is with the slow step. We have at length, however, the consent of all
the cities and Provinces, and have adjusted and agreed upon every
article, word, syllable, letter, and point, and clerks are employed in
making out five fair copies for the signature, which will be done this
week.
Amidst the innumerable crowd of loans, which are open in this country,
many of which have little success, I was much afraid that ours would
have failed. I have, however, the pleasure to inform you, that I am at
least one million and a half in cash, about three millions of livres,
which will be a considerable aid to the operations of our financier at
Philadelphia, and I hope your Court, with their usual goodness, will
make up the rest that may be wanting.
I am now as well situated as I ever can be in Europe. I have the honor
to live upon agreeable terms of civility with the Ambassadors of
France and Spain; and the Ministers of all the other powers of Europe,
whom I meet at the houses of the French and Spanish Ministers, as well
as at Court, are complaisant and sociable. Those from Russia and
Denmark are the most reserved. Those from Sardinia and Portugal are
very civil. The Ministers of all the neutral powers consider our
independence as decided. One of those even from Russia, said so not
long ago, and that from Portugal said it to me within a few days. You
and I have known this point to have been decided a long time; but it
is but lately, that the Ministers of neutral powers, however they
might think, have frankly expressed their opinions; and it is now an
indication, that it begins to be the sentiment of their Courts, for
they do not often advance faster than their masters, in expressing
their sentiments upon political points of this magnitude.
Pray what are the sentiments of the _Corps Diplomatique_, at
Versailles? What progress is made in the negotiation for peace? Can
anything be done before the British Parliament, or at least the Court
of St James, acknowledge the sovereignty of the United States,
absolute and unlimited?
It would give me great pleasure to receive a line from you, as often
as your leisure will admit.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient
servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
The Hague, October 7th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 28th ultimo, was brought me last night. On Friday
last I was notified, by the messenger of their High Mightinesses, that
the treaties would be ready for signature on Monday, this day. I am,
accordingly, at noon, to go to the Assembly, and finish the business.
But when this is done, some time will be indispensable, to prepare my
despatches for Congress, and look out for the most favorable
conveyances for them. I must also sign another thousand of obligations
at least, that the loan may not stand still. All this shall be
despatched with all the diligence in my power, but it will necessarily
take up some time, and my health is so far from being robust, that it
will be impossible for me to ride with as much rapidity as I could
formerly, although never remarkable for a quick traveller. If anything
in the meantime should be in agitation, concerning peace, in which
there should be any difference of opinion between you and your
colleague, you have a right to insist upon informing me by express, or
waiting till I come.
_8th._ The signature was put off yesterday until today, by the Prince
being in conference with their High Mightinesses, and laying his
orders to the navy before them.
With great regard, your humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, October 8th, 1782.
Sir,
At twelve o'clock today I proceeded, according to appointment, to the
State-House, where I was received with the usual formalities, at the
head of the stairs, by M. Van Santheuvel, a Deputy from the Province
of Holland, and M. Van Lynden, the first noble of Zealand, and a
Deputy from that Province, and by them conducted into the Chamber of
Business, (_chambre de besogne_) an apartment belonging to the Truce
Chamber, (_chambre de treve_) where were executed the Treaty of
Commerce and the convention concerning recaptures, after an exchange
of full powers.
The Treaty and Convention are both closed, or at least an authentic
copy of each. If the copy should arrive before the original, which I
shall reserve to be sent by the safest opportunity I can find, it will
be a sufficient foundation for the ratification of Congress. I hope
the treaty will be satisfactory to Congress. It has taken up much time
to obtain the remarks and the consent of all the members of this
complicated sovereignty. Very little of this time has been taken up by
me, as Congress will see by the resolution of their High Mightinesses,
containing the power to the Deputies to conclude the treaty; for
although all communications were made to me in Dutch, a language in
which I was not sufficiently skilled to depend upon my own knowledge,
M. Dumas was ever at hand, and ever ready to interpret to me
everything in French, by which means I was always able to give my
answers without loss of time. The papers, in which the whole progress
of this negotiation is contained in Dutch, French, and English, make
a large bundle, and after all, they contain nothing worth transmitting
to Congress. To copy them would be an immense labor, to no purpose,
and to send the originals, at once would expose them to loss.
Several propositions were made to me, which I could not agree to, and
several were made on my part, which could not be admitted by the
States. The final result contained in the treaty, is as near the
spirit of my instructions as I could obtain, and I think it is nothing
materially variant from them. The Lords, the Deputies, proposed to me
to make the convention a part of the treaty. My answer was, that I
thought the convention, which is nearly conformable with that lately
made with France, would be advantageous on both sides; but as I had no
special instructions concerning it, and as Congress might have
objections, that I could not foresee, it would be more agreeable to
have the convention separate; so that Congress, if they should find
any difficulty, might ratify the treaty without it. This was
accordingly agreed to. It seemed at first to be insisted on, that we
should be confined to the Dutch ports in Europe, but my friend, M. Van
Berckel, and the merchants of Amsterdam, came in aid of me, in
convincing all, that it was their interest to treat us upon the
footing _gentis-amicissimae_, in all parts of the world.
Friesland proposed, that a right should be stipulated for the subjects
of this Republic to purchase lands in any of our States; but such
reasons were urged as convinced them, that this was too extensive an
object for me to agree to; 1st. It was not even stipulated for France.
2dly. If it should be now introduced into this treaty, all other
nations would expect the same, and although at present it might not
be impolitic to admit of this, yet nobody would think it wise to bind
ourselves to it forever. 3dly. What rendered all other considerations
unnecessary, was, that Congress had not authority to do this, it being
a matter of the interior policy of the separate States. This was given
up. A more extensive liberty of engaging seamen in this country was a
favorite object; but it could not be obtained. The _refraction_, as
they call it, upon tobacco, in the weigh-houses, is a thing, that
enters so deeply into their commercial policy, that I could not obtain
anything, more particular or more explicit, than what is found in the
treaty. Upon the whole, I think the treaty is conformable to the
principles of perfect reciprocity, and contains nothing, that can
possibly be hurtful to America, or offensive to our allies, or to any
other nation, except Great Britain, to whom it is indeed, without a
speedy peace, a mortal blow.
The rights of France and Spain are sufficiently secured by the
twentysecond article; although it is not in the very words of the
project, transmitted me by Congress, it is the same in substance and
effect. The Duc de la Vauguyon was very well contented with it, and
the States were so jealous of unforeseen consequences from the words
of the article as sent me by Congress, and as first proposed by me,
that I saw it would delay the conclusion without end. After several
conferences, and many proposals, we finally agreed upon the article as
it stands, to the satisfaction of all parties.
The clause reserving to the Dutch their rights in the East and West
Indies, is unnecessary, and I was averse to it, as implying a jealousy
of us. But as it implies too a compliment to our power and importance,
was much insisted on, and amounted to no more than we should have
been bound to without it, I withdrew my objection.
The proviso of conforming to the laws of the country, respecting the
external show of public worship, I wished to have excluded; because I
am an enemy to every appearance of restraint in a matter so delicate
and sacred as the liberty of conscience; but the laws here do not
permit Roman Catholics to have steeples to their churches, and these
laws could not be altered. I shall be impatient to receive the
ratification of Congress, which I hope may be transmitted within the
time limited.[11]
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, October 12th, 1782.
Sir,
Yesterday afternoon M. Van der Burg Van Spieringshock, the Agent of
their High Mightinesses, brought me the enclosed resolution, relative
to a vessel of M. Dubbledemuts. I promised to enclose it to Congress.
I would have it translated here, but I have not time. I presume
Congress has, or will have, an interpreter for the Low Dutch.
It is much to be desired, that Congress would take some measures to
inquire into this matter. The cause for my being so pressed for time,
is, that I am preparing to set off for Paris, and have not only all
my despatches to make up, to send the treaty, but have obligations to
sign respecting the loan, that so essential a business may not stand
still in my absence.
Mr Jay writes me, that Mr Oswald has received a commission to treat of
peace with the Commissioners of the United States of America. I shall
set off for Paris next week.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[11] The Treaty mentioned in this letter, and the Convention
respecting vessels recaptured, were ratified by Congress, on the 23d
of January, 1783. The Treaty and Convention are printed at large,
together with the form of ratification, in the Journal of Congress
under this date.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, October 31st, 1782.
Sir,
Having executed the treaty of commerce at the Hague, and despatched
four copies of it, by four different vessels bound to America from the
Texel, and having signed a sufficient number of obligations to leave
in the hands of Messrs Willinks, Van Staphorsts, and de la Lande and
Fynje, and having received information from Mr Jay, that Mr Oswald had
received a commission from the King his master, under the Great Seal
of Great Britain, to treat with the Commissioners of the United States
of America, I set off for Paris, where I arrived on Saturday, the 26th
of this month, after a tedious journey; the roads being, on account of
long continued rains, in the worst condition I ever knew them.
I waited forthwith on Mr Jay, and from him learned the state of the
conferences. It is not possible, at present, to enter into details.
All I can say is in general, that I had the utmost satisfaction in
finding, that he had been all along acting here upon the same
principles upon which I had ventured to act in Holland, and that we
were perfectly agreed in our sentiments and systems. I cannot express
it better than in his own words; "to be honest and grateful to our
allies, but to think for ourselves." I find a construction put upon
one article of our instructions by some persons, which I confess I
never put upon it myself. It is represented by some, as subjecting us
to the French Ministry, as taking away from us all right of judging
for ourselves, and obliging us to agree to whatever the French
Ministers shall advise us to, and to do nothing without their consent.
I never supposed this to be the intention of Congress; if I had, I
never would have accepted the commission, and if I now thought it
their intention, I could not continue in it. I cannot think it
possible to be the design of Congress; if it is, I hereby resign my
place in the commission, and request that another person may be
immediately appointed in my stead.
Yesterday we met Mr Oswald at his lodgings; Mr Jay, Dr Franklin, and
myself, on one side, and Mr Oswald, assisted by Mr Strachey, a
gentleman whom I had the honor to meet in company with Lord Howe upon
Staten Island in the year 1776, and assisted also by a Mr Roberts, a
clerk in some of the public offices, with books, maps, and papers,
relative to the boundaries.
I arrived in a lucky moment for the boundary of the Massachusetts,
because I brought with me all the essential documents relative to that
object, which are this day to be laid before my colleagues in
conference at my house, and afterwards before Mr Oswald.
It is now apparent, at least to Mr Jay and myself, that, in order to
obtain the western lands, the navigation of the Mississippi, and the
fisheries, or any of them, we must act with firmness and independence,
as well as prudence and delicacy. With these, there is little doubt we
may obtain them all.
Yesterday I visited M. Brantzen, the Dutch Minister, and was by him
very frankly and candidly informed of the whole progress of the
negotiation on their part. It is very shortly told. They have
exchanged full powers with Mr Fitzherbert, and communicated to him
their preliminaries, according to their instructions, which I have
heretofore transmitted to Congress. Mr Fitzherbert has sent them to
London and received an answer, but has communicated to them no more of
this answer than this, that those preliminaries are not relished at St
James'. He excused his not having seen them for six or seven days, by
pretence of indisposition, but they are informed that he has made
frequent visits to Versailles during these days, and sent off and
received several couriers.
How the negotiation advances between Mr Fitzherbert, and the Count de
Vergennes, and the Count d'Aranda, we know not.
The object of M. de Rayneval's journey to London, is not yet
discovered by any of us. It is given out, that he was sent to see
whether the British Ministry were in earnest.[12] But this is too
general. It is suspected that he went to insinuate something relative
to the fisheries and the boundaries, but it is probable he did not
succeed respecting the former, and perhaps not entirely, with respect
to the latter.
With great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[12] See Franklin's Correspondence, Vol. IV. p. 48. Also the North
American Review for January, 1830, p. 21.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, November 6th, 1782.
Sir,
Two days ago arrived by Captain Barney, the letters you did me the
honor to write me, the 22d, 29th, 30th, triplicate of May, 4th of
July, 29th of August, and 15th of September.
I was unconditionally received in Holland, and promised upon record
conferences and audiences, whenever I should demand them, before I
entered into any treaty, and without this I should never have entered
into any; and full powers were given to the Committee of Foreign
Affairs, before I entered into any conferences with them. I have
ventured upon the same principle in the affair of peace, and uniformly
refused to come to Paris, until our independence was unconditionally
acknowledged by the King of Great Britain. Mr Jay has acted on the
same principle with Spain, and with Great Britain. The dignity of the
United States, being thus supported, has prevailed in Holland and
Great Britain; not indeed as yet in Spain, but we are in a better
situation in relation to her, than we should have been if the
principle had been departed from. The advice of the Count de Vergennes
has been contrary; but however great a Minister he may be in his own
department, his knowledge is insufficient and his judgment too often
erroneous in our affairs, to be an American Minister.
Intelligence from Holland is impossible through France. Events in
Holland can seldom be foreseen one day. When they happen, they are
inserted in the gazettes, transferred to the _Courier de l'Europe_,
the English and French gazettes, and get to America before it is
possible for me to transmit them directly. Besides, Sir, I have
sometimes thought, that my time was better employed in doing business,
that might produce other events, than in multiplying copies and
conveyances of despatches, which would contain nothing, but what I
knew the newspapers would announce as soon; my reputation may not be
so well husbanded by this method, but the cause of my country is
served. I am not insensible to reputation; but I hope it has not been
a principal object. Perhaps it has not been enough an object. I see so
much of the omnipotence of reputation, that I begin to think so. I
know very well, however, that if mine cannot be supported by facts, it
will not be by trumpeters.
If it were in my power to do anything for the honor of the department
or Minister of Foreign Affairs, I would cheerfully do it, because I am
a friend to both; and to this end, you will, I am sure, not take it
amiss if I say, that it is indispensably necessary for the service of
Congress, and the honor of the office, that it be kept impenetrably
secret from the French Minister in many things. The office will be an
engine for the ruin of the reputation of your Ministers abroad, and
for injuring our cause in material points, the fishery, the western
lands, and the Mississippi, &c. if it is not.
I thank you, Sir, for the hint about the English language. I think
with you, that we ought to make a point of it, and after some time, I
hope it will be an instruction from Congress to all their Ministers.
As to the negotiations for peace, we have been night and day employed
in them ever since my arrival on the 26th of October. Doctor Franklin,
without saying anything to me, obtained of Mr Jay a promise of his
vote[13] for Mr W. T. Franklin, to be Secretary to the commission for
peace; and as the Doctor and his Secretary are in the same house, and
there are other clerks enough, I suppose he will transmit to Congress
details of the negotiations. I shall be ready to lend them any
assistance in my power; and I will endeavor as soon as I can to
transmit them myself; but after spending forenoon, afternoon, and
evening, in discussions, it is impossible to transmit all the
particulars. No man's constitution is equal to it.
The English have sent Mr Oswald, who is a wise and good man, and, if
untrammelled, would soon settle all, and Mr Strachey, who is a keen
and subtle one, although not deeply versed in such things; and a Mr
Roberts, who is a clerk in the Board of Trade, and Mr Whithead, who is
private Secretary to Mr Oswald. These gentlemen are very profuse in
their professions of national friendship; of earnest desires to
obliterate the remembrance of all unkindnesses, and to restore peace,
harmony, friendship, and make them perpetual, by removing every seed
of future discord. All this, on the part of Mr Oswald personally, is
very sincere. On the part of the nation, it may be so in some sense at
present; but I have my doubts, whether it is a national disposition,
upon which we can have much dependence, and still more, whether it is
the sincere intention of the Earl of Shelburne.
He has been compelled to acknowledge American independence, because
the Rockingham Administration had resolved upon it, and Carleton and
Digby's letter to General Washington, had made known that resolution
to the world; because the nation demanded that negotiations should be
opened with the American Ministers, and they refused to speak or hear,
until their independence was acknowledged unequivocally and without
conditions, because Messrs Fox and Burke had resigned their offices,
pointedly, on account of the refusal of the King, and my Lord
Shelburne, to make such an acknowledgment; and these eloquent senators
were waiting only for the session of Parliament to attack his Lordship
on this point; it was, therefore, inevitable to acknowledge our
independence, and no Minister could have stood his ground without it.
But still I doubt, whether his Lordship means to make a general peace.
To express myself more clearly, I fully believe he intends to try
another campaign, and that he will finally refuse to come to any
definitive agreement with us, upon articles to be inserted in the
general peace.
We have gone the utmost lengths to favor the peace. We have at last
agreed to boundaries with the greatest moderation. We have offered
them the choice of a line through the middle of all the great lakes,
or the line of 45 degrees of latitude, the Mississippi, with a free
navigation of it at one end, and the river St Croix at the other. We
have agreed, that the courts of justice be opened for the recovery of
British debts due before the war, to a general amnesty for all the
royalists, against whom there is no judgment rendered, or prosecution
commenced. We have agreed, that all the royalists, who may remain at
the evacuation of the States, shall have six months to sell their
estates, and to remove with them.
These are such immense advantages to the Minister, that one would
think he could not refuse them. The agreement to pay British debts,
will silence the clamors of all the body of creditors, and separate
them from the tories, with whom they have hitherto made common cause.
The amnesty and the term of six months will silence all the tories,
except those who have been condemned, banished, and whose property has
been confiscated; yet I do not believe they will be accepted.
I fear they will insist a little longer upon a complete
indemnification to all the refugees, a point, which, without express
instructions from all the States, neither we nor Congress can give up;
and how the States can ever agree to it, I know not, as it seems an
implicit concession of all the religion and morality of the war. They
will also insist upon Penobscot as the eastern boundary. I am not sure
that the tories, and the Ministry, and the nation, are not secretly
stimulated by French emisaries, to insist upon Penobscot, and a full
indemnification to the tories. It is easy to see, that the French
Minister, the Spanish and the Dutch Ministers would not be very fond
of having it known through the world, that all points for a general
peace were settled between Great Britain and America, before all
parties are ready. It is easy to comprehend, how French, Spanish, and
Dutch emisaries, in London, in Paris, and Versailles, may insinuate,
that the support of the tories is a point of national and royal honor,
and propagate so many popular arguments in favor of it, as to
embarrass the British Minister. It is easy to see, that the French may
naturally revive their old assertions, that Penobscot and Kennebec are
the boundary of Nova Scotia, although against the whole stream of
British authorities, and the most authentic acts of the Governors,
Shirley, Pownal, Bernard, and Hutchinson. Mr Fitzherbert, who is
constantly at Versailles, is very sanguine for the refugees.
Nevertheless, if my Lord Shelburne should not agree with us, these
will be only ostensible points. He cares little for either. It will be
to avoid giving any certain weapons against himself, to the friends of
Lord North, and the old Ministry.