(notwithstanding the offer made at Philadelphia) not to be bound in an
alliance with America and Holland. They may think they shall have more
influence with their hands unbound, even to a system that they approve
and mean to pursue. It is amidst all these doublings and windings of
European politics, that American Ministers have to decide and act. The
result is clear in my mind, that although it is proper to be upon good
terms, and be communicative and confidential with the French
Ministers, yet we ought to have opinions, principles, and systems of
our own, and that our Ministers should not be bound to follow their
advice, but when it is consonant to our own; and that Congress should
firmly support their own Ministers against all secret insinuations.
They must see, that a Minister of theirs, who is determined, as he is
bound in honor, to be free and independent, is not in a very
delectable or enviable situation in Europe, as yet.
There is but one alternative. Either Congress should recall all their
Ministers from Europe, and leave all negotiations to the French
Ministry, or they must support their Ministers against all
insinuations. If Congress will see with their own eyes, I can assure
them, without fear of being contradicted, that neither the color,
figure, nor magnitude of objects will always appear to them exactly as
they do to their allies. To send Ministers to Europe, who are supposed
by the people of America to see for themselves, while in effect they
see, or pretend to see nothing, but what appears through the glass of
a French Minister, is to betray the just expectations of that people.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, September 7th, 1782.
Sir,
In answer to your letters, demanding my accounts, I have the honor to
enclose the three numbers, 1, 2, 3.
No 1, is the account of my salary for two years and a half, and the
payment of it by Dr Franklin, in obedience to the orders of Congress,
the whole amounting to L6,250 sterling.[9]
No 2, is the account for the purchase of the _Hotel des Etats-Unis de
l'Amerique_, which amounts to fifteen thousand two hundred and seven
florins, seven stivers, and eight duits. Over against it I have given
credit for the cash I received of Messrs de Neufvilles' loan, six
thousand six hundred and fifty florins. I have also given credit for
twelve thousand four hundred and twentyeight French livres and five
sols, which I received of M. Lagoanere in Spain. I have been informed,
it was the intention of Congress, that the expenses of their Ministers
to the places of their destination should be borne in addition to
their salaries. The expenses, made by the Continental Navy Board, for
the accommodations of the voyage, were, no doubt, intended to be so,
for which reason I have taken no notice of them in my accounts,
either of the first or second voyage. But whether the expenses of our
horrid journey through Spain come within the intention of Congress or
not, I cannot tell. It was our misfortune to be cast, in a leaky ship,
on the Spanish coast, and to make a very distressing, and very
expensive journey by land to Paris; but whether it is the design of
Congress to allow us this expense or not, I know not, and very
cheerfully submit to their decision. If they should allow it, they
will erase it from this account, No. 2. But in that case they should
erase another article from No. 3.
No. 3. That article is the first; four hundred dollars stolen out of
my chest at Dr Franklin's. After I received my commission from
Congress to borrow money in Holland, Mr Thaxter was obliged to come to
assist me; but as it was not certain I should stay in Holland, it was
not proper to remove my baggage from Paris. Accordingly, I wrote to Dr
Franklin, requesting him to give house-room to my chests, which he was
kind enough to agree to. They were all accordingly carried there; but
while there, some thief broke out the bottom of one of my chests and
carried off four hundred dollars, which I could never hear of. Mr Dana
and Mr Thaxter knew, that the money was there, and Dr Franklin knows
it was stolen; and as this misfortune has happened from my having two
commissions, that called my attention different ways, and from no
fault of mine, I think it is but reasonable I should be allowed it,
provided Congress shall charge me with the whole sum of money received
of M. Lagoanere. If they allow me that sum, I do not desire to be
allowed this four hundred dollars.
The second article in No. 3, is my journey to Paris. As this was an
additional and double expense, arising necessarily from my having two
departments, one for peace, and one for Holland; and as it was a heavy
expense, I submit to Congress the propriety of allowing it.
The other articles in No. 3, are deductions from my salary, which Dr
Franklin wrote me ought to be allowed me by Congress, but he did not
think himself authorised to pay any more than my net salary; so that
all charges must fall upon me; whereas I apprehended the intention of
Congress was, that the net salary should be paid me, and all necessary
charges attending the payment of it, to be borne by the public. I
submit it, however, to their decision.
The other articles, of house rent, stationary, salaries of clerks,
postage of letters, and extra entertainments, are articles, which Dr
Franklin wrote me he had charged to Congress, and since told me, that
Mr Jay was of the same opinion with him and me, that they ought to be.
I have not sent any particular account of these things, and shall not,
until I know the determination of Congress; because it is extremely
difficult for me to make out an account of them. My life has been such
a wandering pilgrimage, that I have not been able to keep any distinct
account of them. They are scattered about in thousands of receipts,
with other things, which will require more time to bring together than
I will spend upon it, until I know the pleasure of Congress. My house
rent has, on an average, cost me more than one hundred and fifty
pounds sterling a year, although mostly I have lived in furnished
lodgings. I have had but one clerk, Mr Thaxter, to whom I hope
Congress will make some compensation for his faithful and industrious
services, in addition to what I have paid him, which has been only
one hundred pounds sterling a year. If Congress will allow this to me,
it may be easily added by them to the account.
The purchase of the house is a very good bargain. If Congress should
pay the house rent of their Ministers, it will be cheaper here than
anywhere, by reason of this purchase; if not, their Minister here may
pay interest of the purchase money for rent, to Congress, as well as
another. But in that case he will live at a cheaper rate than any
other Minister. I have been at a small additional expense for repairs,
which has put the house in order; but as the accounts are not yet
brought in, I cannot exactly tell the sum. When they come in, I shall
draw on the Messrs. Willinks, Van Staphorsts, and de la Lande and
Fynje, for the money, unless I shall have contrary orders from
Congress.
I have ever made a large expense for newspapers, for the sake of
public intelligence, and have sent them as often as I could, and in
great numbers, to America. As I ever have, I ever shall send them all
there, and if Congress shall think this a proper charge to the public,
it may be added hereafter.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[9] The salary allowed the Ministers abroad at that time, was two
thousand five hundred pounds sterling a year.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, September 15th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I have been favored with your letters from the 19th of April to the
5th of July, by the _Heer Adams_. How impatiently they have been
expected, you will be able to judge, by mine of the 29th ult. which
you will receive with this. The events they announce, are considered
of the utmost importance here, and have been directed to be officially
communicated to the different States.
Your loan is approved, and the ratification herewith transmitted. The
resolution, which will accompany this, will be a sufficient spur to
induce you to extend every nerve to get it filled; for if the war
continues, it will be essential to our exertions; if it should
terminate, it will not be less necessary to enable us to discharge our
army; in every view it is necessary. In the present situation of the
States, money can be raised but slowly by taxation. New systems must
be introduced, which cannot without difficulty be adopted in the
hurry, confusion, and distress of a war. They will, however, be
adopted. Congress are constantly employed in discussing the means for
a regular payment of the interest, and the gradual discharge of the
principal of their debt.
The other resolution arises from the difficulty of ascertaining what
are really the funds of the United States in Europe, when more than
one person can dispose of them. I am satisfied this resolution will
meet your approbation, from the rule which you say you have prescribed
to yourself. It will, I dare say, be equally agreeable to our
Ministers to be released from the troublesome task of bankers to the
United States.
You mention the negotiations on the tapis in Paris, but so slightly,
as to leave us in the dark concerning their progress, presuming, (as,
indeed, you might have done, on probable grounds) that we should
receive information on that subject from Dr Franklin, but,
unfortunately, we have learnt nothing from him. I must beg, therefore,
in order to open as many channels of information as possible, that
you would give me, not only the state of your own affairs, but every
other information, which you may receive from our other Ministers, or
through any other authentic channel.
I observe your last memorial, or note, is in French. Would it not be
expedient, and more for our honor, if all our Ministers at every Court
were to speak the language of our own country, which would at least
preserve them from errors, which an equivocal term might lead them
into. I mention this, merely as a hint, which is submitted to your
judgment.
We are informed that the _Aigle_ and _Gloire_, two frigates from
France, have just entered the Capes, closely pursued by a British ship
of the line, and three frigates. It is strongly apprehended from the
situation in which they were left, that they must either be destroyed,
or fall into the enemy's hands.
Pigot is arrived at New York, with twentysix sail of the line. The
late changes in administration seem to have made such a change here,
that I much doubt whether they will quit us this fall, at least, till
they hear again from England, though they certainly were making every
disposition for it before. I will keep this letter open till I hear
the fate of the frigates, and know whether our despatches by them can
be preserved.
M. Dumas's application is before Congress. They may possibly appoint
him Secretary to the Legation, which I heartily wish they may, as he
certainly has been an assiduous and faithful servant. But there is no
probability of their going further, as they would not choose to
appoint any but an American to so important an office, as that of
_Charge des Affaires_. Nor will their present system of economy
permit them to make so great an addition to his salary as you mention,
which is much greater than is usually allowed to secretaries, as their
circumstances require it to be less.
_September 18th._ The Aigle, Captain La Fouche, has been driven on
shore, and is lost within the Capes; her despatches, money, and
passengers, have, however, happily been saved. The Gloire, the other
frigate, has arrived at Chester. I find no despatches from you among
the letters that have come to hand; nor anything from Holland, but
duplicates of letters from M. Dumas. Congress yesterday passed the
annexed resolution, which needs no comment.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, September 17th, 1782.
Sir,
This morning, I was in conference with M. Fagel, in order to make the
last corrections in the language of the treaty, which is to be
executed in English and Dutch, as that with the Crown of France, was
in English and French. We have now, I hope, agreed upon every word, if
not every point, and nothing remains, but to make five fair copies of
it for signature, which, however, is no little labor. The Secretary
thinks he shall accomplish them in the course of this week, and part
of the next, so that they may be signed by the latter end of next
week, or perhaps the middle. The Secretary, who has always been
complaisant, was more so than ever today. He congratulated me, upon
the prospect of a speedy conclusion of this matter; hoped it would be
highly beneficial to both nations; and that our posterity might have
cause to rejoice in it even more than we. He says the usage is, for
two Deputies to sign it, on the part of Holland, and one on the part
of each other Province, so that there will be eight signers in behalf
of the Republic.
It is now nearly five months since I was publicly received, and
proposed a project of a treaty. All this time it has taken the several
Provinces and cities to examine, make their remarks, and fresh
propositions, and bring the matter to a conclusion. It would not have
been so long, however, if the Court had been delighted with the
business. But, in a case where unanimity was requisite, and the Court
not pleased, it was necessary to proceed with all the softness,
caution, and prudence, possible, that no ill humors might be stirred.
Yet, in a case, where the nation's heart is so engaged, in which its
commerce and love of money is so interested, what wretched policy is
it in this Court, to show even a lukewarmness, much more an aversion.
Yet, such is the policy, and such it will be. The Prince of Orange is,
to all appearance, as incurable as George the Third, his cousin.
I was afterwards an hour with the French Ambassador, at his house. He
tells me, his last letters from the Count de Vergennes say, that he
has yet seen no appearance of sincerity on the part of the British
Ministry, in the negotiations for peace. Of this, Congress will be
easily convinced by the copies I have transmitted of the commissions
of Mr Fitzherbert and Oswald.
The subject of our conversation was the means of getting out the Dutch
fleet, which is now in the Texel, although the British fleet, under
Milbank, is returned to Portsmouth, and probably sailed with Lord Howe
for Gibraltar. I asked the Duke, where was the combined fleet? His
last accounts were, that they were off Cape Ortegal, endeavoring to
get round Cape Finisterre to Cadiz. He speaks of it, as doubtful,
whether they will give battle to Lord Howe, because the Spanish ships,
with an equal number of guns, are of a smaller caliber than the
English; but hopes that the blow will be struck before Howe arrives.
The means of getting the fleet out of the Texel to intercept a fleet
of English ships from the Baltic, came next under consideration. But
the wind is not fair. It might have gone out, but they had not
intelligence.
I asked, who it was that governed naval matters? He answered, the
Prince. But surely the Prince must have some assistance, some
confidential minister, officer, clerk, secretary, or servant. If he
were a Solomon, he could not manage the fleet, and the whole system of
intelligence, and orders concerning it, without aid. He said, it is
the College of the Admiralty, and sometimes M. Bisdom, who is a good
man, and sometimes M. Van der Hope, who may be a good man, he has
sense and art, but is suspected. Very well, said I, M. Bisdom and M.
Van der Hope ought to be held responsible, and the eyes of the public
ought to be turned towards them, and they ought to satisfy the public.
The Duke said the Prince is afraid of the consequences. He knows that
the sensations of the people are very lively at present, and nobody
knows what may be the consequence of their getting an opinion, that
there has been negligence, or anything worse, which may have prevented
them from striking a blow. I asked, if they had any plan for
obtaining intelligence, the soul of war, from England? And he said
the Grand Pensionary told him, he paid very dear for intelligence.
However, I cannot learn, and do not believe that they have any
rational plan for obtaining intelligence necessary from every quarter,
as they ought. They should have intelligence from every seaport in
France, England, Scotland, Germany, and all round the Baltic, and they
should have light frigates and small vessels out. But when war is
unwillingly made, everything is not done. The next subject was the
proposition from Amsterdam, for renewing the concert of operations for
the next campaign.
Congress may hear of some further plans for a separate peace between
Holland and England, but they will not succeed. The Republic will
stand firm, though it will not be so active as we could wish, and the
concert of operations will be renewed.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
_Extract from the Records of the Resolutions of their
High Mightinesses the States-General of the United
Netherlands._
_Tuesday, September 17th, 1782._ "The Lord Van Randwyk and others,
Deputies of their High Mightinesses for the Department of Foreign
Affairs, in obedience to, and in compliance with their resolution of
the 23d of April of the present year, having conferred with Mr Adams,
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, respecting
the entering into a treaty of amity and commerce with the said States,
reported to this Assembly, that the said Mr Adams, on the 26th of
April thereafter, did deliver to them a plan of such a treaty,
requesting the same might be examined, and that such articles might
be added, as might be deemed most serviceable. That the said
gentlemen, Deputies, after having consulted and advised with the
committees of the respective colleges of the Admiralty upon the said
plan or sketch of a treaty, made sundry observations thereon, and also
sundry separate propositions, all which on the 26th of August last
they communicated to the said Mr Adams, who, on the 27th following,
returned his answer thereto; which having compared with the said
propositions, and finding the same in substance conformable thereto,
and all difficulties that had occurred entirely removed, they drew up
a new treaty, and also a new convention on the subject of retaken
prizes, in conformity to the determination that has been previously
adopted and resolved on, and the treaties so prepared, they handed to
Mr Adams, on the 6th of this current month, who, since, has declared
himself perfectly satisfied therewith.
"Wherefore, the said gentlemen, Deputies for Foreign Affairs, submit
it to the consideration of their High Mightinesses to determine,
whether it would not be proper and necessary to authorise them to
conclude and sign with Mr Adams, the treaty and convention aforesaid.
"Whereupon having deliberated, it is found and judged right, that the
said treaty and convention be drawn out afresh, and fair copies
thereof made, in order that the finishing hand may be put thereto; and
the said Lord Van Randwyk, and others, their High Mightinesses'
Deputies for Foreign Affairs, are hereby requested and authorised to
conclude and sign the said treaty and convention with the aforesaid Mr
Adams.
W. Z. VAN BORSSELE.
Compared with the record.
H. FAGEL."
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, September 17th, 1782.
Sir,
You will naturally inquire, whether the neutral powers will continue
their neutrality, or whether the neutral confederacy will be broken?
No certain answer can be given to these questions. We must content
ourselves with probabilities, which are strong for the continuance of
the neutrality. Who indeed should break it? The Emperor was thought to
be the most unlikely potentate to accede to it; but he has acceded and
has taken several steps, which prove that he will not break it, at
least by leaning towards England. Sweden is the steady friend to
France. The King of Prussia, whose affections and inclinations are
certainly towards France and Holland, and alienated from England,
would certainly at this age of life be too cautious a politician to
wage war for England, against the Houses of Bourbon and Austria,
Holland and America.
There remains only Russia and Denmark. What can Russia do? This is a
maritime war. She cannot assist the English with land forces; a
hundred thousand men would do no good to England, on land. Her boasted
fleet, added to that of England, would only weaken it for several
reasons. Among the rest, because England must maintain it with money,
if not with officers and men, for cash is wanting in Russia. Denmark
remains, but what can she do? Her Islands in the West Indies, and her
trade are at our mercy, and she would not have force enough to defend
her own, much less to assist England, if she should declare war.
A doctrine prevails that the acknowledgment of the independence of
America, is a hostility against England, and consequently a breach of
the neutrality. Our friends have sometimes favored this idea. The Duc
de la Vauguyon has often expressed this sentiment to me; and if I am
not mistaken, the Marquis de Verac has said the same to Mr Dana. If
this opinion is not clear, it is very impolitic to favor it. The Court
of France, in their public memorials, have denied it, and it would be
difficult to prove it, either by the law or practice of nations.
Sending or receiving Ambassadors, entering into peaceful commercial
treaties, or at least negotiating at Philadelphia, the rights of
neutral nations, is not taking arms against Great Britain.
But if an acknowledgment of our independence is a hostility, a denial
of it is so too, and if the maritime confederation forbids the one, it
forbids both. None of the neutral nations can take the part of Great
Britain, therefore, without breaking to pieces that great system,
which has cost so much negotiation, and embraces so great a part of
mankind.
The neutral powers set so high a value upon it, and indeed make so
great profit by it, that I think none of them will take the part of
Great Britain. The connexions of the Duke Louis of Brunswick in
Denmark and Russia, have set some little machines in motion, partly to
favor him, and partly to hold out an appearance of something
fermenting for the benefit of Great Britain. But these will never
succeed so far as to draw any nation into the war, or to incline this
Republic to make a separate peace.
It is to this source that I attribute certain observations that are
circulated in pamphlets and in conversation, "that there is at
present an incoherence in the general system of Europe. That the
Emperor has deranged the whole system of the equilibrium of Europe, so
that if ever the Northern Powers should think of stopping by a
confederation the preponderance of the Southern Powers, Holland will
be unable, on account of the demolition of the barriers, to accede to
that confederation."
M. Magis, who has been eight and twenty years Envoy at the Hague from
the Bishop of Liege, and who converses more with all the foreign
Ministers here, than any other, has said to me, not long since, "Sir,
the wheel rolls on too long and too rapidly one way; it must roll back
again, somewhat, to come to its proper centre. The power of the House
of Bourbon rises, and that of Great Britain sinks too fast, and I
believe, the Emperor, although he seems perfectly still at present,
will come out at length, and take the greatest part of any power in
the final adjustment of affairs."
The Count de Mirabel, the Sardinian Minister, said to me, upon another
occasion, "your country, Sir, will be obliged in the vicisitudes of
things, to wheel round, and take part with England, and such allies,
as she may obtain, in order to form a proper balance in the world." My
answer to both was, "these sentiments betray a jealousy of a too
sudden growth of the power of the House of Bourbon; but whose fault is
it, if it is a fact, (which it does not appear to be as yet) and whose
fault will it be, if it should hereafter become a fact? Why do the
neutral powers stand still and see it, or imagine they see it, when it
is so easy to put a stop to it? They have only to acknowledge American
independence, and then, neither the House of Bourbon nor England will
have a colorable pretence for continuing the war, from which alone
the jealousy can arise."