1845
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th January 1845._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--What you say about Aquila[1] and Montpensier
interests me. What madness is it then to force Trapani on Spain! Pray
explain to me the cause of the King's obstinacy about that Spanish
marriage, for _no_ country has a right to dictate in that way to
another. If Tatane[2] was _to think_ of the Infanta, England would be
extremely indignant, and would (and with right) consider it tantamount
to a marriage with the Queen herself. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 1: Louis Charles, Comte d'Aquila, a son of Francis
I., King of the Two Sicilies, and brother of the Comte de
Trapani and of Queen Christina; he and his brother were
therefore uncles of Queen Isabella.]
[Footnote 2: The Duc de Montpensier.]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _18th January 1845._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... The Spanish marriage question is really very
curious; in fact, all the other Bourbon branches are hostile to the
Orleans family, but the idea that makes the King so constant in his
views about it, is that he imagines it would create in France a bad
impression if _now_ any other than a Bourbon was to marry the Queen of
Spain. That feeling they have _themselves created_, as in France
they did not at all care about it; having, however, declared _quasi_
officially in the French Chambers that they _will not have any but
a Bourbon_, if circumstances should after all decide it otherwise it
would now be a defeat, but certainly one of their own making.... Your
devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th January 1845._
...The feeling of loyalty in this country is happily _very_ strong,
and wherever we show ourselves we are most heartily and warmly
received, and the civilities and respect shown to us by those we visit
is _most_ satisfactory. I mention merely a trifling instance to show
_how_ respectful they are--the Duke of Buckingham, who is immensely
proud, bringing the cup of coffee after dinner on a waiter to Albert
himself. And everywhere my dearest Angel receives the respect and
honours I receive.
Many thanks for returning the list;[3] it was not Albert but _Tatane_
who made the black crosses. Are not "Les 3 Mousquetaires," by Dumas,
and "Arthur," by Eugene Sue, _readable_ for _me_?
Now adieu, dearest, best Uncle. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 3: A list of French books which the Queen was
proposing to read.]
[PAGEHEADING: STATE OF BUCKINGHAM PALACE]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._
PAVILION, _10th February 1845._
Though the Queen knows that Sir Robert Peel has already turned his
attention to the urgent necessity of doing something to Buckingham
Palace, the Queen thinks it right to recommend this subject herself to
his serious consideration. Sir Robert is acquainted with the state of
the Palace and the total want of accommodation for our little family,
which is fast growing up. Any building must necessarily take some
years before it can be safely inhabited. If it were to be begun this
autumn, it could hardly be occupied before the spring of 1848, when
the Prince of Wales would be nearly seven, and the Princess Royal
nearly eight years old, and they cannot possibly be kept in the
nursery any longer. A provision for this purpose ought, therefore, to
be made this year. Independent of this, most parts of the Palace are
in a sad state, and will ere long require a further outlay to render
them _decent_ for the occupation of the Royal Family or any visitors
the Queen may have to receive. A room, capable of containing a larger
number of those persons whom the Queen has to invite in the course
of the season to balls, concerts, etc., than any of the present
apartments can at once hold, is much wanted. Equally so, improved
offices and servants' rooms, the want of which puts the departments
of the household to great expense yearly. It will be for Sir Robert to
consider whether it would not be best to remedy all these deficiencies
at once, and to make use of this opportunity to render the exterior of
the Palace such as no longer to be a _disgrace_ to the country, which
it certainly now is. The Queen thinks the country would be better
pleased to have the question of the Sovereign's residence in London
so finally disposed of, than to have it so repeatedly brought before
it.[4]
[Footnote 4: Peel replied that, as a renewal of the Income Tax
was about to be proposed, it would be better to postpone the
application to Parliament till the public feeling as to the
tax had been ascertained.]
[PAGEHEADING: TITLE OF KING CONSORT]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._
PAVILION, _18th February 1845._
The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel's letter, and is glad that the
progress in the House of Commons was so satisfactory.
The Queen was much hurt at Mr Borthwick's most impertinent manner of
putting the question with respect to the title of King Consort, and
much satisfied with Sir Robert's answer.[5] The title of King is
open assuredly to many difficulties, and would perhaps be no _real_
advantage to the Prince, but the Queen is positive that something must
at once be done to place the Prince's position on a constitutionally
recognised footing, and to give him a title adequate to that
position.[6] _How_ and _when_, are difficult questions....
[Footnote 5: A paragraph had appeared in the _Morning
Chronicle_, giving credence to a rumour that this title was
about to be conferred on the Prince, but, in answer to Mr
Peter Borthwick, Sir Robert Peel positively contradicted it.]
[Footnote 6:
_Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._
WHITEHALL, _15th February 1845._
SIR,--I received yesterday the accompanying note from Mr
Borthwick, and in conformity with the notice therein given,
he put the question to me in the House of Commons last evening
respecting the paragraph which appeared in the _Morning
Chronicle_ respecting the intention of proposing to Parliament
that your Royal Highness should assume the title of King
Consort.
I very much regret that the _Morning Chronicle_ inserted that
paragraph.
The prominent place assigned to it in the newspaper, and a
vague intimation that there was some authority for it, have
caused a certain degree of credit to be attached to it. It has
been copied into all the country newspapers and has given rise
to a good deal of conjecture and speculation, which it is far
from desirable to excite without necessity.
It appears to me that the editor of the _Morning Chronicle_
acted most unwarrantably in inserting such a paragraph with a
pretence of some sort of authority for it.
It has produced an impression which strongly confirms the
observations which I took the liberty of making to your Royal
Highness on Sunday evening.
I trust, however, that my decided contradiction of the
paragraph will put a stop to further surmise and discussion on
the subject.
To Mr Borthwick's note I add one of several letters
addressed to me, which shows the proneness to speculate upon
constitutional novelties.
I have the honour to be, Sir, with sincere respect, your Royal
Highness's most faithful and obedient Servant,
ROBERT PEEL.]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th March 1845._
The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel's box containing his
recommendation relative to the filling up of the vacant Bishopric of
Ely. The Queen quite approves of the present Dean of Westminster[7]
as the new Bishop. As Sir Robert has asked the Queen whether she
would like to see Archdeacon Wilberforce succeed to the Deanery of
Westminster in case the Dean should accept the Bishopric, she must say
that such an arrangement would be _very satisfactory_ to us, and the
Queen believes would highly please the Archdeacon. This would again
vacate, the Queen believes, a stall at Winchester, which she would
like to see filled by a person decidedly adverse to Puseyism.
The Queen approves of the Bishop of Lichfield[8] being transferred to
the See of Ely in case Doctor Turton should decline it.
It would give the Queen much pleasure to stand sponsor to Sir Robert
Peel's little grandson, and perhaps Sir Robert would communicate this
to Lady Villiers.
[Footnote 7: Dr Thomas Turton (1780-1864), formerly Dean of
Peterborough.]
[Footnote 8: John Lonsdale (1788-1867) was Bishop of Lichfield
from 1843 till his death.]
[Pageheading: PURCHASE OF OSBORNE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th March 1845._
... I copied what you wrote me about Peel[9] in a letter I wrote him,
which I am sure will please him much, and a Minister in these days
_does_ require a little encouragement, for the abuse and difficulties
they have to contend with are dreadful. Peel works so hard and has so
much to do, that sometimes he says he does not know _how_ he is to get
through it all!
You will, I am sure, be pleased to hear that we have succeeded in
purchasing _Osborne_ in the Isle of Wight,[10] and if we can manage
it, we shall probably run down there before we return to Town, for
three nights. It sounds so snug and nice to have a place of _one's
own_, quiet and retired, and free from all Woods and Forests, and
other charming Departments who really are the plague of one's life.
Now, dearest Uncle, adieu. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 9: See Peel's reply, _Life of the Prince Consort_,
chap. xiii.]
[Footnote 10: The purchase was suggested by Sir Robert Peel.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd April 1845._
The Queen had intended to have written to Lord Melbourne from Osborne
to thank him for his last note of the 19th, but we were so occupied,
and so delighted with _our new_ and really delightful _home_, that
she hardly had time for anything; besides which the weather was so
beautiful, that we were out almost all day. The Queen refers Lord
Melbourne to Mr Anson for particulars of the new property, which is
very extensive, as she is not at all competent to explain about
acres, etc. But she thinks it is impossible to imagine a prettier
spot--valleys and woods which would be beautiful anywhere; but all
this near the sea (the woods grow into the sea) is quite perfection;
we have a charming beach quite to ourselves. The sea was so blue and
calm that the Prince said it was like Naples. And then we can walk
about anywhere by ourselves without being followed and mobbed, which
Lord Melbourne will easily understand is delightful. And last, not
least, we have Portsmouth and Spithead so close at hand, that we shall
be able to watch what is going on, which will please the Navy, and be
hereafter very useful for our boys.
The Children are all well. The Queen has just had a lithograph made
after a little drawing which she did herself of the three eldest, and
which she will send Lord Melbourne with some Eau de Cologne.
Fanny and Lord Jocelyn dined here last night; she is looking very
well, and he seems much pleased at being in office, and being
employed.
The Queen hopes Lord Melbourne is enjoying this fine weather, and here
concludes with the Prince's kind remembrance.
[Pageheading: THE MAYNOOTH GRANT]
[Pageheading: RELIGIOUS BIGOTRY]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th April 1845._
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Here we are in a great state of agitation about one
of the greatest measures ever proposed;[11] I am sure poor Peel ought
to be _blessed by_ all Catholics for the manly and noble way in
which he stands forth to protect and do good to poor Ireland. But
the bigotry, the wicked and blind passions it brings forth is quite
dreadful, and I blush for Protestantism![12] A Presbyterian clergyman
said very truly, "_Bigotry_ is more _common than shame_...."
[Footnote 11: The Bill to increase the grant to the Roman
Catholic College of Maynooth was carried by Peel in the teeth
of opposition from half his party: another measure was passed
to establish colleges for purely secular teaching ("godless
colleges" they were nicknamed) in Cork, Belfast, and Galway,
and affiliate them to a new Irish university.]
[Footnote 12: As Macaulay had said during the previous night's
debate: "The Orangeman raises his war whoop, Exeter Hall sets
up its bray, Mr Macneile shudders to see more costly cheer
than ever provided for the priests of Baal at the table of
the Queen, and the Protestant operatives of Dublin call for
impeachments in exceedingly bad English."]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd April 1845._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Our Maynooth Bill is through the second reading. I
think, if you read Sir Robert's admirable speeches, you will see how
good his plan is. The _Catholics_ are quite delighted at it--full
of gratitude, and behave extremely well; but the Protestants behave
shockingly, and display a narrow-mindedness and want of sense on the
subject of religion which is quite a disgrace to the nation. The case
of Austria, France, etc., cannot be compared to this, as _this_ is a
_Protestant_ country, while the others are Catholic; and I think it
would never do to support a Roman Catholic Church with money belonging
to the Protestant Church. The Protestant Establishment in Ireland
must remain untouched, but let the Roman Catholic Clergy be well and
handsomely educated.
The Duc de Broglie[13] dined with us last night; his _travaux_ are
going on satisfactorily; he asked when you were coming, and said you
were "_beaucoup Anglais et un peu Francais_," which is true, I think.
With Albert's affectionate respects, believe me always, your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 13: Achille Charles, Duc de Broglie, ex-Minister of
Foreign Affairs.]
_Mr Goulburn[14] to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _30th April 1845._
Mr Goulburn submits with his humble duty to your Majesty that several
representations have been made to the Treasury as to the convenience
which the public would derive from the circulation of silver
threepenny-pieces. Such pieces are lawfully current under your
Majesty's Proclamation of the 5th July 1838. But as such pieces have
been hitherto reserved as your Majesty's Maundy money, and as such
especially belong to your Majesty's service, Mr Goulburn considers
that a coinage of them for general use could not take place without a
particular signification of your Majesty's pleasure.
Mr Goulburn therefore humbly submits for your Majesty's gracious
consideration the signification of your Majesty's pleasure as to the
issue of such a coinage.
[Footnote 14: Chancellor of the Exchequer.]
[Pageheading: PUBLIC EXECUTIONS]
_Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _13th May 1845._
Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to lay before your Majesty
the enclosed Memorial.
The proceedings in Newgate on the occasion of the last condemned
sermon and on the morning of the execution have been fully
investigated;[15] and the report established the necessity of
legislative interference to prevent the recurrence of scenes so
disgraceful and demoralising. The policy of depriving capital
executions of their present publicity is well worthy of careful
revision; and Sir James Graham, in obedience to your Majesty's desire,
will bring the subject under the notice of his colleagues. He is
disposed to think that the sentence might be carried into execution in
the presence of a Jury to be summoned by the Sheriff with good effect;
and that the great body of idle spectators might be excluded, without
diminishing the salutary terror and awful warning which this extreme
punishment is intended to produce on the public mind. In dealing,
however, with a matter in which the community has so deep an interest,
it is prudent not to violate public opinion, and caution is necessary
before a change of the long-established usage is proposed.[16]
Sir James Graham deeply regrets the part taken by the newspapers in
seeking to indulge the general curiosity with respect to all details
of the conduct, habits, and demeanour of these wretched criminals in
their last moments; but he fears that the license of the Press cannot
be checked by any act of authority; if the public be excluded from
witnessing the executions, they will probably become still more
anxious to obtain a printed report of all that has taken place; and
Sir James Graham is so thoroughly convinced that the punishment of
death in certain cases must be maintained, that he would consider any
course inexpedient which was likely to lead the public to desire the
remission of capital executions in all cases without exception....
J. R. G. GRAHAM.
[Footnote 15: The attraction these executions had for the
general public was at this time a great scandal.]
[Footnote 16: Public executions were abolished in 1868.]
[Pageheading: A BIRTHDAY LETTER]
[Pageheading: THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _21st May 1845._
MY DEAREST AND MOST BELOVED VICTORIA,--Receive my sincerest and most
heartfelt good wishes on the happy reappearance of your birthday. I
need not dwell on my sentiments of devotion to you; they began with
_your life, and will only end with mine_. The only claim I make is to
be remembered with some little affection. Thank heaven, I have little
to wish you, than that your present happiness may not be disturbed,
and that those who are dear to you may be preserved for your
happiness.
My gift is Charlotte's portrait. The face is extremely like, and the
likest that exists; the hair is a little too fair, it had become
also darker. I take this opportunity to repeat that Charlotte was a
noble-minded and highly gifted creature. She was nervous, as all
the family have been; she could be violent, but then she was full
of repentance for it, and her disposition _highly generous_ and
_susceptible_ of _great devotion_.
I am the more bound to say this, as I understood that you had some
notion that she had been _very imperious_, and not mistress of her
temper. Before her marriage some people by dint of flattery had tried
to give her masculine tastes; and in short had pushed her to become
one day a sort of Queen Elizabeth. These sentiments were already
a little modified before her marriage. But she was particularly
determined to be a _good_ and _obedient_ wife; some of her friends
were anxious she should _not_; amongst these Madame de Flahaut must be
mentioned _en premiere ligne_.
This became even a subject which severed the intimacy between them.
Madame de Flahaut, much older than Charlotte, and of a sour and
determined character, had gained an influence which partook on
Charlotte's part a little of fear. She was afraid of her, but when
once supported took courage.
People were much struck on the 2nd of May 1816 at Carlton House with
the clearness and firmness with which she pronounced "_and obey_,"
etc., as there had been a _general belief_ that it would be _for the
husband_ to give _these promises_. The Regent put me particularly on
my guard, and said, "If you don't resist she will govern you with a
high hand." Your own experience has convinced you that real affection
changes many sentiments that may have been implanted into the mind of
a young girl. With Charlotte it was the more meritorious, as from a
very early period of her life she was considered as the heiress of the
Crown; the Whigs flattered her extremely, and later, when she got by
my intervention reconciled to the Tories, they also made great efforts
to please her.
Her understanding was extremely good; she knew everybody, and I even
afterwards found her judgment generally extremely correct. _She had
read a great deal and knew well what she had read._ Generous she was
almost _too much_, and her _devotion_ was quite affecting, from a
character so much pushed to be selfish and imperious.
I will here end my souvenir of poor dear Charlotte, but I thought
that the subject could not but be interesting to you. Her constancy in
wishing to marry me, which she maintained under difficulties of every
description, has been the foundation of all that touched the family
afterwards. You know, I believe, that your poor father was the chief
promoter, though also the Yorks were; but our correspondence from 1814
till 1816 was entirely carried on through his kind intervention; it
would otherwise have been impossible, as she was really treated as a
sort of prisoner. Grant always to that good and generous Charlotte,
who sleeps already with her beautiful little boy so long, where all
will go to, an affectionate remembrance, and believe me she deserves
it.
Forgive my long letter, and see in it, what it really is, a token of
the great affection I have for you. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your
devoted Uncle.
LEOPOLD R.
_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th June 1845._
The Queen understands that the Deanery of Worcester has become vacant
by some new arrangement. Believing that Sir Robert's brother, Mr John
Peel, has a fair claim to such preferment, but being afraid that Sir
Robert would perhaps hesitate to recommend him on account of his near
relationship to him, the Queen wishes to offer herself this Deanery
through Sir Robert to his brother.
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th June 1845._
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, hastens to
acknowledge your Majesty's most kind and considerate communication,
and to express his grateful acknowledgments for it.
He must, in justice to his brother, assure your Majesty that he never
has expressed, and probably never would express, a wish to Sir Robert
Peel on the subject of preferment in the Church.
Sir Robert Peel might have hesitated to bring the name of one so
nearly connected with him under the notice of your Majesty, but as his
brother was highly distinguished in his academical career at Oxford,
and is greatly respected for the discharge of every professional
duty, Sir Robert Peel could not feel himself justified in offering an
impediment to the fulfilment of your Majesty's gracious intentions in
his favour, if, when the vacancy shall have actually occurred in the
Deanery of Worcester, no superior claim should be preferred.[17]
[Footnote 17: Dean Peel lived till 1875.]
[Pageheading: AUSTRALIAN WINE]
_Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _10th July 1845._
Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, submits to your Majesty a despatch
just received from the Governor of South Australia, enclosing the
letter of a settler in the province, Mr Walter Duffield, who is
anxious to be allowed the honour of offering for your Majesty's
acceptance a case of the first wine which has been made in the colony.
Lord Stanley will not venture to answer for the quality of the
vintage; but as the wine has been sent over with a loyal and dutiful
feeling, and the importer, as well as the colonists in general, might
feel hurt by a refusal of his humble offering, he ventures to hope
that he may be permitted to signify, through the Governor, your
Majesty's gracious acceptance of the first sample of a manufacture
which, if successful, may add greatly to the resources of this young
but now thriving colony.
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant
and Subject,
STANLEY.
[Pageheading: THE KING OF HOLLAND]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _29th July 1845._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your very kind little
note of the 26th. As Albert writes to you about the King of Holland's
visit[18] I will say but little, except that it really went off
wonderfully well in our little house. We took him a sail in the
_Victoria and Albert_ on Saturday, which he admired amazingly, and
after luncheon he went away, Albert taking him over to Gosport. He
intends, I believe, to come here one morning for luncheon to take
leave. He is grown old, and has lost all his front teeth, but he is as
talkative and lively as he used to be, and seems very happy to be in
England again. He was very anxious that we should pay him a visit this
year, but was quite satisfied when we told him that this year it was
impossible, but that we hoped some other time to do so. He was much
struck at seeing me now independent and unembarrassed, and talking;
as when he was here in 1836[19] I was extremely crushed and kept
under and hardly dared say a word, so that he was quite astonished.
He thought me grown. Believe me, always, dearest Uncle, your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 18: This visit lasted ten days, and included a visit
to Goodwood races and a review of the Household troops in Hyde
Park. His Majesty was also appointed a Field-Marshal.]
[Footnote 19: _Ante_, vol. i. p. 47. He was then Prince of
Orange, and succeeded his father, who abdicated in his favour
in 1840.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._
OSBORNE, _31st July 1845._
The Queen thanks Lord Melbourne very much for his last kind letter of
the 11th, by which she was truly rejoiced to see he was better. We are
comfortably and peacefully established here since the 19th, and derive
the greatest benefit, pleasure, and satisfaction from our little
possession here. The dear Prince is constantly occupied in directing
the many necessary improvements which are to be made, and in watching
our new house, which is a constant interest and amusement. We are most
anxiously waiting for the conclusion of the Session that we may set
off on our much-wished-for journey to Germany. The Queen is extremely
sorry to leave England without seeing Lord Melbourne, and without
having seen him all this season; but something or other always
prevented us from seeing Lord Melbourne each time we hoped to do so.
We only return the night before the Prorogation and embark that same
day. We have the children here. We went to the Undercliff--Ventnor,
Bonchurch, etc.--on Monday, and were much delighted with all we saw.
We had a visit from the King of Holland last week, who is grown old,
but otherwise just the same as he used to be.
The Queen joins with Lord Melbourne in unfeigned satisfaction at the
success of the Irish measures, after so much factious opposition. Lord
Grey's death[20] will have shocked Lord Melbourne, as it has us. Poor
Lord Dunmore's death is a very shocking event. The Prince wishes to be
most kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne.
[Footnote 20: Charles, second Earl Grey, had been Prime
Minister, 1830-1834.]
[Pageheading: THE SOVEREIGN'S ABSENCE]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _6th August 1845._
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that in the course of a long speech
made by Lord John Russell last night, reviewing the policy of the
Government and the proceedings of the Session, Lord John expressed
himself strongly on the subject of your Majesty's absence from
the country, without provision made for the exercise of the Royal
authority by the appointment of Lords Justices.
Sir Robert Peel thinks it very probable that a motion will be made
upon the subject in the course of the next Session--particularly in
the event of any occurrence during your Majesty's absence, which might
cause public inconvenience from the want of immediate access to the
Royal authority, or compel any assumption of power on the part of your
Majesty's servants of a questionable character.
The present Law Officers of the Crown were rather startled at the
intention of departing from the precedent of George IV.'s reign, on
seeing the legal opinions of their predecessors; they did not differ
from the _legal_ doctrines laid down by them, but were not very well
satisfied on the point of discretion and policy.
Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to state to your Majesty
what has passed on this subject, and to apprize your Majesty of the
possibility of a question being hereafter raised in Parliament upon
it.
Sir Robert Peel thinks that in the case of a short absence, and
a distance not precluding easy and rapid communication with your
Majesty, the appointment of Lords Justices may be dispensed with; but
he is humbly of opinion that were the distance greater or the period
of absence longer than that contemplated by your Majesty, the reasons
for the nomination of Lords Justices would preponderate.
Should the subject be again mentioned in Parliament and a direct
question be put upon it, Sir Robert Peel will, of course, assume
the entire responsibility for the non-appointment of Lords Justices;
vindicating the departure from the precedent of George IV. on the
ground of the shorter period of absence and the more easy means of
communication.[21]...
[Footnote 21: The Queen was accompanied by a Secretary of
State (Lord Aberdeen), so that an act of State could be
performed as well abroad as at home; see _Life of the Prince
Consort_, vol. i. p. 272.]
[Pageheading: VISIT TO THE CHATEAU D'EU]
[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir Robert Peel._
CHATEAU D'EU, _8th September 1845._
MY DEAR PEEL,--We left Antwerp very early yesterday morning, and
anchored for a few hours off Flushing.[22] We passing down the Channel
during the night, and as the weather was perfectly bright and fine,
found ourselves off Treport before nine o'clock this morning. The King
came off to the yacht, and took the Queen in his barge to land. I need
not say how joyfully she was received by all the Royal Family.
Although I shall have opportunities, both this evening and to-morrow
morning, of speaking again with the King and Guizot, I have already
discussed several subjects with each of them; and as the Queen
particularly desires to send a messenger this evening, I will give you
some notion of what has passed between us.
I think the marriage of the Queen of Spain is the subject on which the
greatest interest is felt at this moment. It was the first introduced,
both by the King and Guizot, and treated by both in the same manner.
They said, that having promised to support the King of Naples, they
were bound not to abandon the Count de Trapani, so long as there was a
chance of his being successful in his suit. I said in answer to
their desire, that we would assist this arrangement, that we had no
objection to Count Trapani, and that we would take no part against
him; but unless it should be the decided wish of the Spanish
Government and people, we could give no support to the marriage, as we
were honestly of opinion that it was not desired in Spain, and that
we saw nothing in the proposal to call for our support under these
circumstances. Both the King and Guizot said they had no objection to
the Duke of Saville[23] (Don Enrique), and that if it should be found
that Count Trapani was impossible, they would willingly support him.
With respect to the Infanta, they both declared in the most positive
and explicit manner, that _until the Queen was married and had
children_, they should consider the Infanta precisely as her sister,
and that any marriage with a French Prince would be entirely out of
the question. The King said he did not wish that his son should have
the prospect of being on the throne of Spain; but that if the Queen
had children, by whom the succession would be secured, he did not
engage to preclude himself from the possibility of profiting by the
great inheritance which the Infanta would bring his son. All this,
however, was uncertain, and would require time at all events to
accomplish; for I distinctly understood, that it was not only a
marriage and a child, but _children, that were necessary to secure the
succession_.
I thought this was as much as we could desire at present, and that the
policy of a marriage with a French Prince might safely be left to be
considered whenever the contingency contemplated should arrive. Many
things may happen, both in France and Spain, in the course of a few
years to affect this question in a manner not now apparent.
ABERDEEN.
[Footnote 22: Parliament was prorogued on the 9th of August,
and the Queen and Prince sailed in the evening for Antwerp
in the Royal yacht. Sir Theodore Martin gives a very full
description of the visit to Coburg. The Queen was especially
delighted with the Rosenau and Reinhardtsbrunn. On the morning
of the 8th of September the yacht, which had left the Scheldt
on the previous evening, arrived at Treport, and a second
visit was paid to the King and Queen of the French at the
Chateau d'Eu.]
[Footnote 23: Younger son of Don Francisco de Paula, and first
cousin to Queen Isabella, both through his father and his
mother.]
[Pageheading: CHURCH APPOINTMENTS]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
OSBORNE, _15th September 1845._
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to
acquaint your Majesty that there remains the sum of L700 to be applied
in the current year to the grant of Civil List Pensions.
Sir Robert Peel humbly recommends to your Majesty that another sum
of L200 should be offered to Mr Tennyson, a poet of whose powers of
imagination and expression many competent judges think most highly.
He was brought under the notice of Sir Robert Peel by Mr Hallam. His
pecuniary circumstances are far from being prosperous.
There is a vacancy in the Deanery of Lincoln, but the preferment is
less eligible from there being no residence, and the necessity for
building one at the immediate expense of the new Dean.
Sir Robert Peel is inclined to recommend to your Majesty that an
offer of this preferment should be made to Mr Ward, the Rector of St
James's.
Should Mr Ward decline, there is a clergyman of the name of
Maurice,[24] of whom the Archbishop says: "Of unbeneficed London
clergy there is no one, I believe, who is so much distinguished by his
learning and literary talent as the Rev. Frederick Maurice, Chaplain
of St Guy's Hospital. His private character is equally estimable."
Should Mr Ward decline[25] the Deanery it might, should your Majesty
approve of it, be offered to Mr Maurice. The Archbishop says that the
appointment of Mr Maurice would be very gratifying to the _King of
Prussia_.
[Footnote 24: Frederick Denison Maurice (1805-1872), the
friend of Kingsley, afterwards Chaplain of St. Peter's, Vere
Street.]
[Footnote 25: Mr Ward accepted the Deanery.]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
ST CLOUD, _10th October 1845._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... All you say about our dear Albert, whom
I love like my own child, is perfectly true. The attacks, however
unjust, have but one advantage, that of showing the points the enemy
thinks _weakest_ and best calculated to hurt. This, being the case,
Anson, without boring A. with _daily_ accounts which in the end
become very irksome, should pay attention to these very points, and
contribute to avoid what may be turned to account by the enemy.
To hope to _escape_ censure and calumny is next to impossible, but
whatever is considered by the enemy as a fit subject for attack is
better modified or avoided. The dealings with artists, for instance,
require great prudence; they are acquainted with all classes of
society, and for that very reason dangerous; they are hardly _ever
satisfied_, and when you have too much to do with them, you are sure
to have _des ennuis_.... Your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Pageheading: LORD METCALFE]
_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _2nd November 1845._
The Queen has read with great concern Lord Stanley's letter of the
1st November. From private information she had been led to expect that
Lord Metcalfe would not be able to continue at his irksome post.[26]
He will be an immense loss, and the selection of a successor will be
most difficult. The Queen hopes that there will not be too great a
delay in making the new appointment, as experience has shown that
nothing was more detrimental to the good government of Canada than the
last interregnum after Sir Charles Bagot's death; it would certainly
likewise be desirable that Lord Metcalfe should be able personally
to make over his Government to his successor, whom he could verbally
better put in possession of the peculiarities of his position than
any instructions could do. It strikes the Queen to be of the _greatest
importance_, that the judicious system pursued by Lord Metcalfe (and
which, after a long continuation of toil and adversities, only
now just begins to show its effect) should be followed up by his
successor.
The Queen knows nobody who would be as fit for the appointment as Lord
Elgin, who seems to have given great satisfaction in Jamaica, where he
has already succeeded Lord Metcalfe, whose original appointment there
had _likewise_ taken place under circumstances of great difficulty,
which his prudence and firmness finally overcame.[27]
[Footnote 26: He retired from the Governor-Generalship of
Canada through ill-health.]
[Footnote 27: Lord Stanley, in reply, submitted a private
letter from Lord Elgin, expressing a wish to return home; Earl
Cathcart was provisionally appointed Governor-General.]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._
OSBORNE, _28th November 1845._
The Queen is very sorry to hear that Sir Robert Peel apprehends
further differences of opinion in the Cabinet, at a moment of
impending calamity; it is more than ever necessary that the Government
should be strong and united.
The Queen thinks the time is come when a removal of the restrictions
upon the importation of food cannot be successfully resisted. Should
this be Sir Robert's own opinion, the Queen very much hopes that none
of his colleagues will prevent him from doing what it is _right_ to
do.
[Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _4th December 1845._
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave
to acquaint your Majesty that a leading paragraph in the _Times_ of
to-day, asserting that your Majesty's servants had unanimously agreed
to an immediate and total repeal of the Corn Laws, is quite without
foundation.[28]
[Footnote 28: See _Memoirs of the Life of Henry Reeve_, vol.
i. p. 175, for Lord Dufferin's refutation of the story that
Sidney Herbert confided the secret to Mrs Norton, and that she
sold it to the _Times_. The story has obtained a wide currency
through Mr Meredith's _Diana of the Crossways_. Lord Stanmore,
in his _Life of Sidney Herbert_, substantially attributes
the communication to Lord Aberdeen, but does not give the
details.]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._[29]
WHITEHALL, _5th December 1845._
(_Friday evening._)
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will
wait upon your Majesty to-morrow evening, leaving London by the
half-past twelve train.
Sir Robert Peel will avail himself of your Majesty's kind proposal to
remain at Osborne until Monday morning.
He will come to Osborne with a heart full of gratitude and devotion to
your Majesty, but with a strong conviction (all the grounds for which
he will, with your Majesty's permission, explain to your Majesty) that
in the present state of affairs, he can render more service to your
Majesty and to the country in a private than in a public station.
[Footnote 29: Peel reported to the Queen the Cabinet
discussions on the Corn Law question. The Queen wrote that
the news caused her much uneasiness, and that she felt certain
that her Minister would not leave her at a moment of such
difficulty, and when a crisis was impending.]
[Pageheading: CABINET DISSENSIONS]
[Pageheading: INTERVIEW WITH PEEL]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
OSBORNE, _7th December 1845._
On receiving the preceding letter[30] ... we were, of course, in great
consternation. Yesterday Sir Robert Peel arrived here and explained
the condition of affairs.
[Footnote 30: From Sir Robert Peel, 5th December, _ante._]
On 1st November he had called his Cabinet, and placed before its
members the reports of the Irish Commissioners, Dr Buckland, Dr
Playfair and Dr Lindley, on the condition of the potato crop, which
was to the effect that the half of the potatoes were ruined by the
rot, and that no one could guarantee the remainder. Belgium, Holland,
Sweden, and Denmark, in which states the potato disease had likewise
deprived the poorer class of its usual food, have immediately taken
energetic means, and have opened the harbours, bought corn, and
provided for the case of a rise of prices. Sir Robert proposed the
same thing for England, and, by opening the ports, a preparation for
the abolition of the Corn Laws. His colleagues refused, and of the
whole Cabinet only Lord Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and Mr Sidney
Herbert voted with him. Sir Robert hoped that in time the opinions of
the others would change, and therefore postponed a final decision.
In the meanwhile the agitation of the Anti-Corn Law League began;
in every town addresses were voted, meetings were held, the
_Times_--barometer of public feeling--became suddenly _violently_
Anti-Corn Law, the meetings of the Cabinet roused attention, a general
panic seized on the mass of the public. Sir Robert called anew his
Cabinet. In the midst of their deliberation Lord John Russell issues
from Edinburgh an address to the City of London.[31]
[Footnote 31: Declaring for the Repeal of the Corn Laws.]
The whole country cries out: the Corn Laws are doomed.
Thereon Sir Robert declared to his Cabinet that nothing but unanimity
could save the cause, and pressed for a decision.
The Duke of Buccleuch and Lord Stanley declared they could not take a
part in a measure abolishing the Corn Laws, and would therefore have
to resign. The other members, including the Duke of Wellington, showed
themselves ready to support Sir Robert, yet, as the latter says,
"apparently not willingly and against their feelings." Thereupon Sir
Robert resolved to lay down his office as Minister.
When he arrived here he was visibly much moved, and said to me, that
it was one of the most painful moments of his life to separate himself
from us, "but it is necessary, and if I have erred it was from loyalty
and too great an anxiety not to leave Her Majesty in a moment of such
great difficulty. I ought to have gone when I was first left by my
colleagues in a minority in my own Cabinet. I was anxious, however, to
try my utmost, but it is impossible to retrieve lost time. As soon as
I saw Lord John's letter I felt that the ground was slipping away
from under me, and that whatever I might now propose would appear as
dictated by the Opposition, as taking Lord John's measure. On the 1st
of November the whole country was prepared for the thing; there had
been no agitation, everybody looking to the Government, as soon as
they saw this wavering and hesitating, the country decided for itself,
and Lord John has the merit, owing to his most dexterous move and our
want of unanimity."
On my observing that Sir Robert has a majority of one hundred in the
House of Commons, and asking whether it was not possible for him to
continue the Government, he said:--
"The Duke of Buccleuch will carry half Scotland with him, and Lord
Stanley, leading the Protectionists in the House of Lords, would lead
to great and immediate defections even in Her Majesty's household. The
Duchess of Buccleuch, Lord Hardwicke, Lord Exeter, Lord Rivers,
Lord Beverley, etc., would resign, and we should not be able to find
successors; in the House of Commons I am sure I should be beat, the
Tories, agriculturists, etc., in rage would turn round upon me and
be joined by the Whigs and Radicals, who would say, 'This is _our_
measure and we will not allow you to carry it.' It is better that
I should go now, when _nobody has committed himself_ in the heat
of party contest, when no factions have been formed, no imprudent
declarations been made; it is better for Her Majesty and for the
country that it should be so."
After we had examined what possibilities were open for the Crown, the
conclusion was come to that Lord John was the only man who could be
charged with forming a Cabinet. Lord Stanley, with the aristocracy as
his base, would bring about an insurrection [or riots], and the ground
on which one would have to fight would be this: to want to force the
mass of the people, amidst their great poverty, to pay for their bread
a high price, in favour of the landlords.
It is a matter of the utmost importance not to place the House of
Lords into direct antagonism with the Commons and with the masses of
the people. Sir Robert says very correctly:--
"I am afraid of other interests getting damaged in the struggle about
the Corn Laws; already the system of promotion in the Army, the Game
Laws, the Church, are getting attacked with the aid of the league."
After Victoria had in consequence [of the foregoing] decided in favour
of Lord John, and asked Sir Robert: "But how is it possible for him
to govern with so exceedingly small a minority?" Sir Robert said: "He
will have difficulties and perhaps did not consider what he was doing
when he wrote that letter; but _I will support him_. I feel it my duty
to your Majesty not to leave you without a Government. Even if Lord
John goes to the full extent of his declaration in that letter (which
I think goes too far), I will support him in Parliament and use all
my influence with the House of Lords to prevent their impeding his
progress. I will do more, if he likes it. I will say that the increase
of the estimates which will become necessary are my work, and I alone
am responsible for it."
Sir Robert intends to give me a memorandum in which he is to make this
promise in writing.
He was greatly moved, and said it was not "the loss of power (for I
hate power) nor of office," which was nothing but a plague for him,
but "the breaking up of those relations in which he stood to the Queen
and me, and the loss of our society," which was for him a loss, for
which there was no equivalent; we might, however, rely on his being
always ready to serve us, in what manner and in what place it might
be. Lord Aberdeen is said to feel the same, and very deeply so; and on
our side the loss of two so estimable men, who possess our whole and
perfect confidence in public as well as in private affairs, and have
always proved themselves true friends, leaves _a great gap_.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE INFORMED]
_Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._
OSBORNE, _7th December 1845._
Sir Robert Peel has informed the Queen that in consequence of
differences prevailing in the Cabinet, he is very reluctantly
compelled to solicit from the Queen the acceptance of his resignation,
which she has as reluctantly accepted.
From the Queen's unabated confidence in Lord Melbourne, her first
impulse was to request his immediate attendance here that she might
have the benefit of his assistance and advice, but on reflection the
Queen does not think herself justified, in the present state of Lord
Melbourne's health, to ask him to make the sacrifice which the return
to his former position of Prime Minister would, she fears, impose upon
him.
It is this consideration, and this _alone_, that has induced the Queen
to address to Lord John Russell the letter of which she sends a copy.
The Queen hopes, however, that Lord Melbourne will not withhold from
her new Government his advice, which would be so valuable to her.
It is of the _utmost importance_ that the whole of this communication
should be kept a _most profound secret_ until the Queen has seen Lord
John Russell.
[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S ATTITUDE]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
_8th December 1845._
Sir Robert helped us in the composition of the letters to Lord John
and to Lord Melbourne. We considered it necessary to write to the
latter, in consideration of the confidential position which he
formerly enjoyed.
Sir Robert Peel has not _resigned_, thinking it a matter of great
strength for the Sovereign to keep his ministry until a new one can be
got.
ALBERT.
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
BROCKET HALL, _9th December 1845._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has just
received your Majesty's letter of the 7th inst., which, of course,
has astonished him by the magnitude of the event which it announces,
although something of this sort has been long pending and to be
expected. Lord Melbourne returns your Majesty many thanks for
this communication, and more for your Majesty's great kindness and
consideration for him personally at the present moment. He is better,
but so long a journey would still not have been convenient to him,
and he has such a horror of the sea, that a voyage from Southampton
to Cowes or from Portsmouth to Ryde seems to him in prospect as
formidable as a voyage across the Atlantic.
Lord Melbourne will strictly observe your Majesty's injunction of
secrecy.
With respect to the kind wishes about office which your Majesty
is pleased to express, Lord Melbourne will of course give to your
Majesty's new Government, if formed under Lord John Russell, all the
support in his power, but as to taking office, he fears that he would
find some difficulty. He would be very unwilling to come in pledged
to a total and immediate reform of the Corn Law, and he also strongly
feels the difficulty which has in fact compelled Sir Robert Peel to
retire, viz. the difficulty of carrying on the Government upon the
principle of upholding and maintaining the present law with respect to
corn.
Lord Melbourne again thanks your Majesty for your great and
considerate kindness.
[Pageheading: PEEL'S ATTITUDE]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _10th December 1845._
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
influenced by no other motive than the desire to contribute if
possible to the relief of your Majesty from embarrassment, and the
protection of the public interests from injury, is induced to make
this confidential communication to your Majesty explanatory of his
position and intentions with regard to the great question which is now
agitating the public mind.
Your Majesty can, if you think fit, make this communication known to
the Minister who, as successor to Sir Robert Peel, may be honoured by
your Majesty's confidence.
On the first day of November last Sir Robert Peel advised his
colleagues, on account of the alarming accounts from Ireland and many
districts of Great Britain as to the failure of the potato crop from
disease, and for the purpose of guarding against contingencies which
in his opinion were not improbable, humbly to recommend to your
Majesty that the duties on the import of foreign grain should be
suspended for a limited period either by Order in Council, or by
Legislative Enactment, Parliament in either case being summoned
without delay.
Sir Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, fully justified by the
tenor of the reports to which he has referred, would compel, during
the interval of suspension, the reconsideration of the Corn Laws.
If the opinions of his colleagues had been in concurrence with his
own, he was fully prepared to take the responsibility of suspension,
and of the necessary consequence of suspension, a comprehensive review
of the laws imposing restrictions on the import of foreign grain and
other articles of food, with a view to their gradual diminution and
ultimate removal. He was disposed to recommend that any new laws to be
enacted should contain within themselves the principle of gradual and
ultimate removal.
Sir Robert Peel is prepared to support in a private capacity measures
which may be in general conformity with those which he advised as a
Minister.
It would be unbecoming in Sir Robert Peel to make any reference to the
details of such measures.
Your Majesty has been good enough to inform him that it is your
intention to propose to Lord John Russell to undertake the formation
of a Government.
The principle on which Sir Robert Peel was prepared to recommend the
reconsideration of the laws affecting the import of the main articles
of food, was in general accordance with that referred to in the
concluding paragraph of Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of
the City of London.[32]
Sir Robert Peel wished to accompany the removal of restrictions on the
admission of such articles, with relief to the land from such charges
as are unduly onerous, and with such other provisions as in the terms
of Lord John Russell's letter "caution and even scrupulous forbearance
may suggest."
Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on that general
principle, and will exercise any influence he may possess to promote
their success.
Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to add, that should your
Majesty's servants, after consideration of the heavy demands upon the
Army of this country for colonial service, of our relations with the
United States, and of the bearing which steam navigation may have upon
maritime warfare, and the defence of the country, deem it advisable
to propose an addition to the Army, and increased naval and military
estimates, Sir Robert Peel will support the proposal, will do all that
he can to prevent it from being considered as indicative of hostile
or altered feeling towards France, and will assume for the increase in
question any degree of responsibility present or retrospective which
can fairly attach to him.
ROBERT PEEL.
[Footnote 32: That paragraph urged that, with a revision
of taxation to make the arrangement more equitable, and the
safeguards suggested by caution and scrupulous forbearance,
restrictions on the admission of the main articles of food and
clothing used by the mass of the people should be removed.]
[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY RESIGNS]
_Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _11th December 1845._
... Lord Stanley humbly hopes that he may be permitted to avail
himself of this opportunity to express to your Majesty the deep regret
and pain with which he has felt himself compelled to dissent from the
advice intended to have been tendered to your Majesty on the subject
of the Corn Laws. He begs to assure your Majesty that he would have
shrunk from making no personal sacrifice, short of that of principle,
for the purpose of avoiding the inconvenience to your Majesty and to
the country inseparable from any change of Administration; but being
unconvinced of the necessity of a change of policy involving an
abandonment of opinions formerly maintained, and expectations held
out to political supporters, he felt that the real interests of
your Majesty's service could not be promoted by the loss of personal
character which the sacrifice of his own convictions would necessarily
have involved; and that he might far more usefully serve your Majesty
and the country out of office, than as the official advocate of a
policy which he could not sincerely approve. Lord Stanley begs to
assure your Majesty that it will be his earnest endeavour to allay,
as far as may lie in his power, the excitement which he cannot but
foresee as the consequence of the contemplated change of policy; and
he ventures to indulge the hope that this long trespass upon your
Majesty's much occupied time may find a sufficient apology in the deep
anxiety which he feels that his regret at being compelled not only to
retire from your Majesty's service, but also to take a step which he
is aware may have had some influence on the course finally adopted
by Sir Robert Peel, may not be still farther increased by the
apprehension of having, in the performance of a most painful duty,
incurred your Majesty's displeasure. All which is humbly submitted by
your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject,
STANLEY.
_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._
OSBORNE, _12th December 1845._
The Queen, of course, _much regrets_ that Lord Stanley could not agree
in the opinions of Sir Robert Peel upon a subject of such importance
to the country. However, Lord Stanley may rest assured that the Queen
gives full credit to the disinterested motives which guided Lord
Stanley's conduct.
[Pageheading: THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF]
_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._
OSBORNE, _12th December 1845._
The Queen has to inform the Duke of Wellington that, in consequence of
Sir Robert Peel's having declared to her his inability to carry on any
longer the Government, she has sent for Lord John Russell, who is not
able at present to state whether he can form an Administration, and is
gone to Town in order to consult his friends. Whatever the result of
his enquiries may be, the Queen has a _strong_ desire to see the Duke
of Wellington remain at the head of her Army. The Queen appeals to the
Duke's so often proved loyalty and attachment to her person, in asking
him to give her this assurance. The Duke will thereby render the
greatest service to the country and to her own person.
[Pageheading: THE DUKE'S ADVICE]
_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._
STRATHFIELDSAYE, _12th December 1845._
(_11 at night._)
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your
Majesty; he has just now received your Majesty's commands from Osborne
of this day's date.
He humbly submits to your Majesty that the duties of the
Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces places him in
constant confidential relations with all your Majesty's Ministers,
and particularly with the one filling the office of First Lord of the
Treasury.
Under these circumstances he submits to your Majesty the counsel, that
your Majesty would be graciously pleased to consult the nobleman or
gentleman who should be your Majesty's first Minister, before any
other step should be taken upon the subject. He might think that he
had reason to complain if he should find that it was arranged that
the Duke of Wellington should continue to fill the office of
Commander-in-Chief, and such impression might have an influence upon
his future relations with that office.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington believes that Lord John Russell
and all your Majesty's former Ministers were aware, that during
the whole period of the time during which Lord Hill was the General
Commanding-in-Chief your Majesty's Forces, the professional opinion
and services of Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington were at all times
at the command and disposition of your Majesty's servants, and were
given whenever required.
He happened to be at that time in political opposition to the
Government in the House of Parliament, of which he was a member; but
that circumstance made no difference.
It is impossible for the Duke of Wellington to form a political
connection with Lord John Russell, or to have any relation with the
political course of the Government over which he should preside.
Such arrangement would not conciliate public confidence, be considered
creditable to either party, or be useful to the service of your
Majesty.
Nor, indeed, would the performance of the duties of the
Commander-in-Chief of the Army require that such should exist; on the
other hand, the performance of these duties would require that the
person filling the office should avoid to belong to, or to act in
concert with, a political party opposed to the Government.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington has considered it his duty
to submit these considerations, in order that your Majesty may be
perfectly aware of the position in which he is about to place himself,
in case Lord John Russell should counsel your Majesty to command
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington to continue to hold the office of
Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces.
He at once submits to your Majesty the assurance that he will
cheerfully devote his service to your Majesty's command upon receiving
the official intimation thereof, and that he will as usual make every
effort in his power to promote your Majesty's service.
All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's
most dutiful Subject and devoted Servant,
WELLINGTON.
[Pageheading: KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]
_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._
ST CLOUD, _le 16 Decembre 1845._
MADAME MA TRES CHERE S[OE]UR,--J'ai a remercier votre Majeste de
l'excellente lettre que ma bonne Clem m'a remise de sa part. Elle m'a
ete droit au c[oe]ur, et je ne saurais exprimer a quel point j'ai ete
touche de vos bons voeux pour ma famille, et de tout ce que vous
me temoignez sur l'accroissement qu'il a plu a la Providence de lui
donner dans mes _onze petits fils_.
Je me disposais a dire a votre Majeste que, quoiqu'avec un bien vif
regret, je comprenais parfaitement les motifs qui vous portaient a
remettre a une autre annee, cette visite si vivement desiree, et que
j'esperais toujours trouver une compensation a cette privation, en
allant de nouveau Lui offrir en Angleterre, l'hommage de tous les
sentiments que je Lui porte, et qui m'attachent si profondement a
Elle, ainsi qu'au Prince son Epoux, lorsque j'ai recu la nouvelle de
la demission de Sir Robert Peel, de Lord Aberdeen et de tous leurs
Collegues. Je me flattais que ces Ministres qui s'etaient toujours
si bien entendus avec les miens pour etablir entre nos deux
Gouvernements, cette heureuse _entente cordiale_ qui est la base du
repos du monde et de la prosperite de nos pays, continueraient encore
longtemps a l'entretenir, et a la consolider de plus en plus. Cet
espoir est decu!![33] Il faut s'y resigner; mais je suis empresse
d'assurer votre Majeste, que quelque soit son nouveau Ministere, celui
qui m'entoure aujourd'hui, et que je desire, et que j'espere conserver
longtemps, n'omettra aucun effort pour cultiver et maintenir cet
heureux accord qu'il est si evidemment dans notre interet commun de
conserver intact.
Dans de telles circonstances, il me devient doublement precieux d'etre
uni a votre Majeste et au Prince Albert par tant de liens, et qu'il se
soit forme entre nous cet attachement mutuel, cette affection et cette
confiance, qui sont au dessus et independants de toute consideration
politique; mais qui pourront toujours plus ou moins exercer
une influence salutaire sur l'action et la marche de nos deux
Gouvernements. Aussi, je le dis a votre Majeste et a son Epoux avec
un entier abandon, j'ai besoin de compter sur cette assistance
occasionnelle, et j'y compte entierement en vous demandant d'avoir la
meme confiance de mon cote, et en vous repetant que cette confiance ne
sera pas plus decue dans l'avenir, qu'elle ne l'a ete dans le passe.
Votre Majeste me permettra d'offrir ici au Prince Albert l'expression
de ma vive et sincere amitie. Je la prie aussi de recevoir celle de
l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame ma tres chere
S[oe]ur, de votre Majeste, le bon Frere et bien fidele Ami,
LOUIS PHILIPPE R.
[Footnote 33: The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office
was of course dreaded by the King and Guizot.]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ACCEPTANCE]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _16th December 1845._
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter of this day's
date,[34] and considering that it is of great importance that no time
should be lost, has immediately forwarded it to Sir Robert Peel.
The Queen fully understands the motives which guide Lord John in
using every effort to ensure the success of the great measure which is
impending before he undertakes to form a Government.
The Queen sees from Lord John's second letter that he has taken a copy
of Sir R. Peel's letter of the 15th to her. As she does not feel to
have been authorised to allow this, the Queen hopes that in case Sir
Robert should have an objection to it Lord John will not retain the
copy.
[Footnote 34: It is printed in the _Annual Register_, 1846, p.
17. Lord John considered the temporary suspension or repeal
of duties, with the prospect of their re-imposition, open to
grave objections.]
[Pageheading: INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th December 1845._
Lord John Russell returned at five this evening, and informed
the Queen that after considerable discussion, and after a full
consideration of his position, _he will undertake to form a
Government_.
As at present arranged, the Council is to be on Monday; the Queen much
wishing to have a parting interview with Sir R. Peel, however painful
it will be to her, wishes Sir Robert Peel to inform her when he thinks
it best to come down here.[35]
[Footnote 35: Lord John Russell, however, found insuperable
difficulties in forming the Cabinet; and, to quote Disraeli,
"handed back with courtesy the poisoned chalice to Sir
Robert."]
[Pageheading: GREY AND PALMERSTON]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._
(_12 o'clock._)
We just saw Lord John Russell, who came in order to explain why he had
to give up the task of forming a Government. He had written to all his
former colleagues to join him in his attempt, amongst others to Lord
Grey, who answered, "that he could only belong to a Government which
pledged itself to the principle of absolute free trade and abolition
of all protection; that he had his own views upon the sugar question
(as to which he advocated the admission of slave labour) and upon
the Irish question (as to which his principle was to establish entire
religious equality); that he hoped that in the formation of a new
Government no personal considerations should stand in the way of a
full attention to public Duty."
Lord John replied that he advocated free trade, but as the immediate
question before them was the _Corn Laws_, he thought it wiser not to
complicate this by other declarations which would produce a good deal
of animosity; that the sugar question and Ireland might be discussed
in Cabinet when circumstances required it; that he agreed entirely in
the last sentence.
After this Lord Grey declared himself quite satisfied. Lord John
considered now with his colleagues the peculiar measure to be
proposed, and Mr Baring thought he could arrange a financial scheme
which would satisfy Lord Lansdowne's demands for relief to the landed
interest. They all felt it their duty to answer the Queen's call upon
them, though they very much disliked taking office under such peculiar
difficulties. Now Lord John undertook to apportion the different
offices. He saw Lord Palmerston, and told him that the Queen had some
apprehension that his return to the Foreign Office might cause great
alarm in other countries, and particularly in France, and that this
feeling was still more strongly manifested in the city; whether under
these circumstances he would prefer some other office--for instance,
the Colonies? Lord Palmerston declared that he was not at all anxious
for office, and should much regret that his accession should in any
way embarrass Lord John; that he was quite prepared to support him out
of office, but that his taking another department than his former one
would be a public recognition of the most unjust accusations that
had been brought against him; that he had evinced throughout a long
official life his disposition for peace, and only in one instance
broke with France;[36] that that matter was gone by, and that nobody
had stronger conviction of the necessity to keep in amity with that
Power than himself. Upon this Lord John said that he could not form a
Government without him, and showed himself quite satisfied with Lord
Palmerston's declaration.
[Footnote 36: In reference to affairs in Syria in 1840.]
Suddenly Lord Grey, who had heard of this, cried out: "This was an
infringement of their compact"; that no _personal_ consideration
should interfere with the discharge of public duty, and that he must
decline entering the Government, as he considered Lord Palmerston's
return to the Foreign Office as fraught with danger to the peace
of Europe. Lord John could not, under these circumstances, form a
Government. He read to us a long letter from Lord Grey, written with
the intention that it should be seen by the Queen, in which Lord
Grey enters more fully into his motives, and finishes by saying
that therefore _he_ was not answerable for the failure to form an
Administration.[37]
[Footnote 37: Lord Grey's attitude was condemned by Macaulay
in a letter to a Mr Macfarlan, who unwisely communicated it to
the Press.]
Lord John gave the Queen a written statement[38] of the causes which
induced him to relinquish the Government, and of the position he means
to assume in Parliament. (He is most anxious that Sir R. Peel should
re-enter and successfully carry his measures.)
[Footnote 38: Printed in _Annual Register_, 1846, p. 20.]
The arrangements Lord John had contemplated have been--
Lord PALMERSTON, _Foreign Secretary_.
Lord GREY, _Colonial Secretary_.
Sir GEORGE GREY, _Home Secretary_.
(Sir George was anxious later to retire from Parliament, and willing
to go as Governor-General to Canada.)
Mr BARING, _Chancellor of the Exchequer_.
Lord CLARENDON, _President of the Board of Trade_.
(The Vice-Presidency was to have been offered to his brother, Mr
Villiers, but finally, by his advice, to Mr Cobden!! (Lord Grey wanted
Mr Cobden to be in the Cabinet!!!) This Lord John thought quite out of
the question.)
Lord LANSDOWNE, _President of the Council_.
[Pageheading: CHIVALROUS ATTITUDE OF PEEL]
[Pageheading: PEEL RESUMES OFFICE]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._
(_4 o'clock_ P.M.)
We saw Sir Robert Peel, who had been apprised by Sir James Graham (to
whom Lord John Russell had written) of what had passed. He was much
affected, and expressed his concern at the failure of Lord John to
form a Government, seemed hurt at Lord John's not having shown more
confidence in the integrity of his (Sir Robert Peel's) motives. He
would have supported Lord John in _any_ measure which he should have
thought fit to introduce, and many would have followed his example. He
blamed the want of deference shown to the Queen, by not answering
her call with more readiness; he said it was quite new and
unconstitutional for a man to take a week before he undertook to form
a Government, and to pass that time in discussion with other people,
to whom the Sovereign had not yet committed the task; and he had been
certain it would end so, when so many people were consulted. He in
1834 had been called from Italy, had travelled with all haste and
had gone straight to the King, had told him that he had seen nobody,
consulted nobody, but immediately kissed the King's hand as his
Minister.
He was now prepared to stand by the Queen, all other considerations
he had thrown aside, he would undertake to deal with the difficulties,
and should have to go down alone to the House of Commons. He had
written to his colleagues that he would serve the Queen if she called
upon him to do so, that he expected them to meet him at nine o'clock
that evening, and that he would tell them what he meant to do. Those
who would not go with him, he would dismiss at once. He did not wish
to avail himself of any undue advantage, and therefore would not
advise an Order in Council, but go at once to Parliament, laying his
measure before it: "Reject it, if you please; there it is!"
He called the crisis an alarming one, which determination alone could
overcome.
We showed him Lord John Russell's statement, with which he declared
himself very much satisfied. He advised the Queen to write a letter
to Lord John, announcing to him Sir Robert's consent to go on with the
Government, and wrote a draft of it, which follows here.
He had heard strange instances of disagreement amongst the men whom
Lord John had assembled in town.
Sir Robert seemed throughout much moved, and said with much warmth:
"There is no sacrifice that I will not make for your Majesty, except
that of my honour."
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._
Sir Robert Peel has just been here. He expressed great regret that
Lord John Russell had felt it necessary to decline the formation of a
Government.
He said he should have acted towards Lord John Russell with the most
scrupulous good faith, and that he should have done everything in his
power to give Lord John support.
He thinks many would have been induced to follow his example.
Sir Robert Peel did not hesitate a moment in withdrawing his offer of
resignation. He said he felt it his duty at once to resume his office,
though he is deeply sensible of the difficulties with which he has to
contend.
[Pageheading: PEEL CORDIALLY SUPPORTED]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _21st December 1845._
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and proceeds
to give your Majesty an account of what has passed since he left your
Majesty at four o'clock yesterday.
The Cabinet met at Sir Robert Peel's house in Downing Street at
half-past nine.
Sir Robert Peel informed them that he had not summoned them for the
purpose of deliberating on what was to be done, but for the purpose
of announcing to them that he was your Majesty's Minister, and whether
supported or not, was firmly resolved to meet Parliament as your
Majesty's Minister, and to propose such measures as the public
exigencies required.
Failure or success must depend upon their decision, but nothing could
shake Sir Robert Peel's determination to meet Parliament and to advise
the Speech from the Throne.
There was a dead silence, at length interrupted by Lord Stanley's
declaring that he must persevere in resigning, that he thought the
Corn Law ought to be adhered to, and might have been maintained.
The Duke of Wellington said he thought the Corn Law was a subordinate
consideration. He was _delighted_ when he received Sir Robert Peel's
letter that day, announcing to the Duke that his mind was made up to
place his services at your Majesty's disposal.
The Duke of Buccleuch behaved admirably--was much agitated--thought
new circumstances had arisen--would not then decide on resigning.
Sir Robert Peel has received this morning the enclosed note from the
Duke.[39]
He has written a reply very strongly to the Duke, stating that the
present question is not one of Corn Law, but whether your Majesty's
former servants or Lord Grey and Mr Cobden shall constitute your
Majesty's Government. Sir Robert Peel defied the wit of man to suggest
now another alternative to your Majesty.
Lord Aberdeen will see the Duke to-day.
All the other members of the Government cordially approved of Sir
Robert Peel's determination not to abandon your Majesty's service.
There was no question about details, but if there is any, it shall not
alter Sir Robert Peel's course.
[Footnote 39: _See_ next letter.]
_The Duke of Buccleuch to Sir Robert Peel._
MONTAGU HOUSE, _20th December 1845._
MY DEAR SIR ROBERT,--That which has occurred this evening, and that
which you have communicated to us, the very critical state in which
the country now is, and above all the duty which I owe to her Majesty
under the present circumstances, has made a most strong impression
upon my mind. At the risk, therefore, of imputation of vacillation
or of any other motive by others, may I ask of you to give me a few
hours' time for further reflection, before finally deciding upon the
course which I may feel it to be my duty to pursue? Believe me, my
dear Sir Robert, yours most sincerely,
BUCCLEUCH.
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _22nd December 1845._
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the
utmost satisfaction in informing your Majesty that Mr Gladstone is
willing to accept the Seals of the Colonial Office should your Majesty
be pleased to confide them to him.[40]
Sir Robert Peel thinks this of great importance, and that immediate
decision in filling up so eminent a post will have a good effect.
[Footnote 40: Mr Gladstone, by accepting office, vacated the
seat at Newark which he had held through the influence of the
Protectionist Duke of Newcastle. He did not seek re-election,
and though a Secretary of State, remained without a seat in
Parliament.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ESTIMATE OF PEEL]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1845._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your two kind letters of the
17th and 19th, which gave me much pleasure. I have little to add to
Albert's letter of yesterday, except my _extreme_ admiration of
our worthy Peel, who shows himself a man of unbounded _loyalty_,
_courage_, patriotism, and _high-mindedness_, and his conduct towards
me has been _chivalrous_ almost, I might say. I never have seen him
so excited or so determined, and _such_ a good cause must succeed. We
have indeed had an escape, for though Lord John's _own notions_ were
_very_ good and moderate, he let himself be entirely twisted and
twirled about by his _violent_ friends, and _all_ the moderate ones
were crushed....
VICTORIA R.
_Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._
WHITEHALL, _23rd December 1845._
SIR,--I think Her Majesty and your Royal Highness will have been
pleased with the progress I have made in execution of the great trust
again committed to me by Her Majesty.
It will be of great importance to conciliate Lord Stanley's support
out of office, to induce him to _discourage_ hostile combinations.
I would humbly recommend Her Majesty, when Her Majesty sees Lord
Stanley to-day, to receive him with her usual kindness, to say that I
had done full justice in my reports to Her Majesty to the motives by
which he had been actuated, and to the openness and frankness of his
conduct, to regret greatly the loss of his services, but to hope
that he might be still enabled not to oppose and even to promote
the accomplishment of what cannot now be safely resisted. I have the
honour to be, etc., etc., etc.,
ROBERT PEEL.
[Pageheading: THE NEW ARRANGEMENTS]
[Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS]
[Pageheading: THE UNEMPLOYED]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1845._
We had a Council yesterday, at which Parliament was prorogued to
the 22nd of January, then to meet for the despatch of business. Lord
Stanley had an audience of the Queen before, and delivered up the
Seals of his office. He was much agitated, and had told Sir Robert
that he dreaded this interview very much. The Queen thanked him for
his services, and begged he would do his best out of office to smooth
down the difficulties her Government would have to contend with. At
the Council Lord Dalhousie took his seat, and Mr Gladstone received
the Colonial Seals. The Queen saw the Duke of Buccleuch and
thanked him for the devotion he had shown her during these trying
circumstances; the same to the Duke of Wellington, who is in excellent
spirits. On my saying, "You have such an influence over the House
of Lords, that you will be able to keep them straight," he answered:
"I'll do anything; I am now beginning to write to them and to convince
them singly of what their duty is."
We saw afterwards Sir Robert Peel, who stayed more than three hours.
He is in the highest spirits at having got Mr Gladstone and kept the
Duke of Buccleuch; he proposed that the Duke should be made President,
and Lord Haddington Privy Seal in his stead. (Lord Haddington had
behaved very well, had given up his place to Sir Robert, and told him
he should do with him just as he liked--leave him out of the Cabinet,
shift him to another place, or leave him at the Admiralty, as would
suit him best.)
Sir Robert hinted to Lord Ripon that Lord Haddington had behaved so
well, but got no more out of him, but "that he would _almost_ have
done the same." Sir Robert proposes to see Lord Ellenborough in order
to offer him the Admiralty, received the Queen's sanction likewise to
Lord St Germans (the Postmaster-General) being put into the Cabinet. I
said: "With your Government that has no inconvenience, and even if you
had a hundred members in the Cabinet, as you don't tell them but
what is absolutely necessary, and follow your own course." He said in
reply, that he should be very sorry if he had to have told his
Cabinet that he meant to send for Lord Ellenborough. We could not help
contrasting this conduct with the subjection Lord John has shown to
his people. It is to his _own_ talent and firmness that Sir Robert
will owe his success, which cannot fail. He said he had been
determined not to go to a general election with the fetters the last
election had imposed upon him, and he had meant at the end of the next
Session to call the whole Conservative Party together and to declare
this to them, that he would not meet another Parliament pledged to the
maintenance of the Corn Laws, which could be maintained no longer, and
that he would make a public declaration to this effect before another
general election came on. This had been defeated by events coming too
suddenly upon him, and he had no alternative but to deal with the Corn
Laws before a national calamity would _force_ it on. The league had
made immense progress, and had enormous means at their disposal. If
he had resigned in November, Lord Stanley and the Protectionists would
have been prepared to form a Government, and a Revolution might have
been the consequence of it. Now they felt that it was too late.
Sir Robert has _an immense scheme in view_; he thinks he shall be able
to remove the contest entirely from the dangerous ground upon which it
has got--that of a war between the manufacturers, the hungry and the
poor against the landed proprietors, the aristocracy, which can only
end in the ruin of the latter; he will not bring forward a measure
upon the Corn Laws, but a much more comprehensive one. He will deal
with the whole commercial system of the country. He will adopt
the principle of the League, _that of removing all protection and
abolishing all monopoly_, but not in favour of one class and as a
triumph over another, but to the benefit of the nation, farmers as
well as manufacturers. He would begin with cotton, and take in all the
necessaries of life and corn amongst them. The experiments he had
made in 1842 and 1845 with boldness but with caution had borne out the
correctness of the principle: the wool duty was taken off, and wool
sold higher than ever before; foreign cattle were let in, and the
cattle of England stood better in the market than ever. He would not
ask for compensation to the land, but wherever he could give it, and
at the same time promote the social development, there he would do it,
but on that ground. For instance, one of the greatest benefits to
the country would be the establishment of a rural police on the
same principle as the metropolitan police. By taking this on the
Consolidated Fund, the landowners would be immensely relieved in all
those counties which kept a police. One of the heaviest charges on
the land was the present administration of law and the carrying on of
prosecutions. Sir Robert could fancy this to be very much improved
by the appointment of a _public_ prosecutor by the State, which would
give the State a power to prevent vexatious, illegal, and immoral
prosecutions, and reduce the expenses in an extraordinary degree. Part
of the maintenance of the poor, according to the Poor Law, might be
undertaken by the State. A great calamity must be foreseen, when the
innumerable railroads now in progress shall have been terminated,
which will be the case in a few years. This will throw an enormous
labouring population suddenly out of employment. There might be a
law passed which would provide employment for them, and improve the
agriculture and production of the country, by enabling the State to
advance money to the great proprietors for the improvements of their
estates, which they could not obtain otherwise without charging their
estates beyond what they already have to bear.
Sir Robert means to go with Mr Gladstone into all these details.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION]
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S POLICY]
_Viscount Palmerston to Viscount Melbourne._[41]
BOWOOD, _26th December 1845._
MY DEAR MELBOURNE,--I return you with many thanks George Anson's
letter, which was enclosed in yours of the 23rd, which I received just
as we were setting off for this place. Pray, when next you write to
George Anson, say how gratefully I appreciate the kind consideration
on the part of H.R.H. Prince Albert, which suggested George Anson's
communication. But I can assure you that although John Russell, in his
Audience of the Queen, may inadvertently have overstated the terms in
which he had mentioned to me what Her Majesty had said to him about
my return to the Foreign Office, yet in his conversations with me upon
that subject he never said anything more than is contained in George
Anson's letter to you; and I am sure you will think that under all the
circumstances of the case he could hardly have avoided telling me thus
much, and making me aware of the impression which seemed to exist upon
the Queen's mind as to the way in which other persons might view my
return to the Foreign Office.
With regard to Her Majesty's own sentiments, I have always been
convinced that Her Majesty knows me too well to believe for an instant
that I do not attach the greatest importance to the maintenance, not
merely of peace with all foreign countries, but of the most friendly
relations with those leading Powers and States of the world with which
serious differences would be attended with the most inconvenience. As
to Peace, I succeeded, as the organ of Lord Grey's Government and of
yours, in preserving it unbroken during ten years[42] of great and
extraordinary difficulty; and, if now and then it unavoidably happened
during that period of time, that in pursuing the course of policy
which seemed the best for British interests, we thwarted the views
of this or that Foreign Power, and rendered them for the moment less
friendly, I think I could prove that in every case the object which we
were pursuing was of sufficient importance to make it worth our while
to submit to such temporary inconvenience. There never was indeed,
during those ten years, any real danger of war except on three
occasions; and on each of those occasions the course pursued by the
British Government prevented war. The first occasion was just after
the accession of the King of the French, when Austria, Russia, and
Prussia were disposed and preparing to attack France, and when the
attitude assumed by the British Government prevented a rupture. The
second was when England and France united by a Convention to wrest the
Citadel of Antwerp from the Dutch, and to deliver it over to the
King of the Belgians.[43] If England had not then joined with France,
Antwerp would have remained with the Dutch, or the attempt to take it
would have led to a war in Europe. The third occasion was when Mehemet
Ali's army occupied Syria, and when he was constantly threatening
to declare himself independent and to march on Constantinople; while
Russia, on the one hand, asserted that if he did so she would occupy
Constantinople, and on the other hand, France announced that if Russia
did so, she, France, would force the Dardanelles. The Treaty of July
1840, proposed and brought about by the British Government, and the
operations in execution of that Treaty, put an end to that danger;
and, notwithstanding what has often been said to the contrary, the
real danger of war arising out of the affairs of Syria was put an end
to, and not created by the Treaty of 1840.
I am well aware, however, that some persons both at home and abroad
have imbibed the notion that I am more indifferent than I ought to be
as to running the risk of war. That impression abroad is founded upon
an entire mistake, but is by some sincerely felt, and being sincere,
would soon yield to the evidence of contradictory facts. At home that
impression has been industriously propagated to a limited extent,
partly by the legitimate attacks of political opponents, and partly
by a little cabal within our own ranks. These parties wanted to attack
me, and were obliged to accuse me of something. They could not charge
me with failure, because we had succeeded in all our undertakings,
whether in Portugal, Spain, Belgium, Syria, China, or elsewhere; they
could not charge me with having involved the country in war, because,
in fact, we had maintained peace; and the only thing that was left for
them to say was that my policy had a _tendency_ to produce war, and I
suppose they would argue that it was quite wrong and against all rule
that it did not do so.
But notwithstanding what may have been said on this matter, the
transaction which has by some been the most criticised in this
respect, namely, the Treaty of 1840, and the operations connected with
it, were entirely approved by the leaders of the then Opposition, who,
so far from feeling any disposition to favour me, had always made a
determined run at the Foreign Policy of the Whig Government. The Duke
of Wellington, at the opening of the Session of 1841, said in
the House of Lords that he entirely approved our policy in that
transaction, and could not find that any fault had been committed
by us in working it out; and I happen to know that Sir Robert Peel
expressed to the representative of one of the German Powers, parties
to the Alliance, his entire approval of our course, while Lord
Aberdeen said to one of them, that the course I had taken in that
affair made him forgive me many things of former years, which he had
thought he never should have forgiven.
I am quite ashamed of the length to which this letter has grown, and
shall only add, with reference to our relations with France, that
I had some very friendly interviews with Thiers, who was my chief
antagonist in 1840, and that although we did not enter into any
conspiracy against Guizot and Peel, as the newspapers pretended, we
parted on very good terms, and he promised to introduce me to all his
friends whenever I should go to Paris, saying that of course Guizot
would do me the same good office with his supporters. My dear
Melbourne, yours affectionately,
PALMERSTON.
[Footnote 41: Submitted to the Queen by Lord Melbourne.]
[Footnote 42: 1830-1834, and 1835-1841.]
[Footnote 43: The English and French came in 1832 to the
assistance of the Belgians, who some time before had entered
Antwerp, but failed to take the Citadel.]
[Pageheading: THE MINISTRY REINSTATED]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the French._
CH. DE W., _le 30 Decembre 1845._
SIRE ET MON TRES CHER FRERE,--Votre Majeste me pardonnera si je viens
seulement maintenant vous remercier de tout mon c[oe]ur de votre
lettre si bonne et si aimable du 16, mais vous savez combien j'etais
occupee pendant ces dernieres 3 semaines. La Crise est passee et j'ai
tout lieu de croire que le Gouvernement de Sir R. Peel va s'affermir
de plus en plus, ce que je ne puis que desirer pour le bien-etre du
pays. Je dois cependant dire a votre Majeste que si le Ministere
eut change, j'ai la certitude que le nouveau se serait empresse de
maintenir, comme nous le desirons si vivement, cette entente cordiale
si heureusement etablie entre nos deux Gouvernements.
Permettez-moi, Sire, de vous offrir au nom d'Albert et au mien nos
felicitations les plus sinceres a l'occasion de la nouvelle Annee,
dans lequel vous nous donnez le doux espoir de vous revoir. Nous avons
lu avec beaucoup d'interet le Speech de V.M., dans lequel vous parlez
si aimablement du "friendly call" a Eu et des cooperations des 2
pays dans differentes parties du monde, et particulierement pour
l'Abolition de la Traite des noirs.
Ayez la grace, Sire, de deposer nos hommages et nos felicitations aux
pieds de la Reine et de votre S[oe]ur. Agreez encore une fois, les
expressions d'amitie et d'attachement sincere avec lesquelles je suis,
Sire et mon bien cher Frere, de votre Majeste, la bien bonne S[oe]ur
et fidele Amie,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th December 1845._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 27th,
by which I see how glad you are at our good Peel being again--and I
sincerely and confidently hope for many years--my Minister. I have
heard many instances of the confidence the country and _all_ parties
have in Peel; for instance, he was immensely cheered at Birmingham--a
most Radical place; and _Joseph Hume_ expressed great distress when
Peel resigned, and the greatest contempt for Lord John Russell. The
Members of the Government have behaved extremely well and with much
disinterestedness. The Government has secured the services of Mr
Gladstone and Lord Ellenborough,[44] who will be of great use. Lord E.
is become very quiet, and is a very good speaker.
We had a very happy Christmas. This weather is extremely unwholesome.
Now, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 44: Lord Ellenborough was one of the few
Conservative statesmen of the day who, after remaining
faithful to Sir Robert Peel till the middle of 1846,
subsequently threw in his fortunes with Lord Derby and Mr
Disraeli. He was President of the Board of Control with those
Ministers in 1858 for the fourth time.]
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XV
The closing days of the year 1845 had been marked by startling
political events, and Lord John Russell's failure to form a
Government, and Sir Robert Peel's resumption of office, with Mr
Gladstone substituted for Lord Stanley, were now followed by the
Ministerial measure for the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Embarrassed as
he now was by the attacks of his old supporters, led by Bentinck
and Disraeli, Peel was supported whole-heartedly but in a strictly
constitutional manner by the Queen and the Prince. Amid bitter taunts,
the Premier piloted the measure through Parliament, but on the night
that it finally passed the Lords he was defeated on an Irish Coercion
Bill by a factious combination in the Commons between the Whigs and
Protectionists, and resigned. Lord John Russell on this occasion was
able to form an administration, though he failed in his attempt to
include in it some important members of the outgoing Government.
Thus, owing to the Irish famine, the Tory party which had come into
power in 1841 with a majority of ninety to support the Corn Laws, was
shattered; after Peel's defeat it became clear that no common action
could take place between his supporters in the struggle of 1846
and men like Bentinck and Disraeli, who now became leaders of the
Protectionist party. For the remainder of the year Peel was on the
whole friendly to the Russell Government, his chief care being to
maintain them in office as against the Protectionists.
In India the British army was successful in its operations against the
Sikhs, Sir Harry Smith defeating them at Aliwal, and Sir Hugh Gough at
Sobraon. Our troops crossed the Sutlej, and terms of peace were agreed
on between Sir Henry Hardinge (who became a Viscount) and the Sirdars
from Lahore, peace being signed on 8th March.
On the continent of Europe the most important events took place in the
Peninsula. The selection of husbands for the Queen of Spain and her
sister, which had so long been considered an international question,
came at last to a crisis; the policy of Great Britain had been to
leave the matter to the Spanish people, except in so far as might be
necessary to check the undue ambition of Louis Philippe; and neither
the Queen, Prince Albert, Peel, nor Aberdeen had in any way supported
the candidature of Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg.
It was common ground that no son of Louis Philippe should marry the
Queen, but both that monarch and Guizot had further solemnly engaged
at the Chateau d'Eu that no son should marry even the Infanta until
the Queen was married and had children. The return of Palmerston to
the Foreign Office, and his mention of Prince Leopold in a Foreign
Office despatch as one of the candidates, gave the King and his
Minister the pretext they required for repudiating their solemn
undertaking. In defiance of good faith the engagements were
simultaneously announced of the Queen to her cousin, Don Francisco
de Asis, and of the Infanta to the Duc de Montpensier, Don Francisco
being a man of unattractive, even disagreeable qualities, and feeble
in _physique_. By this unscrupulous proceeding Queen Victoria and the
English nation were profoundly shocked.
At the same time Queen Maria found some difficulty in maintaining her
position in Portugal. She dismissed in a somewhat high-handed manner
her Minister the Duc de Palmella, and had to bear the brunt of an
insurrection for several months: at the close of the year her arms
were victorious at the lines of Torres Vedras, but the Civil War was
not entirely brought to an end.
In February a Polish insurrection broke out in Silesia, and the
Austrian troops were driven from Cracow; the rising was suppressed by
Austria, Russia, and Prussia, who had been constituted the "Protecting
Powers" of Cracow by the Treaty of Vienna. This unsuccessful attempt
was seized upon as a pretext for destroying the separate nationality
of Cracow, which was forthwith annexed to Austria. This unjustifiable
act only became possible in consequence of the _entente_ between
England and France (equally parties to the Treaty of Vienna) having
been terminated by the affair of the Spanish marriages; their formal
but separate protests were disregarded.
There remains to be mentioned the dispute between Great Britain and
the United States as to the Oregon boundary, which had assumed so
ominous a phase in 1845. Lord Aberdeen's last official act was to
announce in the Lords that a Convention, proposed by himself for
adjusting the question, had been accepted by the American President.