Ambassador and me? I answer, there is a constant, uninterrupted
harmony and familiarity between the Duc de la Vauguyon and his family,
and me. I visit him, and he visits me. I dine with him, and he and his
family dine with me as often as you can wish; and he is ever ready to
enter into conversation and consultation with me upon public affairs.
He is an amiable man, whom I esteem very much. He is able, attentive,
and vigilant, as a Minister; but he has been under infinite
obligations to the United States of America and her Minister, for the
success he has had in this country. Nothing on this earth but the
American cause, could ever have prevented this Republic from joining
England in the war, and nothing but the memorial of the 19th of April,
1781, and the other innumerable measures taken in consequence of it by
the same hand, could ever have prevented this Republic from making a
separate peace with England. The American cause and Minister have done
more to introduce a familiarity between the French Ambassador and
some leading men here, than any other thing could; and if anybody
denies it, it must be owing to ignorance or ingratitude. It is at the
same time true, and I acknowledge it with pleasure and gratitude, that
our cause could not have succeeded here without the aid of France. Her
aid in the East Indies, West Indies, and upon the barrier frontiers,
her general benevolence, and concert of operations, as well as the
favorable and friendly exertions of her Ambassador, after the decisive
steps taken by me, contributed essentially to the accomplishment of
the work. I have an opportunity of meeting at his house, too, almost
as often as I desire, the other foreign Ministers; but of this more
hereafter.
You desire also to know the popular leaders I have formed acquaintance
with. The two noblemen, the Baron Van der Capellan de Pall, of
Overyssel, and the Baron Van der Capellan de Marsch, of Guelderland, I
have formed an acquaintance with; the former, very early after my
first arrival. I have had frequent and intimate conversations with
him, and he has been of the utmost service to our cause. His unhappy
situation, and unjust expulsion from his seat in government, the
opposition of the Court, and of his colleagues in the Regency, make it
delicate to write freely concerning this nobleman. He has an
independent fortune, though not called rich in this country. His parts
and learning are equal to any, his zeal and activity superior. I dare
not say in what a multitude of ways he has served us; posterity will,
perhaps, know them all.
Two years ago, upon my first arrival at Amsterdam, I fell acquainted,
at M. Van Staphorst's, with M. Calkoen, the first gentleman of the
bar, at Amsterdam; a man of letters, well read in law and history,
and an elegant writer. He desired to be informed of American affairs.
I gave him a collection of our constitutions, and a number of
pamphlets and papers, and desired him to commit to writing his
questions. In a few days, he sent me thirty questions in Dutch, which
show him to be a man of profound reflection and sagacity. I got them
translated, and determined to seize the opportunity to turn his
attention to our affairs, and gain his confidence. I wrote him a
distinct letter upon each question, and endeavored to give him as
comprehensive an insight into our affairs as I could.[8] He was much
pleased with the answers, and composed out of them a comparison
between the American and Batavian Revolutions, which he read with
applause to a society of forty gentlemen of letters, who meet in a
club at Amsterdam. I lent him Burgoyne's and Howe's pamphlets in
vindication of themselves, which he communicated also. By this means,
this society, whose influence must be very extensive, were made hearty
converts to the opinion of the impracticability of a British conquest,
and the certainty of American success; points very dubious in the
minds of this nation in general, when I first came here, as I can
easily prove. With this gentleman, I have ever preserved an agreeable
acquaintance. It was he who drew up the petition of the merchants of
Amsterdam in favor of American independence.
About the time of presenting my memorial, I became acquainted with
another lawyer at the Hague, M. Van Zoon, who has been also from time
to time active in our favor, and drew up the petitions of Rotterdam.
The gazetteers of this country are not mere printers, they are men of
letters; and as these vehicles have a vast influence in forming the
public opinion, they were not to be neglected by me, whose only hopes
lay in the public opinion, to resist the torrent of a court and
government. I therefore became naturally acquainted with the family of
the Luzacs, in Leyden, whose gazette has been very useful to our
cause, and who are excellent people. M. John Luzac, drew up the two
petitions of Leyden to their Regency.
At Amsterdam, my acquaintance with M. Cerisier enabled me to render
the _Politique Hollandais_, and the French Gazette of Amsterdam,
useful on many occasions; and by means of one friend and another,
particularly M. Dumas, I have been able to communicate anything that
was proper to the public, by means of the Dutch gazettes of Amsterdam,
Haerlem, and Delft. By means of these secret connexions with printers
and writers, I have had an opportunity to cause to be translated and
printed, many English pamphlets tending to elucidate our affairs,
particularly those valuable documents of Howe and Burgoyne, than which
nothing has contributed more to fortify our cause. They are considered
as the decisive testimonies of unwilling witnesses and cruel enemies.
With these persons, and others whom I could not have conversations
with, I have had correspondence as frequent as my time would allow.
At Amsterdam, I was acquainted with several mercantile houses, M. de
Neufville & Son, M. Crommelin & Sons, Messieurs Van Staphorsts, De la
Lande & Fynje, Madame Chabanel & Son & Nephew, M. Hodshon, M. Van Arp,
M. Teagler, and several others, who, in their several ways, were
useful to our affairs.
I come now to the most difficult task of all, the description of the
foreign Ministers. The Minister of the Emperor is ninety years of age,
and never appears at Court, or anywhere else. I have never seen him or
his secretary. The Ministers from Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Portugal,
Sardinia, and Liege, I see every week at Court, where I sup regularly
when the others do, though it is very visible that I am not the guest
the most favored by the Prince. I dine with them all, sometimes at the
French Ambassador's and Spanish Minister's, but have not dined at any
of their houses, nor they at mine. Not one of them would dare to give
or receive an invitation, except France, Spain, and Liege. The
Minister from Sweden, the Baron d'Ehrenswerd, is lately removed to
Berlin, to my great regret, as he appeared to me a very good
character, and behaved very civilly to me several times when I met him
at Court and at the French Ambassador's. The Secretary of Legation
does the business, now M. Van Arp, who appears to be a worthy man, and
is not afraid to converse with me. The Minister from Prussia, M. de
Thulemeyer, is very civil, attacks me, (as he expresses it) in
English, and wishes to meet me on horseback, being both great riders;
will converse freely with me upon astronomy, or natural history, or
any mere common affairs; will talk of news, battles, sieges, &c.; but
these personages are very reserved in politics and negotiations. They
must wait for instructions.
M. de St Saphorin, the Envoy from Denmark, is a personage of very odd
behavior; a Swiss by birth, but an open and not very discreet advocate
for England. It should be observed, that the Queen Dowager of Denmark,
is sister to the Duc Louis de Brunswick; and as the King is not a
distinguished character among crowned heads, she is supposed to have
much influence at Court, and the Minister here may be complaisant to
her. But neither that power nor its Minister is able to do more than
influence a gazette or two, to publish some very injudicious
speculations. I am not the only foreign Minister that converses or
corresponds with gazetteers; though it at least is certain, that I
never give them money. I hope I am not singular in this. This
gentleman has been much with another since his arrival, M. Markow, the
adjoint Minister from Russia, another advocate for the English,
without being able to do them any service. He was never more than a
Secretary of Legation before. He has been here formerly in that
character, and in the partition of Poland. He was preceded here, by
reports of his great talents at negotiations and intrigue, and it was
said, that he had never failed of success; but his residence here has
made no sensation or impression at all. He talks in some companies
indiscreetly in favor of England, but is not much attended to. His
behavior to me, is a distant bow, an affected smile sometimes, and now
and then, a "_Comment vous portez-vous?_" One evening at Court, when
the Northern Epidemy was here, he put me this question after supper,
in great apparent good humor; "_terriblement afflige de l'influenca_,"
said I; "_C'est en Angleterre_." says he, laughing, "_qu'on a donne ce
nom, et il ne feroit point du mal, si vous voudriez vous laisser
gagner un peu par l'influence de l'Angleterre_." I had at my tongue's
end to answer, "_C'est assez d'etre tourmente de l'influence qui vient
de Russie!!_ but I reflected very suddenly, if he is indiscreet, I
will not be; so I contented myself to answer, very gravely, "_jamais,
Monsieur, jamais_."
The Prince de Gallitzin, his colleague, is of a different character; a
good man, and thinks justly; but his place is too important to his
family to be hazarded; so he keeps a great reserve, and behaves with
great prudence. Knowing his situation, I have avoided all advances to
him, lest I should embarrass him. The Sardinian Minister is very ready
to enter into conversation at all times; but his Court and system are
wholly out of the present question. The Portuguese Envoy
Extraordinary, D. Joas Theolonico d'Almeida, is a young nobleman
glittering with stars, and, as they say, very rich. He has twice, once
at Court, and once at the Spanish Minister's, entered familiarly into
conversation with me, upon the climates of America and Portugal, and
the commerce that has been, and will be between our countries, and
upon indifferent subjects; but there is no appearance that he is
profoundly versed in political subjects, nor any probability that he
could explain himself, until all the neutral powers do, of whom
Portugal is one.
The Spanish Minister, D. Llano, Count de Sanafee, has at last got over
all his punctilios, and I had the honor to dine with him, in company
with all the foreign Ministers and four or five officers of rank in
the Russian service, on Tuesday last. He and his Secretary had dined
with me some time ago. I shall, therefore, be upon a more free, if not
familiar, footing with him in future. He has indeed been always very
complaisant and friendly, though embarrassed with his punctilios of
etiquette. There is one anecdote, that in justice to myself and my
country I ought not to omit. The first time I ever saw him was at his
house, a day or two after my reception by the States. He sent for me.
I went, and had an hour's conversation with him. He said to me, "Sir,
you have struck the greatest blow of all Europe. It is the greatest
blow that has been struck in the American Cause, and the most
decisive. It is you who have filled this nation with enthusiasm; it is
you who have turned all their heads." Next morning he returned my
visit at my lodgings, for it was before my removal to this house. In
the course of conversation upon the subject of my success here, he
turned to a gentlemen in company, and said to him, "this event is
infinitely honorable to Mr. Adams. It is the greatest blow (_le plus
grand coup_) which could have been struck in all Europe. It is he, who
has filled this nation with enthusiasm; it is he, who has disconcerted
the admirers of England (_Anglomanes_); it is he, who has turned the
heads of the Hollanders. It is not for a compliment to Mr Adams that I
say this, but because I believe it to be his due."
I wish for some other historiographer, but I will not, for fear of the
charge of vanity, omit to record things, which were certainly said
with deliberation, and which prove the sense, which the Ministers of
the House of Bourbon had of the stream of prejudice here against them,
and of the influence of America and her Minister, in turning the tide.
I hope, Sir, that these sketches will satisfy you for the present; if
not, another time I will give you portraits at full length. In the
meantime, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[8] These letters were afterwards printed under the title of
_Twentysix Letters upon Interesting Subjects, respecting the
Revolution in America_.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, September 6th, 1782.
Sir,
In your letter of the 5th of March, you ask "whether this power has
entered into any treaty with France since the war, and whether any
such thing is in contemplation?"
They have made no treaty, but a convention concerning recaptures,
which you must have seen in the papers. The East India Company have
concerted operations with France in the East Indies, and the Prince,
by the resolution of the States, has concerted operations in these
European seas for this campaign, and the city of Amsterdam has lately
proposed in the States of Holland, to renew the concert for next year,
and to revive an old treaty of commerce with France. In my letter of
the 18th of August, I have sent you a copy of the instructions to
their Ministers for peace, "not to make peace, truce, or armistice,
but with the simultaneous concurrence of all the belligerent powers,"
among whom the United States of America are certainly one in the sense
and meaning of their High Mightinesses.
You observe, Sir, "that France is interested with us, in procuring a
public acknowledgment of our independence." You desire me to write
freely, and my own disposition inclines me to do so. This is a
delicate subject, and requires to be cautiously handled. Political
jealousy is very different from a suspicious temper. We should
contemplate the vices naturally allied to the greatest virtues. We
should consider the fevers that lie near a high state of health. We
should consider the maxim that is laid down by all the political
writers in the world, and the fact that is found in all histories,
"that in cases of alliance between unequal powers, almost all the
advantages ever did and ever will accrue to the greatest." We should
observe in the Abbe Raynal's history of this revolution, that there is
a party in France that blames the Ministry for putting themselves into
the chains (_fers_) of Congress, and for not keeping us dependent
enough upon them. Is it not natural for them to wish to keep us
dependent upon them, that we might be obliged to accept such terms of
peace as they should think would do for us? If the House of Bourbon
should be suspected by any neutral power to grow too fast in wealth
and force, and be disposed to form a league against it, is it not
natural for it to wish that we may be kept from any connexions with
such powers, and wholly connected with it, so as to be obliged to
engage with it in all its wars.
It is impossible for me to prove, that the delay of Spain to
acknowledge our independence, has been concerted between the French
and Spanish Ministry; but I candidly ask any man, who has attended to
the circumstances of this war, if he has not seen cause to suspect it!
For my own part, I have no doubt of it, and I do not know that we can
justly censure it. I have ten thousand reasons, which convince me that
one Minister at least has not wished that we should form connexions
with Holland, even so soon as we did, or with any power; although he
had no right, and therefore would not appear openly to oppose it. When
I took leave of that Minister to return to America, in the spring of
1779, he desired me expressly to advise Congress to attend to the
affairs of the war, and leave the politics of Europe to them, (_et
laisser la politique a nous_). In 1778 or 1779, when Mr Lee and I
proposed to Dr Franklin to go to Holland, or to consent that one of
us should go, the Doctor would not, but wrote to that Minister upon
it, and received an answer, which he showed me, advising against it;
and when I received my letter of credence here, the Minister here, who
follows the instructions communicated by that Minister, took all
possible pains to persuade me against communicating it; and Dr
Franklin, without reserve in word or writing, has constantly declared,
that Congress were wrong in sending a Minister to Berlin, Vienna,
Tuscany, Spain, Holland, and Petersburg, and Dr Franklin is as good an
index of that Minister's sentiments as I know.
Now I avow myself of a totally opposite system, and think it our
indispensable duty, as it is our undoubted right, to send Ministers to
other Courts, and endeavor to extend our acquaintance, commerce, and
political connexions with all the world, and have pursued this system,
which I took to be also the wish of Congress and the sense of America,
with patience and perseverance against all dangers, reproaches,
misrepresentations, and oppositions, until, I thank God, he has
enabled me to plant the standard of the United States at the Hague,
where it will wave forever.
I am now satisfied, and dread nothing. The connexion with Holland is a
sure stay. Connected with Holland and the House of Bourbon, we have
nothing to fear.
I have entered into this detail, in answer to your inquiry, and the
only use of it I would wish to make is this, to insist upon seeing
with our own eyes, using our own judgment, and acting an independent
part; and it is of the last importance we should do it now thus early,
otherwise we should find it very difficult to do it hereafter. I hope
I have given you my sentiments, as you desired, with freedom, and
that freedom, I hope, will give no offence, either in America or
France, for certainly none is intended.
In your favor of the 22d of May, you direct me to draw upon Dr
Franklin for my salary, and to send my accounts to you. My accounts,
Sir, are very short, and shall be sent as soon as the perplexity of
the treaty is over. As to drawing on Dr Franklin, I presume this was
upon supposition, that we had no money here. There is now near a
million and a half of florins, so that I beg I may be permitted to
receive my salary here.
I have transmitted to Mr Dana your despatches, as desired in yours of
the 29th of May, reserving an extract for publication in the gazettes,
which the French Ambassador is of opinion, as well as others, will
have a great effect in Europe. Your letter is extremely well written,
and M. Dumas has well translated it, so that it will appear to
advantage. Yours of the 30th of May affords me the pleasure of
knowing, that you have received some letters from me this year, and I
am glad you are inclined to lay that of the 21st of February before
Congress. By this time I hope that all objections are removed to the
memorial; but in order to judge of the full effect of that memorial,
three volumes of the _Politique Hollandais_, several volumes of _De
Post Van Neder Rhin_, all the Dutch gazettes for a whole year, and the
petitions of all the cities should be read, for there is not one of
them but what clearly shows the propriety of presenting that memorial,
whose influence and effect, though not sudden, has been amazingly
extensive. Indeed the French Ambassador has often signified to me
lately, and more than once in express words, _Monsieur votre fermete a
fait un tres bon effet ici_.
The cypher was not put up in this duplicate, and I suppose the
original is gone on to Mr Dana in a letter I transmitted him from you
sometime ago, so that I should be obliged to you for another of the
same part.
Rodney's victory came, as you hoped it would, too late to obstruct me.
I was well settled at the Hague, and publicly received by the States
and Prince before we received that melancholy news. If it had arrived
sooner, it might have deranged all our systems, and this nation
possibly might have been now separately at peace, which shows the
importance of watching the time and tide, which there is in the
affairs of men.
You require, Sir, to be furnished with the most minute detail of every
step, that Britain may take towards a negotiation for a general or
partial peace. All the details towards a partial peace, are already
public in the newspapers, and have all been ineffectual. The
States-General are firm against it, as appears by their instructions
to their Ministers. Since the conversations between me and Digges
first, and Mr Laurens afterwards, there has never been any message,
directly or indirectly, by word or writing, from the British Ministry
to me. It was my decided advice, and earnest request by both, that all
messages might be sent to Paris to Dr Franklin and the Count de
Vergennes, and this has been done. Dr Franklin wrote me, that he
should keep me informed of everything that passed by expresses; but I
have had no advice from him since the 2d of June. Your despatches have
all gone the same way, and I have never had a hint of any of them. I
hope that Dr Franklin and Mr Jay have had positive instructions to
consent to no truce or armistice, and to enter into no conferences
with any British Minister, who is not authorised to treat with the
United States of America.
Some weeks ago I agreed with the Duc de la Vauguyon to draw up a
project of a memorial to their High Mightinesses, proposing a triple
or quadruple alliance, according to my instructions to that purpose.
The Duke, in his private capacity, has declared to me often that he is
of opinion, that it would be advisable to make this proposition as
soon as the treaty of commerce is signed; but could not give me any
ministerial advice without consulting the Count de Vergennes. We
agreed that he should transmit the project to the Count. Two days ago,
the Duke called upon me, and informed me, that he had the Count's
answer, which was, that he did not think this the time, because it
would tend to throw obscurity upon the instructions lately given by
the States-General to M. Brantzen, not to make any treaty or
armistice, but simultaneously with all the belligerent powers.
By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance, the invitation or
admission is to be made by concert. From my instructions, I supposed,
and suppose still, that the concert was made at Philadelphia, between
Congress and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, by the order of the King,
his master; and my instructions being positive and unconditional to
make the proposition, I shall be somewhat embarrassed. On the one
hand, I would preserve not only a real harmony, but the appearance of
it, between all steps of mine, and the Councils of the French
Ministers. On the other, I would obey my instructions, especially when
they are so fully agreeable to me, at all events. The proposition
would have a good effect in England, in Holland, in France, America,
and in all the neutral countries, as I think, and it could do no
harm, that I can foresee. Nay, further, I am persuaded, that the
French Ministry themselves, if they were to give me their private
opinions, as the Duc de la Vauguyon does, would be glad if I should
make the proposition against their advice.