1847
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th January 1847._
The turn which the Portuguese affairs are now likely to take is really
very satisfactory. The Queen is sure that the Court will not allow
violent measures of revenge to be taken against the vanquished party
nor the overthrow of a Constitutional Government; but the Queen of
Portugal will have to punish those who have broken their oath of
allegiance, and will have to remove from the country those who would
infallibly ere long plunge the country afresh into those _horrors_
from which it is just emerging. The further infusion of democracy
into the Charter would at this moment be quite misplaced, but this
opportunity should be taken by the Queen of Portugal to _establish_ a
_state_ of _legality_ and _security_, by compelling any new Ministry
to lay the accounts every year before the Cortes (which has not been
done for the last ten years, either by Progressistas, Septembristas,
or others), by establishing irremovable judges, and appointing thereto
incorruptible persons, by _honestly and fairly_ distributing the
patronage in the Army--apart from the party--which will now be
possible as the King has the command himself, and by adopting such
measures of _internal_ improvement as will promote the _material_
welfare of the people.
_These_ are the principles which the Queen would wish to see _her_
representative urge upon the Portuguese Court and Government, and
she has no doubt that they are in perfect conformity with Lord John
Russell's own views. The Queen cannot help repeating that the tone and
bearing of Mr Southern are more those of a Portuguese Demagogue than
of an English Representative.
[Pageheading: A CONCILIATORY POLICY]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
TUILERIES, _15th January 1847._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I am truly happy to learn what you say about
your feelings on those troublesome politics; I can assure you that
many people who are, in fact, quite indifferent
to politics, _rencherissent_ in expressions of dislike and contempt
_seulement_, because they believe that you have those opinions. Many
wise people repeat sayings which they assume to come from your
own mouth, such, for instance, "that Louis Philippe could never be
trusted, being, after all, an old fox," etc.
The King's Speech was as unobjectionable as possible. I trust that
there will be no _bitterness_ in yours. It is as much, if not more,
in the interest of Great Britain to keep France quiet and continuing a
peaceable policy than in that of France. France, as the old Duke once
said with great truth, has been already _under water several times,
what could be spoiled has been spoiled_, what remains _is pretty
solid_. To attack France in France would lead to the most dangerous
consequences. In general, if we get once a great war again you will
be sure to have everywhere revolutions, and to imagine that you will
escape in England all reactions would be a grievous mistake. When one
looks to the changes, brought about in England in consequence of the
Revolution of July, one is quite astounded. Here they changed nothing
but the dynasty, in England _the very spirit of the old Monarchy
has been abolished_, and what will be, in the course of time, the
consequences, it is not easy to tell. A bad Constitution acts strongly
on the people. Look to America, even to Belgium. Ever, my dearest
Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th February 1847._
Lord John Russell's memorandum contains two different questions. The
one is this: how far the interests of England require an interference
in the affairs of Portugal for the restoration of peace in that
country and the preservation of its Throne, and how far England is
bound by existing treaties to interfere.
As to this question, it appears from Lord John's memorandum that
the ancient treaties having reference to _foreign_ invasion only are
inapplicable to the present case, that the Quadruple Treaty
would revive on the appearance of Dom Miguel in Portugal, that an
understanding with Spain ought to be come to for its execution, but
Lord John does not make any specific proposal.
The other question is, what wrongs the Queen, the Ministers, and the
rebels may have done to bring about the present state of affairs. This
the Queen conceives can only be decided by a _most minute, impartial,
and anxious scrutiny_. She indignantly rejects the notion to leave
this decision to Mr Southern.... Lord John's statement contains,
however, nothing but the echo of his reports.
Lord John will upon reflection admit that to say "that recent events
exhibit a spirit of tyranny and cruelty in the Portuguese Government
_without a parallel_ in any part of Europe," there, where not _one_
execution has taken place, is rather a strong expression.
That the cruelties and miseries inseparable from a Civil War are to
be deplored, there can be no doubt of, and it is in order to stop a
further continuance and perhaps aggravation of these horrors, that
the Queen is so anxious to see the struggle brought to an early
termination.
The Queen hopes to see Lord John to-morrow at three o'clock, when she
hopes that he will be able to submit a definitive step.
[Page Heading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
_14th March 1847._
The Queen wishes again to call Lord John Russell's serious attention
to the state of Spain and Portugal, and to the policy which has been
pursued with regard to them, and the result of this policy. In Spain
we have taken up the cause of the Progressistas, and what has been the
consequence? They desert us.
We have no longer the slightest influence in that country; France has
it all her own way, and we shall see the Cortes confirm the succession
of the Infanta and her children without being able to prevent it. Of
the Progressistas, on whom Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon, and others
always placed their hopes, Mr Bulwer says _now_: "The fact is, that
though they are the party least servile to France, they are the most
impracticable party, and belonging to a lower class of society, who
have not the same feelings of honourable and gentlemanlike conduct
which sometimes guide a portion, though a very small one, of their
opponents."
In Spain therefore it is, the Queen fears, _too late_; but let us not
throw away this lesson, and, if it is still possible, not also lose
Portugal. Our influence there is fast going, and Sir H. Seymour[1]
confirms what _every one_ but Mr Southern has stated for the last
two months, viz. that we are believed to be favourable to the rebels;
consequently, that no advice of ours will be listened to. Sir H.
Seymour further says: "I should have been glad to have gained a little
time, and not at the outset of my mission to be obliged to call the
Government to account upon various scores. Your orders, however,
leave me no option, and I shall be obliged to administer a series of
reproofs which will, I fear, confirm the notion as to our unfriendly
feelings." This is the course the Queen thinks so very unfortunate;
trifles about two horses, the beating of a gardener of Lord Howard's
by some soldiers on a march in times of Civil War, etc., are made
topics of serious complaint. Most peremptory notes are written,
threatening the Government with our men-of-war, whilst it is held to
be unwise to threaten the insurgents.
Then, the Court is told to believe _our feelings of attachment_ for
them!
Sir H. Seymour says that his position is rendered very difficult in
consequence. We have now the results before us. Let us, therefore,
before Portugal, our ancient ally, turns also away from us, and leans
to France or Spain in preference, as she _must_, if we give her such
doubtful support, try to pursue a more conciliatory course; these
peremptory and dictatory notes, these constant complaints, produce the
worst and most unfortunate effect.
These very Septembristas have been always the greatest enemies
of England, and would be the first to turn against us should they
succeed.
There should more latitude be given to the resident Minister not
to press things at moments when they produce embarrassment to a
Government already _tottering_, but to give him the option of waiting
for a fit opportunity, and for the manner in which it is to be done,
which a person on the spot can be a better judge of than we can in
England.
Once more the Queen earnestly warns Lord John of the imminent danger
of England losing _all_ legitimate influence in Portugal, which ought
now, more than ever, to be of the greatest _importance_ to us.
The Queen has in all this _spoken_ solely of English influence, but
this influence becomes of still greater importance to her when the
Sovereigns of that country are her near and dear relations.[2]
[Footnote 1: Envoy Extraordinary at Lisbon.]
[Footnote 2: This letter at once bore fruit, a conference
being held in London between the representatives of Great
Britain, Spain, France, and Portugal, and armed co-operation
to enforce the acceptance of certain terms by the
Revolutionary Junta being decided upon.]
[Page Heading: THE SEPTENNIAL ACT]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _19th March 1847._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Lord John
Russell thinks it right to state to your Majesty that the prevailing
opinion in the Cabinet is that when the necessary business in the
House of Commons has been finished, a Dissolution of Parliament should
take place.
This course would be conformable to the usage from the passing of the
Septennial Act till 1830. From 1830 to the present year no House of
Commons has been allowed to continue six years. The Dissolutions of
Lord Grey in 1831 and 1832, of Sir Robert Peel in 1834, the death of
William the Fourth in 1837, Lord Melbourne's Dissolution in 1841, have
all interrupted the natural life of Parliaments. But all Governments
since the accession of the House of Hanover have been of opinion (with
one or two exceptions) that it is hazardous to allow a Parliament to
continue seven years, as circumstances may arise making a Dissolution
very detrimental to the public welfare.
These being general considerations, Lord John Russell would reserve
any decision on the subject till the moment shall arrive when a
Dissolution may appear to your Majesty's advisers to be the course
most likely to secure moderate and fair elections.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
_25th March 1847._
The Queen with pleasure approves the appointment of Lord Clarendon's
brother to the vacant stall at St Paul's. The Queen would, however,
draw Lord John's attention generally to the mode of filling up
those Church sinecures. She is quite aware how necessary it is for a
Minister to be able to recommend to such places persons of political
connections, but she thinks that where it can be done, it would be of
great use both to the Church and the country to give these places
of emolument to Churchmen distinguished for their _scientific
attainments_, who have neither the means nor the time to prosecute
their researches, whilst their labours might be of the greatest
importance to the country. Such person of this kind, for instance,
the Prince thinks, is a Mr Cureton, who has just published the _real_
epistles of St Ignatius, which he translated from the Syriac, and
is about to produce a Gospel of St Matthew which is considered the
undoubted original in the Coptic dialect, and other most important
documents lately acquired for the British Museum.
[Page Heading: FOREIGN OFFICE DRAFTS]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th April 1847._
The Queen has several times asked Lord Palmerston, through Lord
John Russell and personally, to see that the drafts to our Foreign
Ministers are not despatched _previous_ to their being submitted to
the Queen. Notwithstanding, this is still done, as for instance to-day
with regard to the drafts for Lisbon. The Queen, therefore, once more
repeats her desire that Lord Palmerston should prevent the recurrence
of this practice.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _18th May 1847._
Lord John Russell has the painful duty of announcing to your Majesty
the death of the Earl of Bessborough.[3] The firmness and kindness of
his temper, together with his intimate knowledge of Ireland and his
sound judgment, make this event a public misfortune.
It appears to Lord John Russell very desirable that his successor
should be named without loss of time, and as the Cabinet agreed
yesterday that the Earl of Clarendon was the fittest person for the
office, Lord John Russell would suggest that a Council should be held
on Thursday next, at the hour your Majesty may appoint, for a Council
for the purpose of the declaration of your Majesty's pleasure.
It was the opinion of the Cabinet that although it is advisable
finally to abolish the office of Lord-Lieutenant, it is not advisable
to propose any measure, or make any announcement for the present.
[Footnote 3: John William, formerly Lord Duncannon, 4th Earl,
born 1781; Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.]
[Pageheading: JENNY LIND]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th June 1847._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We are here in terrible hot water, though _I_ think
we shall get out of it.[4] But only think that the Radicals _and_
Protectionists join to attack Government for our interference in
Portugal! A change of Government on such a subject would be _full_
of mischief for the future, independent of the great momentary
inconvenience; but it would cripple all future Governments in their
future conduct respecting Foreign Affairs, would create distrust
abroad in our promises, and is totally contrary to England's ancient
policy of upholding Portugal.
In short, it would be _very_ bad. The old Duke will do _every_ thing
to set matters right.
To-night we are going to the Opera in state, and will hear and see
Jenny Lind[5] (who is perfection) in _Norma_, which is considered one
of her best parts. Poor Grisi is quite going off, and after the pure
angelic voice and extremely quiet, perfect acting of J. Lind, she
seems quite _passee_. Poor thing! she is _quite_ furious about it, and
was excessively impertinent to J. Lind.
To-morrow we go to a ball at Stafford House, and on Thursday to one at
Gloucester House. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 4: The Government were severely attacked by
a coalition of Radicals and Protectionists for their
intervention in Portugal. A hostile motion of Lord Stanley's
in the House of Lords was opposed by the Duke of Wellington
and defeated, while one of Mr Hume's in the House of Commons
was talked out, Sir Robert Peel supporting the Ministry.]
[Footnote 5: She made her _debut_ in London on the 4th of
May in _Roberto il Diavolo_. The Queen had heard her sing
previously at Stolzenfels. In May 1849, after singing for two
years to enthusiastic audiences, she retired from the stage,
and made extended concert tours in Europe and America.]
[Pageheading: THE WELLINGTON STATUE]
_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _12th July 1847._ (_Five in the afternoon_.)
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your
Majesty. He submits to your Majesty the expression of his sorrow and
shame that your Majesty should be troubled for a moment by anything so
insignificant as a statue of himself.
When he first heard of the intention to remove the statue from the
pedestal on which it had been placed, he was apprehensive that the
measure might be misconstrued and misrepresented in this country as
well as abroad.
That feeling was increased when the probable existence of such
misconstruction was adverted to in one of the printed papers
circulated by the Committee for the erection of the statue; and still
farther when the removal became the subject of repeated discussions in
Parliament. His daily experience of your Majesty's gracious reception
of his endeavours to serve your Majesty; and the events of every
day, and the repeated marks which he received of your Majesty's
consideration and favour proved clearly, as the Duke stated in his
letter to Lord John Russell, that there was no foundation for the
misconstruction of the intended act--which undoubtedly existed. The
apprehension of such misconstruction had from the first moment created
an anxious wish in the mind of the Duke that the removal should be so
regulated and should be attended by such circumstances as would
tend to relieve the transaction from the erroneous but inconvenient
impression which had been created.
The Duke apprehended that he might find it impossible to perform the
duties with which he had been entrusted, and therefore, when Lord John
Russell wrote to him, he deprecated the measure in contemplation;
and he rejoices sincerely that your Majesty has been most graciously
pleased to countermand the order for the removal of the statue.
All of which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by your
Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,
WELLINGTON.[6]
[Footnote 6: The Duke of Wellington wrote to Croker, 19th
of December 1846:--"I should desire never to move from my
principles of indifference and non-interference on the subject
of a statue of myself to commemorate my own actions."
And again, on the 14th of June 1847, the Duke wrote to
Croker:--"It has always been my practice, and is my invariable
habit, to say nothing about myself and my own actions.
"More than forty years ago Mr Pitt observed that I talked
as little of myself or my own acts as if I had been an
assistant-surgeon of the army....
"I follow the habit of avoiding to talk of myself and of what
I have done; with the exception only of occasions when I am
urging upon modern contemporaries measures which they don't
like, and when I tell them I have some experience, and
have had some success in these affairs, and feel they would
experience the benefit of attending to my advice, I never talk
of myself.
"These are the reasons for which they think that I don't care
what they do with the statue.
"But they must be idiots to suppose it possible that a man who
is working day and night, without any object in view excepting
the public benefit, will not be sensible of a disgrace
inflicted upon him by the Sovereign and Government whom he is
serving. The ridicule will be felt, if nothing else is!"...]
_Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th July 1847._
The Queen has been informed by Lord John Russell that the Duke of
Wellington is apprehensive that the removal of his statue from the
Arch to another pedestal might be construed as a mark of displeasure
on her part. Although the Queen had hoped that her esteem and
friendship for the Duke was so well known to the public in general
as not to render such a construction possible, and although she had
thought that another pedestal would have been more suitable for _this_
statue, and that the Arch might have been more becomingly ornamented
in honour of the Duke than by the statue _now_ upon it, she has given
immediate direction that the Statue should remain in its present
situation, and only regrets that this monument should be so unworthy
of the great personage to whose honour it has been erected.
[Pageheading: INDIAN AFFAIRS]
_Viscount Hardinge to Queen Victoria._
_27th July 1847._
Lord Hardinge, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly
acknowledges the letter in which your Majesty has been graciously
pleased to approve of his conduct in the Government of your Majesty's
Eastern Empire, and to sanction his return to Europe the end of this
year.
It will always be a source of happiness to Lord Hardinge to have
contributed his efforts towards maintaining the stability of your
Majesty's Indian possessions committed to his charge, and he feels, in
the performance of these duties, that the approbation of his Sovereign
is the most grateful distinction to which honourable ambition can
aspire.
The Governor-General entertains the most sanguine expectations that
peace has been securely established beyond the north-west frontiers,
as well as throughout India, and in this confidence he has ordered
nearly 50,000 men of the native force to be reduced, which reductions
have caused no discontent, being for the most part voluntary on the
part of the men and accompanied by gratuities in proportion to the
service performed.
As regards internal dangers, there is no native power remaining able
to face a British army in the field. The people are very generally
engaged in trade and agriculture, and to a great extent in the British
Provinces no longer carry arms. Confidence in the protection of the
Government has superseded the necessity. Formerly trade and wealth
were concentrated in a few large cities--and Indian manufactures have
been ruined by cheaper goods sent from England; but wealth and comfort
have, under British rule, been more extensively diffused through the
agricultural districts, and all classes, including the warlike tribes,
are becoming more devoted to the happier and safer pursuits of peace.
In this state of things Lord Hardinge entertains a very confident
expectation that the Government of India, by judicious attention
to the native army in time of peace--which may have its peculiar
dangers--will maintain due subordination in its ranks; and by
abstaining from all interference in the religious prejudices of the
people, will secure their loyal attachment to your Majesty, and their
willing obedience to the Governor acting in your Majesty's behalf.
Lord Hardinge has the honour to subscribe himself your Majesty's most
humble and dutiful Subject and Servant,
HARDINGE.
[Pageheading: A GENERAL ELECTION]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _5th August 1847._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that he considers the elections which have taken
place since he last addressed your Majesty as satisfactory.
The Liberal gains, upon the whole, have been upwards of thirty, and
when the elections are concluded will probably be upwards of forty.
The rejection of so distinguished a man as Mr Macaulay[7] is the most
disgraceful act in the whole election. It has only a parallel in the
rejection of Mr Burke by the city of Bristol.
The result of the whole elections will be, even if Sir George Grey
is defeated in Northumberland, that neither Lord John Russell or any
other Minister will have the command of a regular party majority.
But it is probable that Government will be sufficiently strong to
resist both a reaction against free trade, and any democratic movement
against the Church or the aristocracy.
[Footnote 7: In consequence of his vote on Maynooth. The poem
he wrote on the present occasion will be remembered.]
[Pageheading: THE IRISH ELECTIONS]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _21st August 1847._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that Lord Fitzwilliam writes that he shall feel
hurt if the Earldom of Strafford should be given to Lord Strafford.
To save his feelings on this subject (Lord Fitzwilliam having the
first Wentworth Earl of Strafford's property), Lord John Russell
would humbly propose that Lord Strafford should be created Earl of
Middlesex.
But as the relations of the late Duke of Dorset might also object,
Lord John Russell will adhere to his original proposal if your Majesty
should deem it best.
In fact, many titles have been given in succession to different
families. Leinster, Orford, Westmorland, are familiar instances.
Lord John Russell has drawn up a paper respecting the Irish elections,
on which the Prince wished to have his remarks. The subject is a dark
and a dreary one....
Changes of Ministry may occur, but it is to be hoped that your Majesty
may be enabled to keep the present Parliament for five or six years.
For nothing tends so much to favour such reformations, to impede
sober improvements, and to make members stand in servile awe of their
constituents, as frequent General Elections.
Lord John Russell is happy to see in the newspapers the successful
progress of your Majesty's journey. It has occurred to Lord John
Russell that as the harvest is very promising, and the election heats
will have subsided, it may be desirable that your Majesty should go
for three days to Ireland on your Majesty's return. The want of notice
might in some respects be favourable, and would be an excuse to many
Irish peers, who might otherwise complete their ruin in preparations.
_Queen Victoria to Earl Fitzwilliam._
_3rd September 1847._
The Queen has received Lord Fitzwilliam's letter of the 31st.[8] As
she sees Lord Strafford's elevation to an Earldom already announced in
the _Gazette_ of the same day, it will be impossible for the Queen to
have the question of Lord Fitzwilliam's adverse claim reconsidered.
She thinks it right, however, to say, that, knowing that the Wentworth
property came to Lord Fitzwilliam, it was only after the Heralds
College had proved that Lord Strafford was the representative of the
Earl of Strafford of the Second Creation, whilst Lord Fitzwilliam
was not properly considered the representative of the first, that the
Queen approved the selection of the title of Earl of Strafford for the
present Lord. The Queen is very sorry to find that this step should
have been annoying to Lord Fitzwilliam, for whom she has ever
entertained a sincere regard. She has sent his letter on to Lord John
Russell.
[Footnote 8: On John, Baron Strafford, who as Sir John Byng
had been distinguished in the Peninsula and at Waterloo,
receiving the Earldom of Strafford, Lord Fitzwilliam had
written: "Your Majesty has, undoubtedly, the power of
conferring this, or any other titular dignity, according to
your good pleasure, but I venture to hope that, if it be your
Majesty's pleasure to revive the Earldom of Strafford, it will
not be bestowed upon any other person than the individual who
has now the honour of addressing your Majesty.
"The name and history of the first Earl of Strafford is, of
course, familiar to your Majesty, and I venture to conclude
that your Majesty is not unaware of my being his descendant,
his heir, and his successor. I own his lands, I dwell in his
house, I possess his papers, and, if neither my father nor
myself have ever applied to the Crown for a renewal of his
titles, it has not been because either of us was indifferent
to those honours or to the favour of the Sovereign, but
because we were well aware of the embarrassment which
such applications frequently occasion to the Crown and its
advisers."]
[Pageheading: MISSION TO THE VATICAN]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
ARDVERIKIE, _3rd September 1847._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters of the 31st
and 1st inst., and is glad to find that the views expressed in the
Prince's Memorandum coincide with those entertained by Lord John and
Lord Palmerston, and also by Lord Minto, as she infers. As it seems
difficult to find a person of inferior rank and position than Lord
Minto, and of equal weight, the Queen sanctions his undertaking
the mission on the understanding that the object of it will be
communicated beforehand to the Courts of Vienna and Paris, and that
both these Governments will be made fully acquainted with the position
England thinks herself bound to take with regard to the Italian
controversy.[9] After this shall have been done, the sending of Sir
William Parker with his fleet to the West Coast of Italy strikes the
Queen as a very proper measure to give countenance to the Sovereigns
engaged in Liberal Reform, and exposed alike to the inroads of their
absolutist neighbour, and to the outbreaks of popular movements
directed by a republican party, and perhaps fostered by the Austrian
Government.
[Footnote 9: Lord John Russell proposed that Lord Minto
should be sent on a special mission to the Vatican. _See_
Introductory Note for the Year, _ante_, p. 115.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
ARDVERIKIE, _7th September 1847._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you much for your kind letter of the 28th.
Mamma writes me _such_ a good report of you both, which gives us the
greatest pleasure. I hope you like young Ernest? This horrid Praslin
tragedy [10] is a subject one cannot get out of one's head. The
Government can in no way be accused of these murders, but there is
_no_ doubt that the _standard of morality_ is _very low_ indeed, in
France, and that the higher classes are extremely unprincipled. This
must shake the security and prosperity of a nation. In my opinion,
nothing has gone on so well since the _unfortunate_ false move of the
Spanish marriages, and I think you will admit _que cela n'a pas
porte bonheur au Roi_. I am very anxious to explain that I was out of
spirits, and, I fear, humour, when I wrote to you last, for I _love_
this place dearly, and the quiet, simple and wild life we lead here,
particularly, in spite of the _abominable_ weather we have had; and
I _am not_ the enemy of _La Chasse_, as I expressed myself--on the
contrary, I am very keen about it, and am only annoyed at being unable
to see it all. Really, when one thinks of the _very dull life_, and
particularly the life of constant _self-denial_, which my poor, dear
Albert leads, he deserves _every_ amusement in the world, and even
about his amusements he is so accommodating that I am deeply touched
by it. He is very fond of shooting, but it is all with the greatest
moderation. Do you know that you never wished Albert joy of his
birthday?
The state of politics in Europe is very critical, and one feels _very_
anxious for the future.
With my dearest Albert's love, and mine, to my beloved Louise. Believe
me, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 10: The sensational murder in Paris of the Duchesse
de Praslin, daughter of the diplomatist, Sebastiani, by her
husband, who committed suicide. This event, as well as the
affair of the Spanish marriages, largely contributed to the
Orleanist catastrophe of 1848, for it was suspected that
the Court and the police had not merely connived at, but had
actually furnished the means for, the Duke's suicide, in order
to prevent certain exposures which would have resulted from
his trial.]
[Pageheading: PORTUGAL]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th October 1847._
The Queen has just received these drafts, which she has read
attentively, and thinks very proper; she only perceives _one_ omission
which should be rectified, viz. the one in which Lord Palmerston
directs Sir H. Seymour and the Admiral to remain perfectly neutral in
case of a conflict, and that is that our Fleet should naturally give
protection to the persons of the King and Queen and Royal Family in
case of danger, for we cannot allow them to be _murdered_, even if
we should not be able to prevent their losing their Crown (which God
forbid).
The Queen must _again_ observe that the drafts have since some weeks
past been sent to her _after_ they were gone, so that she can make no
remark upon them. The Queen wishes to have copies of these drafts.
[Pageheading: CRISIS IN THE CITY]
[Pageheading: MR COBDEN]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _14th October 1847._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has
seen the Governor (Mr Morris) and Deputy-Governor (Mr Prescott) of the
Bank, Mr Jones Loyd[11] and Mr Newman. Sir Charles Wood has seen many
others connected with the City, and they have both made statements to
the Cabinet.
The general result is: That an unsound state of trade has prevailed
for some time.
More failures may be expected.[12]
The funds may fall still lower.
Any interference by Government in the way of issuing more notes might
postpone but would aggravate the distress.
The railway calls add much to the present difficulty.
No forcible interference with railways would be justifiable, but
a voluntary postponement of the execution of their Acts might be
proposed to Parliament.
It will be seen by this short summary that the persons who by official
position, practical experience, and much reflection are most capable
of giving an opinion think that little or nothing can be done by
Parliament or by Government.
It is one of those revulsions in trade which take place periodically,
increased in extent by the expansion of commerce, but controlled in
its operation by the sound principles of currency which have lately
prevailed.
The Act of 1844 is generally blamed, but without the least reason.
The accommodation afforded by the Bank has been large, liberal, and
continuous. The circulation of notes approaches nineteen millions.
Upon fully considering the difficulty of finding a person of ability
and experience to place at the head of the Poor Law Commission, Lord
John Russell has come to the conclusion that the best course he can
take is to propose to Mr Cobden to accept the Presidency with a seat
in the Cabinet, and to propose to the Duke of Bedford at the same time
a seat in the Cabinet without office.
Various reasons for making this offer to Mr Cobden will occur to your
Majesty. His ability, his popularity with the working classes, and his
knowledge of sound principles of political economy are undoubted. Sir
Robert Peel's tribute to him has raised him both on the Continent
and in this country, so that his presence in the Cabinet would give
satisfaction to many.
On the other hand, the landed nobility and gentry would be glad to see
the Duke of Bedford take part in the deliberations of the Government.
With your Majesty's permission Lord John Russell will propose these
arrangements to the Cabinet to-morrow.
He has sent for Mr Lee[13] to offer him the Bishopric of Manchester.
It is with great regret he states that Mr Stephen[14] is obliged from
ill health to retire from the Colonial Office. He has asked Lord Grey
to be made a Privy Councillor, having received an assurance from Lord
Stanley that Sir Robert Peel would propose it to your Majesty on his
retirement. Lord John Russell submits the proposal to your Majesty as
an honour due to Mr Stephen's long, able, and calumniated[15] public
services.
Lord John Russell has the honour to submit a letter of Lord
Clarendon's in reference to a Memorandum of His Royal Highness Prince
Albert.
Lord John Russell thinks that in the present state of affairs, the
abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy must not be thought of, and that
with the exception noticed by Lord Clarendon, the suggestions made by
the Prince would be the best measures for adoption, when that event
takes place.
It is possible the Prince may not have a copy of the Memorandum.
[Footnote 11: Afterwards Lord Overstone.]
[Footnote 12: There had been many failures in London,
Liverpool, and elsewhere.]
[Footnote 13: James Prince Lee, then Headmaster of King
Edward's School, Birmingham, Bishop of Manchester, 1847-1869.]
[Footnote 14: James Stephen, Under-Secretary for the
Colonies, 1836-1847, afterwards Professor of Modern History at
Cambridge.]
[Footnote 15: He had made enemies by supporting the abolition
of slavery.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th October 1847._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, bringing several
very important subjects before her. She regrets that the state of the
Money Market should still be so uncomfortable, but is sure that the
Government cannot by any interference do much to mend matters, though
it might easily render them still more complicated, and make itself
responsible for a crisis, which it has in no way either brought on or
been able to avert.[16]
As to Mr Cobden's appointment to the Poor Law Board, the Queen thinks
that he will be well qualified for the place in many respects, and
that it will be advantageous to the Government and the Country that
his talents should be secured to the service of the State, but the
elevation to the Cabinet directly from Covent Garden[17] strikes her
as a very sudden step, calculated to cause much dissatisfaction in
many quarters, and setting a dangerous example to agitators in general
(for his main reputation Mr Cobden gained as a successful agitator).
The Queen therefore thinks it best that Mr Cobden should first enter
the service of the Crown, serve as a public functionary in Parliament,
and be promoted subsequently to the Cabinet, which step will then
become a very natural one.
The Duke of Bedford's entrance into the Cabinet the Queen would see
with great pleasure.
The Queen returns the Prince's Memorandum to Lord John, whilst she has
retained Lord Clarendon's letter upon it, which the Prince is anxious
to keep if Lord John will allow him. The Queen must agree with Lord
John and Lord Clarendon that the present moment is not a favourable
one for the experiment of abolishing the Lord-Lieutenancy.
Mr Stephen's elevation to the Privy Council will be a very proper
reward for his long and faithful services. Would he not be a proper
person for one of the new Civil degrees of the Bath?[18]
[Footnote 16: Matters, however, became worse, and Lord John
Russell and Sir Charles Wood wrote recommending that the Bank
should enlarge their discounts and advances, for which they
would propose a bill of indemnity. By degrees the panic
subsided.]
[Footnote 17: Free Trade meetings had taken place in Covent
Garden Theatre.]
[Footnote 18: He was made a K.C.B.]
[Pageheading: ENGLAND'S FOREIGN POLICY]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th October 1847._
The Queen cannot resist drawing Lord John Russell's attention to the
enclosed paragraph taken from the _Revue des Deux Mondes_, which gives
an account of the late events in Spain. How little honourable our line
of policy appears according to this version, which the Queen is afraid
is so very plausible that it will be received as the truth by the
whole French public and a great part of the European public at large!
It is, no doubt, perverted, but still the Queen must admit that our
policy, and especially Mr Bulwer's conduct at Madrid, lays itself
open to similar construction. After the gross duplicity and immorality
which characterised the conduct of France with respect to the Spanish
marriages, though she had all the profit and we all the loss, still
we had a very strong position on the side of integrity, morality, and
honour. The Queen is afraid that the diplomatic intrigues and counter
intrigues at Madrid have made us lose daily more of that advantageous
position without _any_ compensation on the other side. The Queen
entreats Lord John Russell not to underrate the importance of keeping
our foreign policy beyond reproach. Public opinion is recognised as a
ruling power in our domestic affairs; it is not of less importance in
the society of Europe with reference to the conduct of an individual
state. To possess the _confidence_ of Europe is of the utmost
importance to this country. That is the reason why the Queen is
uneasy about our dealings in Greece, and anxious that we should not
be misunderstood with respect to Italy. The Queen is sorry to perceive
that the French complain of unfair dealing on our part with reference
to the negotiations in the River Plate.[19] Have they any right to do
so? Have Lord Howden's private instructions been at variance in any
way with the public instructions which had been agreed upon with the
French Government? The Queen would consider any advantage gained at
the expense of an ally as a loss.
[Footnote 19: Sir John Hobart Caradoc, second Lord Howden,
British Minister at Rio Janeiro, was, together with Count
Walewski, the French Minister there, engaged in a special
mission to the River Plate and Uruguay; Buenos Ayres was
blockaded by the British Fleet.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF SPAIN]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th October 1847._
The Queen has perused with eagerness Mr Bulwer's accounts of the late
extraordinary events in Spain, but must confess that she has in
vain looked for an explanation of the real motives and causes of the
crisis. Has Lord Palmerston received any private letters throwing more
light upon the matter? There seems to prevail the greatest mystery
about the affair. Is the Queen reconciled with her husband? Has she
sent for him? Have all the accounts of her hatred for Don Francisco
and the Queen-Mother been false? All these questions are unanswered.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF PORTUGAL]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _30th October 1847._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
many apologies to make for not having attended your Majesty's Council
to-day, and the more so as his absence arose from an inadvertence
which he is almost ashamed to mention. But having got on horseback
to ride to the station, with his thoughts occupied with some matters
which he was thinking of, he rode mechanically and in a fit of absence
to the Nine Elms Station,[20] and did not recollect his mistake till
he had got there; and although he made the best of his way afterwards
to the Paddington Station, he could not get there in time for any
train that would have taken him early enough to Windsor.
Viscount Palmerston received this morning your Majesty's remarks upon
his proposed drafts to Sir Hamilton Seymour, and has modified some of
the expressions in those drafts; but those drafts are only private
and confidential answers in his own name to private and confidential
communications from Sir Hamilton Seymour, and they express only his
own personal opinions, and not those of the Government.
Viscount Palmerston is sorry to say that the circumstances lately
mentioned by Sir Hamilton Seymour, coupled with the course pursued
at Lisbon almost ever since the successful interference of the Allied
Powers, have brought Viscount Palmerston to the painful convictions
expressed in the above-mentioned drafts, and he feels desirous, for
his own sake, to place those convictions at least upon record in this
Office. He will be most happy to find that he is mistaken, and will
most truly and heartily rejoice if events should prove that the
confidence which your Majesty reposes in the sincerity and good faith
of the Queen of Portugal is well founded; but in a matter of this
importance Viscount Palmerston feels that it is his bounden duty to
your Majesty not to conceal his opinions, even though they should,
as in the present case, unfortunately differ from those which your
Majesty entertains.
[Footnote 20: The former terminus of the London and
South-Western Railway.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st October 1847._
The Queen acknowledges Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday. She can
have no objections to Lord Palmerston's putting on record his opinion
that the Queen of Portugal is leaning to the Chartist Party, and
exposing herself, her Throne and country, to great danger by so
doing; but she would _much_ deprecate the putting on record the grave
accusation "that the Queen of Portugal is in a secret and perfect
understanding with the Cabrals,"[21] which is really not warranted by
the facts of the case, and is likely to mislead both our Government
and the Minister at Lisbon. Since the Queen wrote yesterday the Prince
received a letter from the King of Portugal (which he sent to Lord
Palmerston), and which quite explains the position and views of
the Court: we must not forget either that Sir Hamilton Seymour
acknowledges that a change of Ministry at this moment would provoke
a fresh Revolution at Lisbon. Although this would come from the
Cabralists, the Queen of Portugal very naturally may not feel inclined
to run that risk to avoid a danger the existence of which she does not
see or comprehend.
[Footnote 21: The Ministry in which Castro Cabral had been
Premier, and his brother, Jose, Minister of Justice, had
resigned in May 1846.]
[Pageheading: THE HAMPDEN CONTROVERSY]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _10th November 1847._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
after reflecting on the various reasons in favour of, and objections
against, different Bishops for promotion to the Archbishopric of York,
he humbly submits to your Majesty the name of Dr Musgrave, Bishop of
Hereford, to be appointed Archbishop of York. The Bishop of Hereford
is a man of sound information, good judgment, and business habits. It
is of such consequence to have an Archbishop of York, who will, like
the late Archbishop, avoid quarrels and crotchets, and live peaceably
with all men.
Should your Majesty approve, he would then submit the name of Dr
Hampden to be the new Bishop, and that of the Bishop of Oxford[22] as
Queen's Almoner.
[Footnote 22: Samuel Wilberforce.]
_The Bishop of Oxford to Mr Anson._
_16th November 1847._
MY DEAR ANSON,--I enclose you a letter from Lord John Russell,
offering me the Lord Almonership. I have ventured to write direct to
Her Majesty, to express to her my grateful feelings at this notice of
me. But I have been so afraid of offending by anything like freedom
of expression that I much fear I have instead said coldly and formally
what, if I had said it naturally, would have expressed the deepest and
most exuberant feelings of what I trust I may venture to say is not an
ungrateful heart. Ungrateful it would be most certainly if it did
not feel to its deepest core the uniform and great kindness I have
received now for so many years from Her Majesty and from the Prince. I
wish I could better show them my feelings....
You have read no doubt the _Times_ article on Dr Hampden. I am
afraid it is too true. I cannot conceive _what_ was Dr Hampden's
recommendation. He was not a persecuted man, for he had got a station
far higher than he ever dreamed of already; he is not an able, or
an active man, or one popular with any party, and unless Lord John
Russell wished for an opportunity of shocking the young confidence
of the Church in him, I cannot conceive why he should have made it.
I deeply lament it. Pray let me hear of your health, if it be only
a single line (to Cuddesdon), and believe me to be, ever your truly
affectionate,
S. OXON.
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S DESPATCHES]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
_17th November 1847._
The Queen has been struck by the concluding passage of the
accompanying draft to Mr Bulwer. It gives an official declaration of
the views of England with respect to a point of the greatest gravity
and importance, and upon which the Queen apprehends that the mind
of the Cabinet is not yet made up. The Queen herself has come to no
determination upon it, and it may involve the question of peace
or war. Surely our line of policy under future and uncertain
contingencies ought not to be pledged beforehand and in such an
indirect way. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to speak to Lord John
Russell upon the subject, and to show him the draft and these remarks
of the Queen upon it.
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _17th November 1847._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in
compliance with your Majesty's wishes he has omitted the whole of the
latter part of the proposed despatch to Mr Bulwer.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
(_Undated._)
The Queen has seen with surprise in the _Gazette_ the appointment of
Mr Corigan,[23] about which she must complain to Lord John Russell.
Not only had her pleasure not been taken upon it, but she had actually
mentioned to Lord Spencer that she had her doubts about the true
propriety of the appointment. Lord John will always have found the
Queen desirous to meet his views with regard to all appointments and
ready to listen to any reasons which he might adduce in favour of
his recommendations, but she must insist upon appointments in her
Household not being made _without_ her previous sanction, and least of
all such as that of a _Physician to her person_.
[Footnote 23: Dominic John Corigan, M.D.,
Physician-in-Ordinary to Her Majesty in Ireland.]
[Pageheading: SWITZERLAND]
[Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE KING OF PRUSSIA]
_The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria._
[_Translation._]
_25th November 1847._
... I hear with delight and thankfulness that it has pleased your
Majesty to agree to a Conference for regulating the dreadful Swiss
quarrels.[24] I took the liberty to propose my beloved and truly
amiable town of Neuchatel as the place for the Conference, not only
because its position in neutral territory and in Switzerland
herself qualifies it above every other place for that purpose, but
_particularly_ because this meeting of the representatives of the
great Powers there would protect it and the courageous and faithful
country of Neuchatel from indignities, spoliation, and all the
_horrors_ which oppress at this moment the unfortunate and far from
courageous Fribourg. I am afraid that your Majesty has not a full
appreciation of the people and the partisans who fill Switzerland
with murders and the miseries of the most abominable Civil War. Your
Majesty's happy realms have centuries ago passed through the "phase"
of such horrors, and with you the state of parties has been (as one
says here) grown in bottles,[25] under the glorious Constitution given
by God and History, but _not_ "made"; but there, in Switzerland, a
party is becoming victorious!!! which, notwithstanding the exercise
of Christian charity, can only be called "_Gottlos und Rechtlos_"
(without God and without right). For Germany, the saving of
Switzerland from the hands of the Radicals is _simply_ a _vital
question_. If they are victorious there, in Germany likewise torrents
of blood will flow; I will answer for that. The murder of Kings,
Priests, and Aristocrats is no empty sound with them, and Civil War in
song, writing, word, and deed, is their watchword. "Toute charite bien
entendue commence par soi-meme." So they begin with their own country,
true to this "Christian" (!) motto. If they are allowed to proceed,
surely they _won't stop there_. Thousands of emigrated malefactors
wait only for a sign (which their comrades and allies in Germany will
not be backward in giving) to pour forth beyond the German frontier.
In Germany the PEOPLE are just as little fond of them as they were in
Switzerland, but the experience of Switzerland teaches us that
that alone cannot stem their victorious march, if circumstances are
favourable to them. The German people rely upon their Governments, and
do nothing, but Governments are weakened by the modern Liberalism
(the precursor of Radicalism, as the dying of chickens precedes
the Cholera) and will have to take the consequences of their own
negligence. Notwithstanding people and princes, that godless band will
march through Germany, because, though small, it is strong through
being united and determined. All this I have pondered in my head and
heart (led, so to say, by the hand of History), and that has prompted
me now to propose that the German Confederation (which _en parenthese_
includes a population of more than forty millions) should appear
as one of the great Powers of Europe at the settlement of the Swiss
dispute, and should be admitted as such by the other great Powers.
_Would your Majesty do justice, and give_ PROTECTION _to this
idea_?...
F. W.
[Footnote 24: _See_ Introductory Note for the year, _ante_, p.
115.]
[Footnote 25: As old wine improves by being kept in bottles.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S REPLY]
_Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._
OSBORNE, _5th December 1847._
Since your letter was written events have followed each other so
rapidly that at this moment the war in Switzerland may be considered
as terminated; by the capitulations of the Cantons formerly
constituting the Sonderbund, _two_ parties, between which a mediation
of the great Powers could have taken place, have ceased to exist, and
consequently mediation and the Conference resulting from it are in
fact no longer necessary or possible. I had proposed London as
the place of conference, but should with pleasure have waived this
proposition to adopt the place which you have expressed a wish of
seeing fixed for that purpose, viz. Neuchatel, and I should have felt
truly happy if by so doing I could have met your wishes, and given
further protection to the principality against possible aggressions
on the part of the Federal Government of Switzerland. As matters
now stand, the only complication which might arise is that between
Neuchatel and the Diet. I have, in anticipation of any such event,
instructed Sir Stratford Canning to exert himself to his utmost to
dissuade the Diet from any plan of aggression on your territory, and
he has been furnished with an able and elaborate state paper for his
guidance, which Chevalier Bunsen had drawn up, discussing the legal
merits of the case. Should events prove that Sir S. Canning did
not arrive in time, or had not the power of averting a hostile step
against Neuchatel, you may rely upon my readiness at all times to
put my good offices at your disposal. Should a conference upon Swiss
affairs still become necessary, I conceive that the only plea upon
which the great Powers could meet in conference would be their having
guaranteed the independence and neutrality of Switzerland, and by
implication the Federal Compact amongst the Cantons. This has not been
the case with regard to the German Confederation, and I do not readily
see in consequence how the Confederation could be admitted into this
Conference, however much I confess I would like to see Germany take
her place amongst the Powers of Europe, to which her strength and
population fairly entitle her. I may say that my Government are
equally impressed with me with the importance of German unity and
strength and of this strength weighing in the balance of power
of Europe; I am sure that the English public generally share this
feeling, but I must not conceal from your Majesty that much would
depend upon the manner in which this power was represented. Much
as the English would like to see this power represented by the
enlightened councils of your Majesty, they would be animated with very
different feelings in seeing it in the hands of Prince Metternich ...
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _19th December 1847._
The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of several letters from
Lord John Russell. She was pleased to see that the Debates have been
brought to such a satisfactory conclusion, all the propositions of
the Government having passed with such good majorities. The Queen must
mention to Lord John that she was a little shocked at Sir Charles Wood
in his speech upon the Commission of Inquiry, designating the _future
Government_, and selecting Lord George Bentinck, Mr Disraeli(!), and
Mr Herries as the persons destined to hold _high offices_ in the next
Government.
The Bishops behave extremely ill about Dr Hampden, and the Bishop of
Exeter[26] is gone so far, in the Queen's opinion, that he might be
prosecuted for it, in calling the Act settling the supremacy on the
Crown a _foul act_ and _the Magna Charta of Tyranny_.
The Queen is glad to hear that Lord John is quite recovered. We are
going to Windsor the day after to-morrow.
[Footnote 26: Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, 1830-1869.]
[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
BROCKET HALL, _30th December 1847._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has
received with great pleasure your Majesty's letter of this morning,
and reciprocates with the most cordial heartiness your Majesty's good
wishes of the season, both for your Majesty and His Royal Highness.
Lord Melbourne is pretty well in health, perhaps rather better than he
has been, but low and depressed in spirits for a cause which has long
pressed upon his mind, but which he has never before communicated to
your Majesty. Lord Melbourne has for a long time found himself much
straitened in his pecuniary circumstances, and these embarrassments
are growing now every day more and more urgent, so that he dreads
before long that he shall be obliged to add another to the list of
failures and bankruptcies of which there have lately been so many.
This is the true reason why Lord Melbourne has always avoided the
honour of the Garter, when pressed upon him by his late Majesty
and also by your Majesty. Lord Melbourne knows that the expense of
accepting the blue ribbon amounts to L1000, and there has been of late
years no period at which it would not have been seriously inconvenient
to Lord Melbourne to lay down such a sum.[27]
[Footnote 27: The Queen, through the agency of Mr Anson,
advanced Lord Melbourne a considerable sum of money, which
seems to have been repaid at his death. Apparently Lord
Melbourne's declining health caused him to magnify his
difficulties. The report which Mr Anson made shows that he was
in no sense seriously embarrassed.]
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XVII
At the outset of the year 1848 great alarm was felt throughout England
at the supposed inadequacy of her defences, a panic being caused by
the indiscreet publication of a confidential letter from the Duke of
Wellington to Sir John Burgoyne, to the effect that in his judgment
the whole South Coast was open to invasion, and that there were no
means of opposing a hostile force. The Government turned its attention
to reconstructing the Militia, and raising the Income Tax for
the purpose. But the outlook was completely changed by the French
Revolution; Louis Philippe, who had just lost his sister and
counsellor, Madame Adelaide, impulsively abdicated, on a rising
taking place, and escaped with his family to this country. England and
Belgium were unaffected by the outburst of revolution which convulsed
Europe: the Emperor of Austria was forced to abdicate, and Metternich,
like Guizot, became a fugitive; Prussia was shaken to her foundation,
and throughout Germany the movement in favour of representative
institutions made rapid headway; a National Assembly for Germany was
constituted, and Schleswig was claimed as an integral part of the
German dominions. In Italy also the Revolution, though premature, was
serious. The Pope, not yet reactionary, declared war against Austria;
the Milanese rose against Radetzky, the Austrian Governor, and King
Charles Albert of Sardinia marched to their assistance. A republic was
proclaimed in Venice, but these successes were afterwards nullified,
and a Sicilian rising against Ferdinand II. of Naples was suppressed.
In France the revolutionary movement held steadily on its course, a
National Assembly was elected, and national workshops established;
Louis Bonaparte, who had been a fugitive in England, was allowed
to return, and was elected President of the Republic by an immense
majority of the popular vote.
The friends of Revolution had no success in England; a very serious
riot at Glasgow was dispersed, and the meeting convened by Feargus
O'Connor for the 10th of April on Kennington Common, which was to
carry a huge petition in favour of the People's Charter to the House
of Commons, proved a ridiculous _fiasco_. Ireland was much disturbed
during the year by what was known as the Young Ireland agitation,
a movement organised by youthful, and for the most part cultivated,
leaders, and utterly different from the sturdy Repeal movement
of O'Connell. Smith O'Brien, brother of Lord Inchiquin, was the
ringleader, and was backed by Mitchel, Duffy, Meagher, and others,
as well as by the _Nation_ and _United Irishman_ newspapers. Like
Chartism, the movement ignominiously collapsed and its leaders were
convicted of treason. An Act was at the same time passed reducing
some offences (till then legally defined as treason) to felonies, and
improving the law as to offences against the person of the Sovereign.
The treacherous murder of two Englishmen in the Punjab led to
operations against the Sikhs, Lord Dalhousie--who had recently
become Viceroy--after some hesitation, reinforcing Lord Gough, the
Commander-in-Chief, and proceeding in person to the frontier; a
British force sustained a reverse at Ramnuggur on 22nd November, and a
decisive result was not arrived at till 1849.
In South Africa, a proclamation by Sir Harry Smith, the Governor of
the Cape of Good Hope, extending British sovereignty over the country
between the Orange and Vaal rivers, led to a collision with the Boers,
and ultimately to the founding of the Transvaal State. Sir Harry Smith
defeated the Boers on the 29th of August at Boom Platz.