sir Robert Peel by his
speech and his special mention of Mr Cobden as the person who had
carried the great measure, had made it very difficult for Lord John
not to offer office to Mr Cobden. The Whigs were already accused of
being exclusive, and reaping the harvest of other people's work. The
only thing he could offer would be a _Cabinet_ office. Now this would
affront a great many people whom he (Lord J.) had to conciliate, and
create even possibly dissension in his Cabinet. As Mr Cobden was going
on the Continent for a year, Lord John was advised by Lord Clarendon
to write to Mr C., and tell him that he had heard he was going
abroad, that he would not make any offer to him therefore, but that
he considered him as entitled once to be recommended for office to the
Queen. This he would do, with the Queen's permission....
[Pageheading: THE NEW MINISTRY]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._
OSBORNE, _1st July 1846._
The Queen returns these letters, with her best thanks. The settlement
of the Oregon question has given us the greatest satisfaction. It does
seem strange that at the moment of triumph the Government should
have to resign. The Queen read Sir Robert Peel's speech with great
admiration. The Queen seizes this opportunity (though she will see Sir
Robert again) of expressing her _deep_ concern at losing his services,
which she regrets as much for the Country as for herself and the
Prince. In whatever position Sir Robert Peel may be, we shall ever
look on him as a kind and true friend, and ever have the greatest
esteem and regard for him as a Minister and as a private individual.
The Queen will not say anything about what passed at Lord John
Russell's interview, as the Prince has already written to Sir Robert.
She does not think, however, that he mentioned the wish Lord John
expressed that Lord Liverpool should retain his office, which however
(much as we should personally like it) we think he would not do.
What does Sir Robert hear of the Protectionists, and what do his own
followers say to the state of affairs?
[Pageheading: WHIG JEALOUSIES]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1846._
Yesterday the new Ministry were installed at a Privy Council, and the
Seals of Office transferred to them. We had a long conversation with
Sir Robert Peel, who took leave. I mentioned to him that his word
of "Richard Cobden" had created an immense sensation, but he was not
inclined to enter upon the subject. When we begged him to do nothing
which could widen the breach between him and his party, he said, "I
don't think that we can ever get together again." He repeated that he
was anxious not to undertake a Government again, that his health would
not stand it, that it was better likewise for the Queen's service
that other, younger men should be brought forward. Sir Robert, Lord
Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham parted with great emotion, and had
tears in their eyes when they thanked the Queen for her confidence
and support. Lord Aberdeen means to have an interview with Lord
Palmerston, and says that when he (Lord A.) came into office, Lord
Palmerston and the _Chronicle_ assailed him most bitterly as an
imbecile Minister, a traitor to his country, etc., etc. He means now
to show Lord P. the contrast by declaring his readiness to assist him
in every way he can by his advice, that he would at all times speak to
him as if he was his colleague if he wished it.
The new Court is nearly completed, and we have succeeded in obtaining
a very respectable and proper one, notwithstanding the run which
the Party made upon it which had been formerly used to settle these
matters, to _their_ liking only. The Government is not a united one,
however, by any means. Mr Wood and Lord Clarendon take the greatest
credit in having induced Lord Grey to join the Government,[16] and are
responsible to Lord John to keep him quiet, which they think they will
be able to do, as he had been convinced of the folly of his former
line of conduct. Still, they say Lord Lansdowne will have the lead
only nominally, that Lord Grey is to take it really in the House
of Lords. There is the _Grey Party_, consisting of Lord Grey, Lord
Clarendon, Sir George Grey, and Mr Wood; they are against Lord
Lansdowne, Lord Minto, Lord Auckland, and Sir John Hobhouse,
stigmatising them as old women. Lord John leans entirely to the
last-named gentlemen. There is no cordiality between Lord John and
Lord Palmerston, who, if he had to make a choice, would even forget
what passed in December last, and join the Grey Party in preference to
Lord John personally. The curious part of all this is that they
cannot keep a secret, and speak of all their differences. They got
the _Times_ over by giving it exclusive information, and the leading
articles are sent in and praise the new Cabinet, but the wicked paper
added immediately a furious attack upon Sir John Hobhouse, which
alarmed them so much that they sent to Sir John, sounding him, whether
he would be hereafter prepared to relinquish the Board of Control.
(This, however, is a mere personal matter of Mr Walter, who stood
against Sir John at Nottingham in 1841 and was unseated.) Sir John
Easthope, the proprietor of the _Morning Chronicle_, complains
bitterly of the subserviency to the _Times_ and treason to him. He
says he knows that the information was sent from Lord John's house,
and threatens revenge. "If you will be ruled by the _Times_," he
said to one of the Cabinet, "the _Times_ has shown you already by a
specimen that you will be ruled by a rod of iron."
[Footnote 16: In spite of the opposition of the latter to
Palmerston's re-appointment to the Foreign Office. See _ante_,
p. 60.]
A Brevet for the Army and Navy is proposed, in order to satisfy Lord
Anglesey with the dignity of Field-Marshal.
ALBERT.
The Protectionists, 150 strong, including Peers and M.P.'s, are to
give a dinner to Lord Stanley at Greenwich, at which he is to announce
his opinions upon the line they are to take. Lord George Bentinck is
there to lay down the lead which the Party insisted upon. Who is to
follow him as their leader in the Commons nobody knows.
[Pageheading: A WEAK GOVERNMENT]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _7th July 1846._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for your kind letter of the
3rd. It arrived yesterday, which was a very hard day for me. I had to
part with Sir R. Peel and Lord Aberdeen, who are irreparable losses
to us and the Country; they were both so much overcome that it quite
overset me, and we have in them two devoted friends. We felt so safe
with them. Never, during the five years that they were with me, did
they _ever_ recommend a _person_ or a thing which was not for my or
the Country's best, and never for the Party's advantage only; and the
contrast _now_ is very striking; there is much less respect and much
less high and pure feeling. Then the discretion of Peel, I believe, is
unexampled.
Stockmar has, I know, explained to you the state of affairs, which
is unexampled, and I think the present Government _very_ weak and
extremely disunited. What may appear to you as a mistake in November
was an inevitable evil. Aberdeen very truly explained it yesterday.
"We had ill luck," he said; "if it had not been for this famine in
Ireland, which rendered immediate measures necessary, Sir Robert would
have prepared them gradually for the change." Then, besides, the Corn
Law Agitation was such that if Peel had not wisely made this change
(for which the _whole_ Country blesses him), a convulsion would
shortly have taken place, and we should have been _forced_ to yield
what has been granted as a boon. No doubt the breaking up of the Party
(which _will_ come together again, whether under Peel or some one
else) is a very distressing thing. The only thing to be regretted, and
I do not know exactly _why_ he did it (though we _can_ guess), was his
praise of _Cobden_, which has shocked people a good deal.
But I can't tell you how sad I am to lose Aberdeen; you can't think
what a delightful companion he was; the breaking up of all this
intercourse during our journeys, etc., is deplorable.
We have contrived to get a _very_ respectable Court.
Albert's use to me, and I may say to the _Country_, by his firmness
and sagacity, is beyond all belief in these moments of trial.
We are all well, but I am, of course, a good deal overset by all these
tribulations.
Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
I was much touched to see Graham so very much overcome at taking leave
of us.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _8th July 1846._
The Queen thanks Lord Hardinge for his interesting communications.
Lord Hardinge will have learnt all that has taken place in the
Country; one of the most brilliant Governments this Country ever
had has fallen at the moment of victory! The Queen has now, besides
mourning over this event, the anxiety of having to see the Government
carried on as efficiently as possible, for the welfare of the Country.
The Queen would find a guarantee for the accomplishment of this
object in Lord Hardinge's consenting to continue at the head of the
Government of India, where great experiments have been made which
require unity of purpose and system to be carried out successfully.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _10th July 1846._
... The Queen approves of the pensions proposed by Lord J. Russell,
though she cannot conceal from him that she thinks the one to Father
Mathew a doubtful proceeding. It is quite true that he has done much
good by preaching temperance, but by the aid of superstition, which
can hardly be patronised by the Crown.[17]
The Queen is sure that Lord John will like her at all times to speak
out her mind, and has, therefore, done so without reserve.
[Footnote 17: The pension was, however, granted.]
[Pageheading: THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _14th July 1846._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We are very happily established here since
Thursday, and have beautiful weather for this truly enjoyable place;
we drive, walk, and sit out--and the nights are so fine. I long for
you to be here. It has quite restored my spirits, which were much
shaken by the sad leave-takings in London--of Sir R. Peel, Lord
Aberdeen, Lord Liverpool, etc. Lord L. could _not well_ have stayed.
Lord Aberdeen was very much overset.
The present Government is weak, and I think Lord J. does not possess
the talent of keeping his people together. Most people think,
however, that they will get through this Session; the only question of
difficulty is the _sugar_ question.
I think that the King of the French's visit is more than ever
desirable--now; for if he were to be shy of coming, it would prove
to the world that this _new_ Government was hostile, and the _entente
cordiale_ no longer sure. Pray impress this on the King--and I _hope_
and _beg_ he will let the dear Nemours pay us a little visit in
November. It would have the best effect, and be so pleasant, as we are
so dull in the winter all by ourselves. I hope that in future, when
the King and the Family are at _Eu_, some of them will frequently come
over to see us _here_. It would be so nice and _so near_.
Now adieu, dearest Uncle. I hope I shall _not_ have to _write_ to
you again, but have the happiness of _saying de vive voix_, that I am
ever, your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _16th July 1846._
... With regard to the marriage of the Queen of Spain, Viscount
Palmerston has received a good deal of general information from
persons who have conversed with him on the subject, but he has learnt
nothing thereupon which was not already known to your Majesty. The
state of that matter seems, in a few words, to be that the Count
of Trapani is now quite out of the question, that the Count of
Montemolin, though wished for by Austria, and in some degree supported
by the Court of the Tuileries, would be an impossible choice, and that
the alternative now lies between Don Enrique and the Prince Leopold
of Coburg, the two Queens being equally set against the Duke of Cadiz,
Don Enrique's elder brother. In favour of Prince Leopold seem to be
the two Queens, and a party (of what extent and influence does not
appear) in Spain. Against that Prince are arrayed, ostensibly at
least, the Court of the Tuileries and the Liberal Party in Spain; and
probably to a certain degree the Government of Austria.
In favour of Don Enrique are a very large portion of the Spanish
nation, who would prefer a Spanish prince for their Sovereign's
husband; and the preference, expressed only as an opinion and without
any acts in furtherance of it, by your Majesty's late Administration.
Against Don Enrique are the aversion of the Queen Mother, founded on
her family differences with her late sister, and the apprehensions of
the present Ministers in Spain, who would think their power endangered
by the political connection between Don Enrique and the more Liberal
Party. The sentiments of the King of the French in regard to Don
Enrique seem not very decided; but it appears likely that the King of
the French would prefer Count Montemolin or the Duke of Cadiz to Don
Enrique; but that he would prefer Don Enrique to the Prince Leopold of
Coburg, because the former would fall within the category of Bourbon
princes, descended from Philip the Fifth of Spain, proposed by the
King of the French as the limited circle within which the Queen of
Spain should find a husband.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
_16th July 1846._
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's interesting letter, and is
very much satisfied with his parting conversation with Ibrahim
Pasha, which she conceives will not be lost upon him. The view Lord
Palmerston takes about the present position of the Spanish marriage
question appears to the Queen quite correct. She finds only one
omission, which is Queen Isabella's personal objection to Don Enrique,
and the danger which attaches to marriage with a Prince taken up by a
Political Party in Spain, which makes him the political enemy of the
opposite Party.[18]
The Queen thanks Lord Palmerston for his zeal about Portugal, which
is really in an alarming state.[19] She sends herewith the last letter
which she received from the King of Portugal. The Queen is sorry to
have lost the opportunity of seeing Marshal Saldanha.
[Footnote 18: On the 18th of July Lord Palmerston wrote his
celebrated despatch to Mr Bulwer, and unfortunately showed
a copy of it to Jarnac, the French Ambassador in London. The
mention of Prince Leopold in it, as a possible candidate for
the Queen of Spain's hand, gave the French King and Minister
the opportunity they wanted, and brought matters to a crisis.
See _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. i. chap. xvii.;
Dalling's _Life of Lord Palmerston,_ vol. iii. chaps. vii. and
viii.]
[Footnote 19: Owing to the insurrection, a run took place on
the Bank of Lisbon. The Ministry (in which Saldanha was War
Minister) had some difficulty in raising a loan.]
[Pageheading: THE PREROGATIVE OF DISSOLUTION]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE HOUSE, _16th July 1846._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's communication of yesterday,
and sincerely hopes that Lord John's sugar measure[20] may be such
that the Committee of the Cabinet, as well as the whole Cabinet and
_Parliament_, may concur in it, which would save the country another
struggle this year. The Queen trusts, moreover, that late experience
and good sense may induce the West Indians to be moderate and
accommodating. As Lord John touches in his letter on the possibility
of a Dissolution, the Queen thinks it right to put Lord John in
possession of her views upon this subject _generally_. She considers
the power of dissolving Parliament a most valuable and powerful
instrument in the hands of the Crown, but which ought not to be used
except in extreme cases and with a certainty of success. To use this
instrument and be defeated is a thing most lowering to the Crown
and hurtful to the country. The Queen strongly feels that she made
a mistake in allowing the Dissolution in 1841; the result has been a
majority returned against her of nearly one hundred votes; but suppose
the result to have been nearly an equality of votes between the two
contending parties, the Queen would have thrown away her last remedy,
and it would have been impossible for her to get any Government which
could have carried on public business with a chance of success.
The Queen was glad therefore to see that Sir Robert Peel did not ask
for a Dissolution, and she _entirely concurs_ in the opinion expressed
by him in his last speech in the House of Commons, when he said:
"I feel strongly this, that no Administration is justified in advising
the exercise of that prerogative, unless there be a fair, reasonable
presumption, even a strong moral conviction, that after a Dissolution
they will be enabled to administer the affairs of this country through
the support of a party sufficiently powerful to carry their measures.
I do not think a Dissolution justifiable to strengthen a party. I
think the power of Dissolution is a great instrument in the hands of
the Crown, and that there is a tendency to blunt that instrument if it
be resorted to without necessity.
"The only ground for Dissolution would have been a strong presumption
that after a Dissolution we should have had a party powerful enough in
this House to give effect practically to the measures which we might
propose. I do not mean a support founded on a concurrence on _one
great question of domestic policy_, however important that may be, not
of those who differ from us on almost all questions of public policy,
agreeing with us in one; but that we should have the support of a
powerful party united by a general concurrence of political opinions."
The Queen is confident that these views will be in accordance with
Lord John Russell's own sentiments and opinions upon this subject.
[Footnote 20: In pursuance of the policy of free trade, the
Ministry introduced and passed a Bill reducing the duties
on foreign slave-grown sugar, with the ultimate intention of
equalising them with those on Colonial produce.]
[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S VIEWS]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _21st July 1846._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just
received your Majesty's letter of yesterday, and is much delighted at
again hearing from your Majesty.
What your Majesty says of the state of public affairs and of parties
in Parliament is true. But in November last Sir Robert Peel had
a party which might have enabled him to have long carried on the
Government if he had not most unaccountably chosen himself to scatter
it to the winds.
Lord Melbourne is much gratified by the intimation that your Majesty
would not have been displeased or unwilling to see him again amongst
your confidential servants, but your Majesty acted most kindly and
most judiciously in not calling upon him in November last, and John
Russell has done the same in forbearing to make to Lord Melbourne any
offer at present. When Lord Melbourne was at Brocket Hall during
the Whitsuntide holidays he clearly foresaw that Sir Robert Peel's
Government must be very speedily dissolved; and upon considering the
state of his own health and feelings, he came to the determination,
which he communicated to Mr Ellice, who was with him, that he could
take no active part in the then speedily approaching crisis. He felt
himself quite unequal to the work, and also to that of either of the
Secretaries of State, or even of the more subordinate and less heavy
and responsible offices. He is very subject to have accesses of
weakness, which render him incapable for exertion, and deprive his
life of much of its enjoyment. They do not appear at present to hasten
its termination, but how soon they may do so it is impossible to
foretell or foresee.
Lord Melbourne hopes that he shall be able to wait upon your Majesty
on Saturday next, but he fears the weight of the full dress uniform.
He begs to be remembered to His Royal Highness.
[Pageheading: THE PRINCE AND PEEL]
_Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._
DRAYTON MANOR, FAZELEY, _August 1846._
SIR,--I shall be very happy to avail myself of your Royal Highness's
kind permission occasionally to write to your Royal Highness. However
much I am enjoying the contrast between repose and official life,
I may say--I hope without presumption, I am sure with perfect
sincerity--that the total interruption of every sort of communication
with your Royal Highness would be a very severe penalty.
It was only yesterday that I was separating from the rest of my
correspondence all the letters which I had received from the Queen
and your Royal Highness during the long period of five years, in order
that I might ensure their exemption from the fate to which in these
days all letters seem to be destined, and I could not review them
without a mixed feeling of gratitude for the considerate indulgence
and kindness of which they contained such decisive proofs, and
of regret that such a source of constantly recurring interest and
pleasure was dried up.
I can act in conformity with your Royal Highness's gracious wishes,
and occasionally write to you, without saying a word of which the most
jealous or sensitive successor in the confidence of the Queen could
complain.... Your faithful and humble Servant,
ROBERT PEEL.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd August 1846._
The Queen has just seen Lord Bessborough, who presses very much for
her going to Ireland; she thinks it right to put Lord John Russell in
possession of her views on this subject.
It is a journey which must one day or other be undertaken, and which
the Queen would be glad to have accomplished, because it must be
disagreeable to her that people should speculate whether she _dare_
visit one part of her dominions. Much will depend on the proper
moment, for, after those speculations, it ought to succeed if
undertaken.
The Queen is anxious that when undertaken it should be a National
thing, and the good which it is to do must be a permanent and not a
transitory advantage to a particular Government, having the appearance
of a party move.
As this is not a journey of pleasure like the Queen's former ones, but
a State act, it will have to be done with a certain degree of State,
and ought to be done handsomely. It cannot be expected that the main
expense of it should fall upon the Civil List, nor would this be able
to bear it.
[Pageheading: CANADIAN AFFAIRS]
_The Prince Albert to Earl Grey._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd August 1846._
MY DEAR LORD GREY,--The Queen wishes me to return you the enclosed
letter. The subject of the Government of Canada is one which the Queen
has much at heart. Canada has been for a long time, and may probably
_still_ be for the future, a source of great weakness to this Empire,
and a number of experiments have been tried. It was in a very bad
state before the Union, continually embarrassing the Home Government,
and the Union has by no means acted as a remedy, but it may be said
almost to have increased the difficulties. The only thing that has
hitherto proved beneficial was the prudent, consistent, and impartial
administration of Lord Metcalfe. Upon the continuance and consistent
application of the system which he has laid down and acted upon,
will depend, in the Queen's estimation, the future welfare of that
province, and the maintenance of proper relations with the mother
country. The Queen therefore is most anxious that in the appointment
of a new Governor-General (for which post she thinks Lord Elgin very
well qualified), regard should be had to securing an uninterrupted
development of Lord Metcalfe's views. The Queen thought it the more
her duty to make you acquainted with her sentiments upon this subject,
because she thinks that additional danger arises from the impressions
which the different agents of the different political parties in
Canada try to produce upon the Home Government and the imperial
Parliament, and from their desire to mix up Canadian _party_ politics
with general English _party_ politics.[21] Ever yours, etc.
ALBERT.
[Footnote 21: In the event, Lord Elgin was appointed.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _4th August 1846._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is
greatly obliged to your Majesty for your Majesty's communication
respecting a Royal visit to Ireland. He concurs in your Majesty's
observations on that subject. He is of opinion that if the visit
partook in any way of a party character, its effects would be
mischievous, and not beneficial.
He is also doubtful of the propriety of either incurring very large
expense on the part of the public, or of encouraging Irish proprietors
to lay out money in show and ceremony at a time when the accounts of
the potato crop exhibit the misery and distress of the people in an
aggravated shape.
[Pageheading: THE WELLINGTON STATUE]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
_7th August_ [_1846_].
With regard to the Statue[22] on the arch on Constitution Hill, the
Queen is of opinion that if she is considered individually she is
bound by her word, and must allow the Statue to go up, however bad the
appearance of it will be. If the constitutional fiction is applied to
the case, the Queen acts by the advice of her _responsible_ advisers.
One Government advised her to give her assent, another advises the
withdrawal of that assent. This latter position has been taken in Lord
Morpeth's former letter to the Committee, and in the debate in the
House of Commons; it must therefore now be adhered to, and whatever
is decided must be the act of the Government. It would accordingly
be better to keep the word "Government" at the conclusion of Lord
Morpeth's proposed letter, and that the Prince should not go to Town
to give an opinion upon the appearance of the figure, when up.
[Footnote 22: The equestrian statue of the Duke of Wellington
at Hyde Park Corner was much criticised at the time of its
erection: it is now at Aldershot.]
_The Prince Albert to Viscount Palmerston._
[_9th August 1846._]
MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON,--The Queen is much obliged for Lord Howard
de Walden's private letter to you, and begs you will never hesitate to
send her such private communications, however unreserved they may
be in their language, as our chief wish and aim is, by hearing all
parties, to arrive at a just, dispassionate, and correct opinion
upon the various political questions. This, however, entails a strict
scrutiny of what is brought before us....
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND SPAIN]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _17th August 1846._
The Queen has received a draft to Mr Bulwer from Lord Palmerston. The
perusal of it has raised some apprehensions in the Queen's mind,
which she stated to Lord Palmerston she would communicate to Lord John
Russell.
The draft lays down a general policy, which the Queen is afraid may
ultimately turn out very dangerous. It is this:
England undertakes to interfere in the internal affairs of Spain, and
to promote the development of the present constitutional Government of
Spain in a more democratic direction, and this for the avowed purpose
of counteracting the influence of France. England becomes therefore
_responsible_ for a particular direction given to the _internal_
Government of Spain, which to control she has no sufficient means. All
England can do, and will have to do, is: to keep up a particular party
in Spain to support her views.
France, knowing that this is directed against her, must take up the
opposite party and follow the opposite policy in Spanish affairs.
This must bring England and France to quarrels, of which we can hardly
foresee the consequences, and it dooms Spain to eternal convulsions
and reactions.
This has been the state of things before; theory and experience
therefore warn against the renewal of a similar policy.
The natural consequence of this is that Don Enrique would appear
as the desirable candidate for the Queen of Spain's hand, and Lord
Palmerston accordingly for the first time deviates from the line
hitherto followed by us, and _urges_ Don Enrique, which in the eyes of
the world must stamp him as "_an English Candidate_." Lord Palmerston,
from his wish to see him succeed, does, in the Queen's opinion, not
sufficiently acknowledge the obstacles which stand in the way of
this combination, and which all those who are on the spot and in the
confidence of the Court represent as almost insurmountable.
The Queen desires Lord John Russell to weigh all this most maturely,
and to let her know the result.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _19th August 1846._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that he has maturely considered, together with
Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Clarendon, your Majesty's
observations on the draft sent by Lord Palmerston for your Majesty's
approbation.
Lord John Russell entirely concurs in your Majesty's wish that England
and France should not appear at Madrid as countenancing conflicting
parties. Lord John Russell did not attach this meaning to Lord
Palmerston's proposed despatch, but he has now re-written the draft in
such a manner as he trusts will obtain your Majesty's approval.
Lord John Russell will pay the utmost attention to this difficult and
delicate subject.
[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]
[Pageheading: DON ENRIQUE]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _19th August 1846._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
endeavoured to modify and rearrange his proposed instruction to Mr
Bulwer in deference to your Majesty's wishes and feelings as expressed
to Lord John Russell; and with this view also Viscount Palmerston has
divided the instruction into two separate despatches--the one treating
of the proposed marriage of the Queen, the other of the possible
marriage of the Infanta. But with regard to these new drafts, as well
as with regard to the former one, Viscount Palmerston would beg
to submit that they are not notes to be presented to any Foreign
Government, nor despatches to be in any way made public; but that they
are confidential instructions given to one of your Majesty's Ministers
abroad, upon matters upon which your Majesty's Government have been
urgently pressed, to enable that Minister to give advice; and Viscount
Palmerston would beg also to submit that in a case of this kind it
would not be enough to communicate drily the opinion of the British
Government, without stating and explaining some of the reasons upon
which those opinions are founded.
It is quite evident from Mr Bulwer's communication, and especially
from the postscript to his despatch of the 4th of this month, that
Queen Christina, the Duke of Rianzares, and Senor Isturitz, are
earnestly and intently bent upon marrying the Queen Isabella to Prince
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and it is very difficult to find conclusive
grounds for saying that such a match would not perhaps, on the whole,
be the best for Queen Isabella and the Spanish nation. But still, all
things considered, your Majesty's Government incline to the opinion
that a Spanish Prince would be a preferable choice, and they are
prepared to give that opinion to the Spanish Court.
There is however but one Spanish Prince whom it would be creditable
to the British Government to recommend as husband to the Queen, and to
that Prince Queen Christina is known to feel objections, principally
founded upon apprehensions bearing upon her own personal interests.
Viscount Palmerston has endeavoured to furnish Mr Bulwer with such
arguments in favour of Don Enrique as appeared likely to meet Queen
Christina's fears, and he has occasion to believe, from a conversation
which he had a few days ago with Count Jarnac, that the French
Government, impelled by the apprehension that your Majesty's
Government intend to support Prince Leopold of Coburg, would be
willing, in order to draw the British Government off from such a
course, to give at least an ostensible though perhaps not a very
earnest support to Don Henry. But your Majesty will no doubt at
once perceive that although the British Government may come to an
understanding with that of France as to which of the candidates shall
be the one in whose favour an opinion is to be expressed, it would be
impossible for the British Government to associate itself with that of
France in any joint step to be taken upon this matter, and that each
Government must act separately through its own agent at Madrid. For
the two Governments have not only different objects in view in these
matters, England wishing Spain to be independent, and France desiring
to establish a predominant influence in Spain; but moreover, in regard
to this marriage question, Great Britain has disclaimed any right to
interfere except by opinion and advice, while France has assumed
an authority of dictation, and it is essential that your Majesty's
Government should so shape the mode of co-operating with France as not
to appear to sanction pretensions which are founded in no right and
are inconsistent with justice.
Viscount Palmerston is by no means confident that the joint advice of
the British and French Governments in favour of Don Enrique will be
successful, and especially because he fears that M. Bresson has taken
so active a part in favour of other arrangements, that he will not be
very eager in support of Don Enrique, and will perhaps think that if
this arrangement can be rendered impossible the chances may become
greater in favour of some other arrangement which he and his
Government may prefer. But such future embarrassments must be dealt
with when they arise, and Viscount Palmerston submits that for the
moment, unless the British Government had been prepared to close with
the offers of the Duke of Rianzares, and to follow at once the course
recommended by Mr Bulwer, the steps suggested in the accompanying
drafts are the safest and the best.
Viscount Palmerston has great pleasure in submitting the accompanying
private letter from Mr Bulwer announcing the withdrawal of the Spanish
troops from the frontier of Portugal.
[Pageheading: THE DOUBLE BETROTHAL]
_Mr Bulwer to Viscount Palmerston._
MADRID, _29th August 1846._
MY LORD,--I have troubled your Lordship of late with many
communications....
I have now to announce to your Lordship that the Queen declared last
night at twelve o'clock that she had made up her mind in favour of
His Royal Highness Don Francisco de Asis.... Your Lordship is aware
under what circumstances Don Francisco was summoned here, the Court
having been, when I wrote on the 4th, most anxious to conclude a
marriage with Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and only induced to
abandon this idea from the repeated intimations it received that it
could not be carried out....
The same night a Council was held of the Queen Mother's friends,
who determined to bring matters forthwith to a conclusion. Queen
Christina, I understand, spoke to her daughter and told her she
must choose one of two things, either marrying now, or deferring the
marriage for three or four years. That the Prince of Saxe-Coburg was
evidently impossible; that Count Trapani would be dangerous; that Don
Henry had placed himself in a position which rendered the alliance
with him out of the question, and that Her Majesty must either make up
her mind to marry her cousin Don Francisco de Asis, or to abandon for
some time the idea of marrying.
The Queen, I am told, took some little time to consider, and then
decided in favour of her cousin. The Ministers were called in, and the
drama was concluded....
H. L. BULWER.
_P.S._--I learn that directly the Queen had signified her intention
of marrying her cousin, Count Bresson formally asked the hand of the
Infanta for the Duke of Montpensier, stating that he had powers to
enter upon and conclude that affair, and the terms of the marriage
were then definitively settled between M. Isturitz and him.
H.L.B.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INDIGNATION]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
On Board the _Victoria and Albert_, FALMOUTH HARBOUR, _7th September
1846._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Though I have not heard from you for ages, you will
perhaps be glad to hear from us, and to hear that our trip has been
most successful. We left Osborne on the 2nd, at eight in the morning,
and reached Jersey at seven that evening. We landed at St Heliers the
next morning, and met with a most brilliant and enthusiastic reception
from the good people. The island is beautiful, and like an orchard.
The settlement of the Queen of Spain's marriage, _coupled with
Montpensier's_, is _infamous_, and we _must_ remonstrate. Guizot has
had the barefacedness to say to Lord Normanby that though _originally_
they said that Montpensier should _only_ marry the Infanta _when_ the
Queen _was married_ and _had children_, that Leopold's being named one
of the candidates had changed all, and that they must settle it now!
This is _too_ bad, for _we_ were so honest as _almost to prevent_
Leo's marriage (which _might_ have been, and which Lord Palmerston, as
matters now stand, regrets much did not take place), and the return is
this unfair _coupling_ of the _two_ marriages which have nothing, and
ought to have nothing, to do with one another. The King should know
that _we_ are extremely indignant, and that this conduct is _not_ the
way to keep up the _entente_ which _he_ wishes. It is done, moreover,
in such a _dishonest_ way. I must do Palmerston the credit to say that
he takes it very quietly, and will act very temperately about it.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
Vicky and Bertie enjoy their tour very much, and the people here are
delighted to see "the Duke of Cornwall."
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF THE FRENCH]
_The Queen of the French to Queen Victoria._
NEUILLY, _8 Septembre 1846._
MADAME,--Confiante dans cette precieuse amitie dont votre Majeste
nous a donne tant de preuves et dans l'aimable interet que vous avez
toujours temoigne a tous nos Enfants, je m'empresse de vous annoncer
la conclusion du mariage de notre fils Montpensier avec l'Infante
Louise Fernanda. Cet evenement de famille nous comble de joie, parce
que nous esperons qu'il assurera le bonheur de notre fils cheri, et
que nous retrouverons dans l'Infante une fille de plus, aussi bonne
et aussi aimable que ses Ainees, et qui ajoutera a notre bonheur
interieur, le seul vrai dans ce monde, et que vous, Madame, savez
si bien apprecier. Je vous demande d'avance votre amitie pour
notre nouvel Enfant, sure qu'elle partagera tous les sentiments de
devouement et d'affection de nous tous pour vous, pour le Prince
Albert, et pour toute votre chere Famille. Madame, de votre Majeste,
la toute devouee S[oe]ur et Amie,
MARIE AMELIE.
_Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French._
OSBORNE, _10 Septembre 1846._
MADAME,--Je viens de recevoir la lettre de votre Majeste du 8 de ce
mois, et je m'empresse de vous en remercier. Vous vous souviendrez
peut-etre de ce qui s'est passe a Eu entre le Roi et moi, vous
connaissez, Madame, l'importance que j'ai toujours attachee au
maintien de Notre Entente Cordiale et le zele avec lequel j'y ai
travaille, vous avez appris sans doute que nous nous sommes refuses
d'arranger le mariage entre la Reine d'Espagne et notre Cousin Leopold
(que les deux Reines avaient vivement desire) dans le seul but de ne
pas nous eloigner d'une marche qui serait plus agreable a votre Roi,
quoique nous ne pouvions considerer cette marche comme la meilleure.
Vous pourrez donc aisement comprendre que l'annonce soudaine de ce
_double mariage_ ne pouvait nous causer que de la surprise et un bien
vif regret.
Je vous demande bien pardon de vous parler de politique dans ce
moment, mais j'aime pouvoir me dire que j'ai toujours ete _sincere_
envers vous.
En vous priant de presenter mes hommages au Roi, je suis, Madame, de
votre Majeste, la toute devouee S[oe]ur et Amie,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: VIEWS OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
CARLTON TERRACE, _12th September 1846._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
returns with many acknowledgments the accompanying letters which your
Majesty has been pleased to send him, and which he has thought your
Majesty would wish him also to communicate to Lord John Russell.
The letter of the Queen of the French seems to Viscount Palmerston to
look like a contrivance to draw your Majesty on to express, in
regard to the Montpensier marriage in its character as a domestic
arrangement, some sentiments or wishes which might be at variance
with the opinions which your Majesty might entertain regarding that
marriage in its political character and bearing. But your Majesty's
most judicious answer has defeated that intention, if any such
existed, and has stated in a firm, but at the same time in the
friendliest manner, the grounds of complaint against the conduct of
the French Government in this affair.
Viscount Palmerston had yesterday afternoon a very long conversation
with the Count de Jarnac upon these matters.
Viscount Palmerston said that with regard to the marriage of the Queen
of Spain, that was a matter as to which the British Government have
no political objection to make. They deeply regret that a young Queen
should have been compelled by moral force, and to serve the personal
and political interests of other persons, to accept for husband a
person whom she can neither like nor respect, and with whom her future
life will certainly be unhappy at home, even if it should not be
characterised by circumstances which would tend to lower her in the
estimation of her people. But these are matters which concern the
Queen and people of Spain more than the Government and people of
England. But that the projected marriage of the Duke of Montpensier is
a very different matter, and must have a political bearing that must
exercise a most unfortunate effect upon the relations between England
and France.
[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _14th September 1846._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for a most kind letter of the
31st from Basle, by which I was sorry to see that your journey had
been delayed, and that you were still not well.
We are, alas! sadly engrossed with this Spanish marriage, which,
though it does not threaten _war_ (for the English care very little
about the Spanish marriages) threatens complications. Albert has told
you all that passed between the dear Queen and me, and the very absurd
ground on which the French make their stand. The details of the story
are very bad--and I grieve to say that the good King, etc., have
behaved _very dishonestly_.
We have protested, and mean to protest very strongly, against
Montpensier's marriage with the Infanta, _as long as she is
presumptive heiress to the Throne of Spain_. The King departs from his
principle, for _he insisted_ on a _Bourbon_, _because_ he declared he
would _not_ marry one of his sons to the Queen; and now he effects the
Queen's marriage with the worst Bourbon she could have, and marries
his son to the Infanta, who in all probability will become Queen!
It is very bad. Certainly at Madrid [Palmerston] mismanaged it--as
Stockmar says--by forcing Don Enrique, in spite of all Bulwer could
say. If our dear Aberdeen was still at his post, the whole thing would
not have happened; for he would _not_ have forced Enriquito (which
enraged Christine), and secondly, Guizot would not have _escamote_
Aberdeen with the wish of triumphing over him as he has done over
Palmerston, who has behaved most openly and fairly towards France, I
must say, in this affair. But say what one will, it is _he again_ who
_indirectly_ gets us into a squabble with France! And it is such a
personal sort of a quarrel, which pains and grieves me so; and I pity
the poor good Piat,[23] whom we are very fond of. One thing, however,
I feel, that in opposing this marriage, we are not really affecting
his happiness, for he has never seen the Infanta--and she is a child
of fourteen, and not pretty. The little Queen I pity so much, for
the poor child dislikes her cousin, and she is said to have consented
_against her will_. We shall see if she really does marry him.
Altogether, it is most annoying, and must ruffle our happy intercourse
with the French family for a time at least.
I was obliged to write very strongly and openly to poor dear Louise
too. You may rely upon nothing being done rashly or intemperately on
our part. Lord Palmerston is quite ready to be guided by us. In haste,
ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
We go into our new house to-day.
[Footnote 23: A name by which the Duc de Montpensier was
sometimes called in the family circle.]
_Baron Stockmar to Queen Victoria._
_18th September 1846._
Baron Stockmar has been honoured with your Majesty's kind note of the
17th instant. The very day the Baron heard of the Spanish news, he
wrote to a man at Paris, whom the King sees as often as he presents
himself at the palace. In this letter the Baron stated _fairly and
moderately but without palliation_ in what light M. Bresson's conduct
must necessarily appear _in London_, and what very naturally and most
probably _must be the political consequences of such conduct_.
The Baron's statement was read to the King, word for word, the very
evening it reached Paris.
His Majesty listened to it most attentively, and said after some
pause: "Notwithstanding all this, the marriage will take place. I
don't consider Montpensier's marriage an affair between nations, and
the English people, in particular, care very little about it; it is
much more a private affair between myself and the English Secretary,
Lord Palmerston, _and as such_ it will not bring on important
political consequences."
[Pageheading: LETTER TO QUEEN LOUISE]
_Queen Victoria to the Queen of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _18 Septembre 1846._
MA BIEN CHERE LOUISE,--Je te remercie pour ton retour de franchise;
je ne desire pas que cette controverse entre de plus dans notre
correspondance privee, comme elle est le sujet et le sera je crains
encore davantage de discussion politique. Je veux seulement dire qu'il
est _impossible_ de donner a cette affaire le cachet d'une simple
affaire de famille; l'attitude prise a Paris sur cette affaire de
mariage des le commencement etait une fort etrange; il fallait toute
la discretion de Lord Aberdeen pour qu'elle n'amenat un eclat plutot;
mais ce denouement, si contraire a la parole du Roi, qu'il m'a donnee
lors de cette derniere visite a Eu _spontanement_, en ajoutant a la
complication, pour la _premiere fois_, celle du projet de mariage de
Montpensier, aura mauvaise mine devant toute l'Europe.
Rien de plus penible n'aurait pu arriver que toute cette dispute qui
prend un caractere si personnel....
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INDIGNATION]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _21st September 1846._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you very much for your very kind
letter of the 5th from Zurich. It is very unfortunate that you should
be so far off at this moment. Since I wrote to you we have decided to
remonstrate both at Madrid (this went a week ago), and at Paris, but
this last not in a formal note but in a despatch to Lord Normanby,
against this very unjustifiable breach of faith on the part of France.
We have seen these despatches, which are very firm, but written in a
very proper and kind tone, exposing at the same time the fallacy
of what has been done; for the King himself declared that he would
_never_ let _one of his sons marry_ the Queen, he _insisted_ on her
marrying a descendant of Philip V. This has been done, and at the same
moment he says his _son_ is to marry the _Infanta_, who may _become
Queen to-morrow!_And to all this he says, "C'est seulement une
affaire de famille"! The King is very fond of England, and still more
of peace, and he never _can_ sacrifice this (for though it would
not be immediate war it would cause coolness with us and with other
Powers, and would probably lead to war in a short time), for a
breach of faith and _for one of his sons'_ marriages. No quarrel or
misunderstanding in the world _could be more disagreeable_ and to me
_more cruelly painful_, for it is _so personal_, and has come into
the midst of all our communications and correspondence, and is too
annoying. It is so sad, too, for dear Louise, to whom one cannot say
that her father has behaved dishonestly. I hope, however, another ten
days will show us some _daylight_. I will not mention anything about
Leopold's[24] answer, as Albert will, I doubt not, write to you all
about it. It is very satisfactory, however.
We are since this day week in our charming new house, which is
delightful, and to-morrow we go, alas! to Windsor, where we expect the
Queen-Dowager and the Princess of Prussia, who will remain a week with
us. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
I received this afternoon your kind letter from Gais of the 12th. One
word more I must just add. No doubt if Lord Aberdeen had been at his
post what has happened would _not_ have taken place, and suspicion of
Lord Palmerston _has_ been the cause of the _unjustifiable_ conduct of
the French Government. But just as they _did_ suspect him, they should
have been more cautious to do anything which could bring on a quarrel,
which is surely not what the King can wish.
[Footnote 24: Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg.]
[Pageheading: THE PRINCESS OF PRUSSIA]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th September 1846._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I received last week your very kind and
_satisfactory_ letter of the 16th. Your opinion on this truly
unfortunate and, on the part of the French, disgraceful affair is a
great support to us. Stockmar has, I know, communicated to you what
has passed, and he will send you copies of the King's letter and my
answer. Our conduct has been throughout _honest_, and the King's and
Guizot's the contrary. _How_ the King _can_ wantonly throw away the
friendship of one who has stood by him with such sincere affection,
for a _doubtful_ object of personal and family aggrandizement, is to
me and to the whole country inexplicable. Have _confidence_ in _him_ I
fear I never can again, and Peel, who is here on a visit, says a
_war may_ arise any moment, _once_ that the good understanding is
disturbed; think, then, that the King has done this in his 74th
year, and leaves this inheritance to his successor; and to whom--to
a _Grandchild_, and a _Minor!_And for Nemours and Paris, _our_
friendship is of the greatest importance, and yet he prefers the
troubles of governing Spain, which will be a source of constant worry
and anxiety, to the happy understanding so happily existing between
our two countries! I cannot comprehend him. Guizot behaves shamefully,
and so totally without good faith. Our protests have been presented. I
feel more than ever the loss of our valuable Peel.
I wish, dearest Uncle, you would not go to Paris at all at present.
The Queen-Dowager and the Princess of Prussia[25] have left us this
morning after a week's stay, and I have been delighted with the
Princess. I find her so clever, so amiable, so well informed, and so
good; she seems to have some enemies, for there are whispers of
her being _false_; but from all that I have seen of her--from her
discretion, her friendship through thick and thin, and to her own
detriment, for Helene, and for the Queen-Dowager who has known her
from her birth, I _cannot_ and will not believe it. Her position is
a very difficult one; she is too enlightened and liberal for the
Prussian Court not to have enemies; but _I believe_ that she is a
friend to us and our family, and I do believe that _I_ have a friend
in her, who may be most useful to us. I must conclude, envying your
being in Tyrol. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 25: Marie Louise Augusta, daughter of the Grand
Duke Charles of Saxe-Weimar, subsequently Empress of Germany,
mother of Prince Frederick William, afterwards the Emperor
Frederick, who in 1858 married the Princess Royal.]
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND THE THREE POWERS]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st October 1846._
The Queen wishes to express her approval of the step taken by Lord
Palmerston in urging the Three Northern Powers to join in the protest
against the Montpensier marriage on the ground of the Treaty of
Utrecht and the Declaration of Philip V. She thinks, however, that it
is necessary to do more, and wishes Lord Palmerston should send a note
to the Cabinets of the three Powers, explanatory of the whole of the
proceedings relative to the Spanish marriages, showing the attitude
taken by us from the first, and disclosing the facts which led to this
unfortunate termination. The three Powers ought to be enabled to see
the whole of the transaction if we wish them to sympathise with us.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
_1st October 1846._
Lord John Russell saw Count Jarnac to-day, and told him that your
Majesty's displeasure had not been removed. He had in his hands a
memorandum, which is apparently word for word the letter of the King
of the French to the Queen of the Belgians.[26]
Lord John Russell observed that it was admitted that the Duke of
Montpensier was not to marry the Infanta till the Queen of Spain had
children, and that voluntary engagement had been departed from. We
might expect the same departure from the professions now made not to
interfere in the affairs of Spain.
Count Jarnac protested against this inference, and repeated that the
promise with regard to the Infanta was only conditional.
Lord John Russell expects that in consequence of the remonstrances of
England, and the attention of Europe to the question, France will be
cautious in her interference with the internal government of Spain,
and may probably not be able to direct her external policy.
M. Bresson has written a long letter to Lord Minto, defending his own
conduct.
[Footnote 26: See Louis Philippe's long letter of the 14th of
September, printed in the _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol.
i. Appendix B. Queen Victoria's complete and unanswerable
reply will be found there also.]
[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th October 1846._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you very much for your last kind letter
from Gais of the 23rd. This unfortunate Spanish affair has gone on,
heedlessly--and our _entente wantonly_ thrown away! I mourn over it,
and feel deeply the ingratitude shown; for--without boasting--I must
say they never had a _truer_ friend than we; and one who _always_
stood by them. When Hadjy wrote that foolish _brochure_, who stood
by him through thick and thin, but we? and our friendship for the
children will ever continue, but how can we _ever_ feel at our ease
with L. P. again? Guizot's conduct is beyond _all_ belief shameful,
and so _shabbily_ dishonest. Mole and Thiers both say he cannot stand.
It is the King's birthday to-day, but I thought it better _not_
to write to him, for to say _fine words_ at _this_ moment would be
mockery. For my beloved Louise my heart bleeds; it is _so_ sad....
I must now conclude. Begging you to believe me, ever your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _17th November 1846._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I yesterday received your long and interesting
letter of the 14th. I would much rather not say anything more about
this truly unfortunate and painful Spanish business; but in justice to
myself I must make a few observations. You say that the King thinks
me _resentful_; this is extraordinary, for I have no such feeling; my
feelings were and are _deeply_ wounded at the unhandsome and secret
manner (so totally, in _letter_ and _in meaning_, contrary to an
_entente cordiale_) in which this affair was settled, and in which the
two marriages were incorporated.
What can I do?
The King and French Government never _expressed regret_ at the sudden
and _unhandsome_ manner, to say the _least_, in which they behaved to
their _best ally_ and _friend_, and _we_ really _cannot admit_ that
_they have to forgive us for duping us!_Why have they not tried to
make _some_ sort of apology? What do I do, but remain silent _for the
present_?
It is a sad affair, but _resentment_ I have none whatever, and this
accusation is a new version of the affair.
With respect to Portugal, I refute most positively the unfounded
accusations against us; we _cannot_ interfere in internal dissensions
beyond ensuring the personal safety of the King, Queen, and Royal
Family. The Constitution may be, and I believe is, an unfortunate
thing in those Southern countries; but once it is established, the
Queen must abide by it; but, unfortunately, the _coup de main_ in
sending away Palmella's Government (which would inevitably have
crumbled to pieces of itself), was both unconstitutional and unsafe,
and I fear they are in a much worse position _vis-a-vis_ of the
country than they ever were.[27]
We are all going to-morrow to Osborne for four weeks. Ever your truly
devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 27: The Duke de Palmella's Ministry was abruptly
dismissed by the Queen of Portugal on the 10th of October, in
consequence of their inability to raise money on loan. Civil
war broke out, Das Antas, Loule, Fornos, and Sa da Bandeira
being the chief rebel leaders. The British Fleet was ordered
to the Tagus to support the Queen against her subjects, with
the ulterior object of restoring Constitutional Government.]
[Pageheading: ETON MONTEM]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _19th November 1846._
... Lord John Russell breakfasted with Dr Hawtrey yesterday, and had
much conversation with him. He finds Dr Hawtrey strongly impressed
with the evils of Montem, and he declared himself as decidedly against
its continuance. He thinks your Majesty would please the Etonians
equally by going to the boats once a year, which he said the late King
was in the habit of doing. The Chancellor of the Exchequer,[28] who
was at Eton, wishes to see Montem abolished. Lord Morpeth would prefer
seeing it regulated. Upon the whole, Lord John Russell thinks it would
not be advisable for your Majesty to interpose your authority
against the decided opinion of Dr Hawtrey, the Provost, and the
assistants.[29]
[Footnote 28: Mr (who a few weeks later became Sir) Charles
Wood.]
[Footnote 29: Montem, the triennial Eton ceremony, the chief
part of which took place at Salt Hill (_ad montem_), near
Slough, was abolished in 1847.]
[Pageheading: A PENINSULAR MEDAL]
_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._
OSBORNE, _25th November 1846._
The Queen has learned from various quarters that there still exists a
great anxiety amongst the officers and men who served under the Duke
of Wellington's orders in the Peninsula to receive and wear a medal as
a testimony that they assisted the Duke in his great undertaking. The
Queen not only thinks this wish very reasonable, considering that for
recent exploits of infinitely inferior importance such distinctions
have been granted by her, but she would feel personally a great
satisfaction in being enabled publicly to mark in this way her sense
of the great services the Duke of Wellington has rendered to his
country and to empower many a brave soldier to wear this token in
remembrance of the Duke.
[Pageheading: THE DUKE'S VIEW]
_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._
STRATHFIELDSAYE, _27th November 1846._
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your
Majesty.
He has just now received your Majesty's most gracious commands from
Osborne, dated the 26th instant.
He does not doubt that many of the brave officers and soldiers who
served in the armies in the Peninsula under the command of the Duke
are anxious to receive and wear a medal, struck by command of the
Sovereign, to commemorate the services performed in that seat of the
late war.
Many of them have, upon more than one occasion, expressed such
desire, in their letters addressed to the Duke, in their petitions
to Parliament, and, as the Duke has reason to believe, in petitions
presented to your Majesty.
Although the Duke has never omitted to avail himself of every occasion
which offered to express his deep sense of the meritorious services of
the officers and soldiers of the Army which served in the Peninsula,
he did not consider it his duty to suggest to the Sovereign, under
whose auspices, or the Minister under whose direction the services in
question were performed, any particular mode in which those services
of the Army should be recognised by the State.
Neither has he considered it his duty to submit such suggestion since
the period at which the services were performed, bearing in mind the
various important considerations which must have an influence upon
the decision on such a question, which it was and is the duty of your
Majesty's confidential servants alone to take into consideration, and
to decide.
Neither can the Duke of Wellington now venture to submit to your
Majesty his sense of a comparison of the services of the Army which
served in the Peninsula, with those of other armies in other parts of
the world, whose recent services your Majesty has been most graciously
pleased to recognise by ordering that medals should be struck, to
commemorate each of such services, one of which to be delivered to
each officer and soldier present, which your Majesty was graciously
pleased to permit him to wear.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington humbly solicits your Majesty,
in grateful submission to your Majesty upon the subject of the last
paragraph of your Majesty's most gracious letter, that, considering
the favour with which his services were received and rewarded by the
gracious Sovereign, under whose auspices they were performed; the
professional rank and the dignity in the State to which he was raised,
and the favour with which his services were then and have been ever
since received, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to
consider upon this occasion only the well-founded claims upon your
Majesty's attention of the officers and soldiers who served in the
Army in the Peninsula; and to consider him, as he considers himself,
amply rewarded for any service which he might have been instrumental
in rendering; and desirous only of opportunities of manifesting his
gratitude for the favour and honour with which he has been treated by
his Sovereign.
All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's
most dutiful and devoted Servant and Subject,
WELLINGTON.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _28th November 1846._
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's draft to Mr
Southern,[30] and must observe that she does not quite approve the
tone of it, as it will be likely only to irritate without producing
any effect. If our advice is to be taken, it must be given in a spirit
of impartiality and fairness. Lord Palmerston's despatch must give
the impression that we entirely espouse the cause of the rebels, whose
conduct is, to say the least, illegal and very reprehensible. Lord
Palmerston likewise takes the nation and the Opposition to be one and
the same thing. What we must insist upon is a return to Constitutional
Government. And what we may advise is a compromise with the
Opposition. What Ministry is to be formed ought to be left to the
Portuguese themselves. It being the 28th to-day, the Queen is afraid
the despatch went already yesterday. The Queen hopes in future that
Lord Palmerston will not put it out of her power to state her opinion
in good time.
[Footnote 30: Secretary of Legation at Lisbon, and Charge d'Affaires
in the absence of Lord Howard de Walden.]
[Pageheading: THE PENINSULAR MEDAL]
_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._
ARUNDEL CASTLE, _1st December 1846._
The Queen has not yet acknowledged the Duke of Wellington's last
letter.
She fully appreciates the delicacy of the Duke in not wishing to
propose himself a step having reference to his own achievements, but
the Queen will not on that account forgo the satisfaction of granting
this medal as an acknowledgment on her part of those brilliant
achievements.
The Queen has been assured by Lord John Russell that her confidential
servants will be ready to assume the responsibility of advising such a
measure.
_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._
ARUNDEL CASTLE, _2nd December 1846._ (_Morning._)
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your
Majesty. He did not receive your Majesty's commands, dated the 1st
instant, in this Castle, till seven o'clock in the afternoon; and
being under the necessity of attending at [? Dover] in the evening,
he has not had it in his power till this time to express his
acknowledgment of the receipt of them.
He submits to your Majesty that he has always been aware that it would
be impolitic to confer upon the officers and soldiers who served in
the Peninsula the wished-for distinction without the concurrence of
your Majesty's confidential servants.
They alone can give the orders to carry into execution the measure,
and can adopt means to remedy any inconvenience which may result from
it; and it is satisfactory to him to learn, from the perusal of
your Majesty's note, that Lord John Russell is disposed to adopt it,
notwithstanding that the Duke has no personal wish or feeling in the
adoption of the measure, excepting to see gratified the wishes of so
many gallant officers and brave soldiers, who have so well served.
The few words which he addressed to your Majesty in his last letter
of the 27th of November in relation to himself, referred to the
expressions in that of your Majesty of the 26th November, to the Duke;
from which it appeared to be your Majesty's intention "to empower many
a brave soldier to wear this token, in remembrance of the Duke."
Having stated to your Majesty that he would serve your Majesty, and
would promote the objects of your Majesty's Government, to the utmost
of his power, he has faithfully performed his engagement, as he
believes, to the satisfaction of your Majesty's servants.
His whole life being devoted to your Majesty's service, he is most
anxious to deserve and receive your Majesty's approbation.
But he wishes that it should be conveyed only when it may be
convenient to your Majesty's Government. Your Majesty and your
Majesty's servants must be the best judges upon this point, as well
as whether the medal in question shall be struck and granted at all or
not.
If granted, or whatever may be the mode in which granted, or whether
the Duke's name is recalled to recollection or not, the Duke will be
equally satisfied, and grateful for your Majesty's gracious favour,
and desirous to merit a continuance of it, by his devotion to your
Majesty's service.
All of which is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful
Subject and most devoted Servant,
WELLINGTON.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S DECISION]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _14th December 1846._
The Queen has still to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of the
11th. She has carefully read the Duke of Wellington's letter to Lord
John, which evinces all the Duke's honourable feelings. He should
certainly be relieved from the appearance of having refused honours to
others, but agreed to the granting of them the moment it was intended
to couple the measure with an honour conferred upon himself. On the
other hand, the Queen still wishes the step to be taken as a means
of doing honour to the Duke. His name should, therefore, certainly be
connected with it. The introduction of the names of other commanders,
even of that of Sir John Moore, the Queen does not think advisable.
She does not quite understand from Lord John's letter whether he
proposes to adopt the Duke's recommendation to _re_-issue all the
medals formerly granted, or to adhere to the original idea of striking
a new one. In the latter case, which appears the most natural, the
word "Peninsula" would cover all the campaigns, and in these the Duke
of Wellington had by far so much the greatest share that his
name being introduced on _all_ the medals cannot be considered as
anomalous.
[Pageheading: CRACOW]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _14th December 1846._
The Queen returns the enclosed private letters.[31] The view Lord
Palmerston takes of the affair of Cracow appears to the Queen a very
sound one, and she would much wish to see the plan of a conference
realised against which Lord Ponsonby does not bring any very relevant
reasons. Prince Metternich's plan of a declaration "that the case is
to be considered an exceptional one and not to afford a precedent to
other powers" is too absurd. The Prince very justly compared it to the
case of a person giving another a box on the ear and declaring at the
same time that he is to consider it as exceptional, and that it is in
no way to afford him a precedent for returning it. The Queen hopes the
Cabinet will well consider the question, and contrive to find means to
prevent the evil consequences of the unjustifiable step against Cracow
by speaking out in time, before Russia or France may have decided on
acts of further infraction of the Treaty of Vienna. It seems quite
clear that Russia was at the bottom of the measure relative to Cracow,
and it is therefore but reasonable to expect that she has an ulterior
object in view.
[Footnote 31: The first ill fruits of the disruption of the
_entente_ between England and France were seen in the active
co-operation of Russia, Prussia, and Austria to destroy Polish
independence. See _ante_, p. 72.]
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XVI
During the year 1847 the Parliament which had been elected in 1841
with a great Tory majority was dissolved, and, as a result, the
position of the Whig Ministry was slightly improved; but they were
still dependent on the support of Sir Robert Peel. A Factory Act
limiting the labour of women and children to ten hours a day was
passed. An autumn session was rendered necessary by an acute financial
crisis, the Ministry having authorised the Bank of England to infringe
the provisions of the recent Bank Charter Act, and as a consequence
being compelled to ask Parliament for an indemnity. The knowledge of
the Bank's authority to issue notes beyond the prescribed limits was
of itself sufficient to allay the panic. The Church of England was
convulsed by the promotion of Dr Hampden, whom Lord Melbourne had made
Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, to the See of Hereford; his
orthodoxy was impugned in a memorial presented by thirteen bishops to
the Prime Minister, and an unsuccessful application was made to the
Queen's Bench (the Court being divided in opinion) to compel the
Primate to hear objections to Dr Hampden's consecration. The new House
of Lords was used for the first time this year.
Perhaps the most important event in France was the cold-blooded murder
of the Duchesse de Praslin (daughter of Count Sebastiani, formerly
French Ambassador in England) by her husband, an incident which, like
the Spanish intrigue of 1846, contributed subsequently to the downfall
of the Orleanist dynasty.
Switzerland was torn by internecine strife, partly owing to the
existence, side by side, of Catholic and Protestant cantons; the
proposed expulsion of Jesuits and the formation of the "Sonderbund"
were the questions of the day. The latter was an offensive and
defensive confederation of seven cantons, and civil war raged round
the question of its legality.
In Italy the death of Pope Gregory XVI. and the election of a more
liberal successor induced Lord John Russell to send his father-in-law,
Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, on a special mission to the new Pope
Pius IX., to encourage him in the path of Reform. But more violent
measures were in progress, and it was soon clear that Lombardy and
Venetia were rising against Austria, and the way being paved for the
Unity of Italy.
Spain was in a ferment, frequent changes of Ministry taking place,
and the miserable marriage of the Queen having all the evil results
anticipated in England. Portugal continued in a state of civil war,
the British attempting to mediate, but the revolutionary Junta refused
to abide by their terms, and ultimately armed intervention became
necessary.