Plenipotentiary to treat concerning peace, and he will set off for
Paris in about three weeks. His instructions are such as we should
wish. The States of Holland and West Friesland have determined the
last week upon our project of a treaty of commerce, and I expect to
enter into conferences with the States-General this week, in order to
bring it to a conclusion. I hope for the ratification of the contract
for a loan, which has been sent five different ways. Upon the receipt
of this ratification, there will be thirteen or fourteen hundred
thousand guilders ready to be paid to the orders of Congress by Messrs
Wilhem and Jean Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and De la
Lande and Fynje.
The States and the Regencies are taking such measures with the
Stadtholder, by demanding his orders and correspondence about naval
affairs, and by re-assuming their own constitutional rights in the
appointment of officers, &c. as will bring all things right in this
Republic, which we shall find an affectionate and a useful friend. The
communication of the following instructions to me is such a piece of
friendship and such a mark of confidence, as makes it my duty to
request of Congress that it may be kept secret.
INSTRUCTIONS,
_Projected and passed for the Ambassador Lestevenon de Berkenrode, and
M. de Brantzen._
"1. His Most Christian Majesty, having manifested in the most obliging
manner by his Ambassador Extraordinary, the Duc de la Vauguyon, who
resides here, his favorable intention to have an eye to the interests
of the Republic in the negotiation for a general peace, the aforesaid
Ministers will neglect nothing, but, on the contrary, will employ all
their diligence and all their zeal to preserve and fortify more and
more this favorable disposition of his Majesty towards this State.
"2. To this end those gentlemen, in all which concerns the objects of
their commission, or which may have any relation to them, will act in
a communicative manner, and in concert with the Ministry of his said
Majesty, and will make confidential communications of all things with
them.
"3. They will not enter into any negotiation of peace between the
British Court and the Republic, nor have any conferences thereupon
with the Ministers of the said Court, before they are assured
beforehand, in the clearest manner, and without any equivocation, that
his British Majesty has in fact, and continues to have, a real
intention to acquiesce, without reserve, that the Republic be in full
possession and indisputable, enjoyment of the rights of the neutral
flag, and of a free navigation, in conformity to, and according to the
tenor of, the points enumerated in the declaration of her Imperial
Majesty of Russia, dated the 28th of February, 1780.
"4. When these gentlemen shall be certain of this, and shall have
received the requisite assurances of it, they shall conduct in such a
manner in the conferences, which shall then be held thereupon with the
Ministers of his Britannic Majesty, as to direct things to such an
end, that, in projecting the treaty of peace and friendship between
his said Majesty and the Republic, all the points concerning the free
navigation be adopted word for word, and literally from the said
declaration of her Imperial Majesty, and inserted in the said treaty;
and, moreover, in regard to contraband, (upon the subject of which the
said declaration refers to the treaties of commerce then subsisting
between the respective powers) that they establish henceforward a
limitation, so precise and so distinct, that it may appear most
clearly in future, that all naval stores, (_les munitions ou matieres
navales_) be held free merchandises, and may not by any means be
comprehended under the denomination of contraband; as also, that with
regard to the visitation of merchant vessels, they establish the two
following rules as perpetual and immutable, viz; first, that the
masters (_patrons_) of merchant ships shall be discharged upon
exhibiting their documents, from whence their cargoes may be known,
and to which faith ought to be given, without pretending to molest
them by any visitation; secondly, that when merchant ships shall be
convoyed by vessels of war, all faith shall be yielded to the
commanding officers, who shall escort the convoy, when they shall
declare and affirm, upon their word of honor, the nature of their
cargoes, without being able to require of vessels convoyed, any
exhibition of papers, and still less to visit them.
"5. These gentlemen shall insist also, in the strongest manner, and as
upon a condition _sine qua non_, upon this, that all the possessions
conquered from the Republic by the ships of war or privateers of his
British Majesty, or by the arms of the English East India Company
during the course of this war, or which may be further conquered from
it before the conclusion of the peace, be restored to it, under the
eventual obligation of reciprocity; and this, as far as possible, in
the same state in which they were at the time of the invasion. And,
whereas the greatest part of these possessions have been retaken from
the common enemy, by the arms of His Most Christian Majesty, these
gentlemen will insist in the strongest manner, with his Majesty and
his Ministry, that, by the promise of restitution of these possessions
to the State, immediately after the conclusion of the peace, the
Republic may receive real proofs of the benevolence and of the
affection, which his Majesty has so often testified for it.
"6. These gentlemen will insist also, in the strongest manner, upon
the just indemnification for all the losses unjustly caused by Great
Britain, to the State and to its inhabitants, both in Europe and
elsewhere.
"7. In the affairs concerning the interest of the Company of the East
Indies of this country, these gentlemen ought to demand and receive
the considerations of the commissaries, who are now at Paris on the
part of the Company, and act in concert with them in relation to these
affairs.
"8. In all respects, these gentlemen will hold a good correspondence
with the Ministers of the other belligerent powers; and it is very
specially enjoined upon them, and recommended, to direct things to
this, that in the said negotiations, there be given no room to be able
to conclude or resolve either treaty or cessation of hostilities, if
it be not with the common and simultaneous concurrence of all the
belligerent powers.
"9. Finally, and in general, these gentlemen, during the course of all
this negotiation, will have always before their eyes, that the
conferences at Paris, at least for the present, ought to be looked
upon but as preparatory and preliminary; and that the decision of
points, which may remain in litigation, ought to be reserved to a
general Congress, together with the final adjustment of the definitive
treaty of peace; the whole, at least, until their High Mightinesses,
further informed of the success of these negotiations, and of the
inclination of the belligerent powers, shall find good to qualify
these gentlemen for the final and peremptory conclusion of a treaty."
These instructions will show Congress, in a clear light, the
disposition of this Republic to be as favorable for us and our allies
as we could wish it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, August 22d, 1782.
Sir,
Their High Mightinesses have at length received their instructions
from all the Provinces, and I have this day been in conference with
the Grand Committee, who communicated to me the remarks and
propositions on their part. To this, I shall very soon give my
replication, and I hope the affair will be soon ended.
I was received in State by two of the Lords at the head of the stairs,
and by them conducted into the committee room, where the business is
transacted. The committee consisted of one or more Deputies from each
Province, together with the Grand Pensionary, Bleiswick, and the
Secretary Fagel.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, August 29th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Near five months have elapsed, since I have been favored with a line
from you. Your letter of the 4th of March, is the last that has as yet
found its way to America.
Let me entreat you, Sir, to reflect on the disgrace and discredit it
brings upon this department, to be kept thus in the dark relative to
matters of the utmost moment, and how impossible it is, without better
information, to declare the designs or wishes of Congress, since they
must be in some measure directed by the state of their affairs in
Europe; and, yet, Sir, they have hitherto been left, in a great
measure, to collect that state from private letters, common
newspapers, or the communications of the Minister of France.
There is another circumstance, in which the reputation of our
Ministers themselves, is materially concerned. Letters, announcing a
fact, that is well known before their arrival, lose half their force
and beauty. They cease to be interesting, and are read with
indifference. You have done yourself great injustice frequently in
this way, for though your letters have generally been particular, yet,
from not being sufficiently attentive to the means of conveyance, we
frequently have had the facts they related, published in the
newspapers a month before their arrival. As one instance out of many,
we received with your letter of the 11th of March, Amsterdam papers of
the 30th, which informed us of the determination of Holland relative
to your reception. We are told that you were received in your public
character the 19th of April, and yet, Sir, we have not to this hour
had any official information on that head. I am ready to make every
allowance for the miscarriage of letters; but this should only urge
our Ministers to multiply the number of their copies, particularly
where the subject of them is important. I feel myself so hurt at this
neglect, Congress are so justly dissatisfied at seeing vessels arrive
every day from France without public letters at this very critical
period, from any of our Ministers, that I fear I have pressed the
subject further than I ought to have done. If so, be pleased to
pardon my earnestness, and to impute it to my wish, as well to render
this office more useful to the public, as to enable you to give
Congress more ample satisfaction.
The advantages, which will be derived to these States from the
acknowledgment of their political existence, as an independent nation,
are too many and too obvious, not to be immediately and sensibly felt
by them. I sincerely congratulate you on having been the happy means
of effecting this beneficial connexion. We may reasonably hope, that
your official letters will detail the progress of so interesting an
event, and thereby enable us to form some judgment of the nature and
principles of the government of the United Provinces. From the zeal
they manifest to us, I should hope, that you would find no great
difficulty in the accomplishing of one great object of your mission,
the procuring a loan, which neither the probability or the conclusion
of a peace will render unnecessary. On the contrary, I am inclined to
believe, that our wants will be more pressing at the close of the war,
when our troops are to be paid and disbanded, than at any other
period; and as it seems to have been your sentiment hitherto, that
money could be procured when our political character was fully known,
I venture to hope, that you have availed yourself of your present
situation to obtain it.
General Carleton and Admiral Digby, presuming, I suppose, that our
Ministers were not the most punctual correspondents, have been pleased
to inform us, through the commander-in-chief, that negotiations for a
general peace are on foot. If so, I presume this will find you in
France. In addition to the great objects, which will become the
subjects of discussion, and on which you are fully instructed, I
could wish again to repeat one, that I have mentioned in my last to
you, which materially interests us. I mean the procuring a market for
lumber and provisions of every kind in the West Indies. Should France
pursue her usual system with respect to her Colonies, and England
follow her example, the shock will be severely felt here, particularly
in the States, whose staples are flour, beef and pork. But should
either of them be so fully apprised of their true interest as to set
open this market, at least for these articles, the advantage, they
will derive from it must compel the others to adopt the same system.
I need only mention this matter to you. The arguments to show the
mutual advantage of this commerce to this country, the Colonies and
the parent States will suggest themselves readily to you, and be
suggested by you to those we are interested in convincing. The turtle
and fruit of the Bahama Islands have formed powerful connexions among
the good eaters and drinkers of this country. I recommend their
interests to your care. They flatter themselves their friends, the
Spaniards, will not interrupt their ancient alliance, if these islands
should remain in their hands.
I have already transmitted you an account of the evacuation of
Savannah. The enclosed papers contain a proclamation of General Scott,
announcing that of Charleston, and generously offering to provide for
the transportation of the royalists to East Florida, where the climate
will doubtless aid administration, in the proposed reduction of the
list of pensioners. The fleet under the Marquis de Vaudreuil has
unfortunately lost a seventy four, by striking a rock in the harbor of
Boston. Congress have endeavored to compensate this loss, by
presenting His Most Christian Majesty with the America.
I have caused two quarters' salary to be remitted to Dr Franklin on
your account, for which you will be so obliging as to send me your
receipt. I must again press you to appoint an agent to receive your
money here, as I act without any authority at present, which I must
decline the hazard of doing in future.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, September 4th, 1782.
Sir,
Your triplicate of the 5th of March, No 5, triplicate of the 22d of
May, No. 6, duplicate of the 29th of May, No. 7, and duplicate of May
the 30th, No. 8, together with the despatches for Mr Dana, came to
hand yesterday.
The judicious inquiries in that of the 5th of March, are chiefly
answered by the enclosed pamphlet, which I have caused to be printed,
in order to be sent into England, Scotland, and Ireland, as well as
America. You will find most of your questions answered by great bodies
of merchants, manufacturers, and others, in the first instance, and by
the States of the several separate Provinces in the next place, and
lastly by their High Mightinesses.
I wish the truth would warrant a more satisfactory account of the
ships prepared, and preparing for sea. Those prepared are employed by
concert with France, in the North Sea, where they make a useful
diversion, having lately obliged Lord Howe to detach a considerable
number of ships, and the last accounts say, to go himself with
fourteen ships of the line, in order to protect their trade from the
Baltic, which has certainly retarded, possibly wholly prevented, the
relief of Gibraltar. This, however, is not certain. I cannot assure
Congress of more than twelve Dutch ships of the line, ready for sea.
Some of that number are not in a good condition; not more than two or
three can be depended on to be added, in the course of this season.
As to the leading members of the Great Council, we must distinguish
between the Assembly of the Deputies of the States-General, and the
Assembly of the Deputies of Holland and West Friesland. The Grand
Pensionary of Holland, who is always a member of the Assembly of their
High Mightinesses, is constitutionally the most leading member. M. Van
Bleiswick is the present Grand Pensionary. With him I have frequent
conferences, and they have always been agreeable; but the situation of
this Minister is at present extremely critical and embarrassing. In
former times, when there was no Stadtholder, or at least when his
authority was less extensive, the Grand Pensionaries of Holland have
been in effect Stadtholders. They have been a centre of union for all
the Provinces; but being more immediately connected with, and
dependent on, the Province of Holland, they have been suspected by the
other Provinces to give too much weight to that, which has caused them
to attach themselves to the Stadtholders, as a more impartial support
to the whole States.
To speak candidly, a competition between these two great interests and
these two high offices, seems to have been the cause of the violent
storms in this country; but as the Stadtholders have had the military
power by sea and land at their disposal, and by the pomp and splendor
of a Court, have had the means of imposing more upon the nation, they
have by decrees prevailed. At critical, dangerous times, tragical
scenes have been exhibited, and Barnevelt's head was struck off at one
time, Grotius escaped by a kind of miracle, and the De Witts were torn
in pieces, it is scarcely too bold to say by the open or secret
commands, or connivance of the Stadtholders. The Stadtholder's power,
since 1758, until this year, has been so augmented, and the Grand
Pensionary's so diminished, that M. Van Bleiswick is to be pitied.
More is expected of him than he can perform. He is between two fires.
The Stadtholderian party on the one side, and the Republican on the
other. The consequence is, that he manages both as well as he can; is
extremely cautious and reserved, never explains himself, but in cases
of absolute necessity, and never attempts to assume the lead. If he
were to attempt to act the part of some former Grand Pensionaries, the
consequence would be, either he would not be supported, and would
perish like Barnevelt, or De Witt, or being supported, the
Stadtholdership must give way, and the Prince fly to his estates, in
Germany. M. Van Bleiswick is a great scholar, linguist, natural
philosopher, mathematician, and even physician; has great experience
in public affairs, and is able and adroit enough in the conduct of
them; but not having a temper bold and firm enough, or perhaps loving
his ease too much, or not having ambition, or patriotism, or zeal, or
health enough, to assume a great and decided conduct, he is fallen in
his reputation. They suspect him of duplicity, and in short, measures
are prepared and brought into the States of Holland without his
consent, or previous knowledge, and there carried; a thing unknown
until these days.
Another great officer of state, who constitutionally has influence in
the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, is the Secretary M. Fagel.
This gentleman is of a family, which has ever been zealously attached
to the Stadtholder, and consequently to England, and strongly
prejudiced against France. His ancestor was made Grand Pensionary, in
place of the murdered and immortal De Witt; and from that time to
this, the family have been invariably friends to the Princes of
Orange, and to England, and enemies to France. The present Secretary
does not belie his lineage. He is supposed to be the least satisfied
with the new conventions with us and with France, of any man. I have
had several conferences with him. He is a venerable man of seventy, is
polite, and has always been complaisant enough to me; but Congress
will easily see, from this sketch of his character, that he is not the
man for me to be intimate with. There is a new President of their High
Mightinesses every week. I have had conferences with several, M.
Ijassens, M. Van Citters, M. Boreel, M. Van den Sandheuvel, and the
Baron Lynden de Hemmen; but this continual variation prevents any one
from acquiring esteem and weight from the office; so that they are to
be considered only as common members of the Assembly.
There is a nobleman, the Baron de Lynden, who belongs to the Province
of Zealand, and who was formerly Ambassador in Sweden, and afterwards
appointed to Vienna, but refused to go. I have had the pleasure of a
great deal of conversation with him, and his advice has been useful to
me. He is a sensible and worthy man, and his sentiments are very just.
He has been now for some months in Zealand, and the world has seen
several striking effects of his presence in that Province. He is much
in opposition to the Duke of Brunswick, and consequently to the Court,
to whose cause this nobleman's rank, former offices, and connexions,
have done much damage. There are several other members of the Assembly
of their High Mightinesses, that I have some acquaintance with, the
Baron Van Schwartenbourg, M. Kuffeler of Friesland, M. Brantzen of
Guelderland, and others, whom it is not necessary to name at present.
But Holland, being full half the nation, the Assembly of that Province
gives always, sooner or later, the tone to the whole. The Pensionaries
of the cities are the principal speakers, and most active members of
this Assembly, for which reason I have cultivated the acquaintance of
these gentlemen, and will continue to do so more and more. There are
three among them, with whom I have been the most conversant, M.
Gyzelaer of Dort, M. Visscher of Amsterdam, and M. Van Zeeberg, of
Haerlem.
M. Gyzelaer is a young gentleman of about thirty; but of a genius and
activity, a candor and prudence, which, if his health is not too
delicate, must make him the man of the first consideration in this
Republic. I am happy in a friendly and familiar acquaintance with him,
and shall certainly continue it, because his abilities and integrity,
his industry, his great and growing popularity, and his influence in
the Assembly of the States of Holland, as well as in all the provinces
and cities, will render him an important man, in spite of all the
opposition of the Court.
Nevertheless, although I cultivate the friendship of the patriots, I
shall not give offence to the Court. The friendship of this Court we
never had, and never shall have, until we have that of England. This
gentleman's friendship has already been of vast service to the cause
of Congress as well as to me, and will continue to be so. There is no
intelligence in a political line, which I ought to know, but what I
can easily obtain in this way. To detail the conversations, would be
to relate all the measures taken or proposed, relative to the
negotiations for a separate peace, to the concert with France, the
general peace, &c. as well as from step to step, the advancement to
the acknowledgment of our independence. There are some of these
conversations, which ought never to be put on paper, until the
measures and events, which are the fruit of them, have taken place.
M. Visscher is a respectable character, an amiable man, and steady in
the good system. With him also, I have been invariably upon good
terms; but I cannot but lament the absence of M. Van Berckel, an
excellent character, of solid judgment, sound learning, great
experience, delicate honor, untainted virtue, and steady firmness,
sacrificed to the most frivolous whimsies, and miserable intrigues of
private pique, the jealousy and envy of weak, I cannot here add wicked
old age, and individual ambition. Van Berckel and Visscher together
would be noble Ministers for Amsterdam; but the elder of the "_Par
nobile fratrum_" is wanting.
M. Van Zeeberg is another excellent character; of great reputation as
a lawyer, a man of integrity, and a patriot, with whom I have been,
and am, upon the best terms. It is odd enough, that most of these
Pensionaries have been deacons of the English church in this place, Dr
Mc Lane's. _En passant_, young lawyers seek an election to be deacons
in the churches, as a first step to advancement in their profession,
as well as in the State. M. Van Berckel, M. Van Zeeberg and others,
have been deacons of this church, yet neither speaks English; nor is
any of them less an enemy to England for having passed through this
stage in their career of life, and I shall be the more so, for hearing
once a week, an admirable _moral_ lecture in the English language,
from one of the best preachers in Europe.
I hope this will be sufficient at present as a sample of sketches of
characters that you demand of me, among the leading members of the
Assembly. I might mention several Burgomasters, as M. Hooft, of
Amsterdam, Van Berckel, of Rotterdam, &c. &c. &c.; but I must not give
too much at once.