are well esteemed here, to open a loan. The extreme scarcity of money
will render it impossible to succeed to any large amount. I dare not
promise anything, and cannot advise Congress to draw. I shall transmit
the contract, for the ratification of Congress, as soon as it is
finished, and then I hope to be able to say at what time, and for how
much Congress may draw.
The nation is now very well fixed in its system, and will not make a
separate peace. England is so giddy with Rodney's late success in the
West Indies, that I think she will renounce the idea of peace for the
present. The conduct of Spain is not at all changed. This is much to
be lamented on public account, and indeed on account of the feelings
of my friend, Mr Jay; for I perfectly well know the cruel torment of
such a situation, by experience, and I know too, that he has done as
much, and as well as any man could have done in that situation.
The late President Laurens made me a visit at the Hague last week, in
his way to his family in France. He informed me, that he had written
from Ostend to Dr Franklin, declining to serve in the commission for
peace. I had great pleasure in seeing my old friend perfectly at
liberty, and perfectly just in his political opinions. Neither the air
of England, nor the seducing address of her inhabitants, nor the
terrors of the Tower, have made any change in him.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
_P. S._ I hope Congress will receive a collection of all the
resolutions of the Provinces, and the petitions of the merchants,
manufacturers, &c. respecting the acknowledgment of American
independence, and my reception as Minister Plenipotentiary of the
United States, by their High Mightinesses. I shall transmit duplicates
and triplicates of them as soon as health will permit. But Mr Thaxter
has been ill of a fever, and myself with the influenza, ever since our
removal from Amsterdam to the Hague. This collection of resolutions
and petitions, is well worth printing together in America. It is a
complete refutation of all the speculations of the small half-toryfied
politicians among the Americans, &c. of the malevolent insinuations of
Anglomanes through the world, against the American cause. The
partisans of England, sensible of this, have taken great pains to
prevent an extensive circulation of them.
J. A.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, June 14th, 1782.
Sir,
The Court of Petersburg, is very industrious in its endeavors to
accomplish a separate peace between England and Holland. Her Minister
at Versailles has made an insinuation to the French Court, that her
Majesty would be much obliged to the King, if he would not make any
further opposition to such a separate peace. To this insinuation, the
following wise and firm answer has been given by the Court of France.
"The King is sensibly impressed with the fresh proof of confidence,
which the Empress has given in communicating to him her measures and
ideas respecting a separate peace between England and the
States-General. His Majesty perceives therein the sentiments of
humanity, which actuate her Imperial Majesty, and he takes the
earliest opportunity to answer, with the same degree of freedom, what
particularly concerns him in the verbal insinuations communicated by
Prince Baratinski.
"Faithful to the rule he has established, of never controlling the
conduct of any power, the King has not sought to direct the
deliberations of the States-General, either to incline them to war,
or to prevent them from making a separate peace; England having
unexpectedly attacked the Provinces of the United Netherlands, his
Majesty hastened to prevent the ill consequences by every means in his
power; his services have been gratuitous, his Majesty has never
exacted any acknowledgment on their part. Should the States-General
think that the obligations they owe to his Majesty, as well as the
interest of the Republic, impose it on them as a duty, not to separate
their cause from the King's and his allies, the Empress of Russia is
too wise and too just not to acknowledge, that it is not for his
Majesty to divert them from such a resolution, and that all that he
can do, is to refer to their wisdom, to conclude on what best suits
with their situation.
"The Empress is not ignorant, that circumstances have induced the
States-General to concert operations with the King. His Majesty
flatters himself, that this Princess has no views of prevailing on
them to desist from this arrangement, which necessarily results from
the position of the two powers with respect to England, and which must
naturally contribute to the re-establishment of the general
tranquillity, the object both of her Imperial Majesty's and the
King's wishes."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, June 15th, 1782.
Sir,
This morning I made a visit to the Grand Pensionary, M. Van Bleiswick,
and had a long conference with him concerning the plan of a treaty of
commerce, which is now under consideration, and endeavored to remove
some of his objections, and to explain to him the grounds and reasons
of certain articles, which have been objected to by others;
particularly the article which respects France, and that which
respects Spain. He made light of most of the objections, which had
been started to the plan, and thought it would be easy to agree upon
it; but there must be time for the cities to deliberate.
I asked him, if they did not intend to do us the honor soon, of
sending an Ambassador to Congress, and consuls, at least, to Boston
and Philadelphia? He thought it would be very proper, but said they
had some difficulty in finding a man who was suitable, and, at the
same time, willing to undertake so long a voyage. I asked him, if it
would not be convenient to send a frigate to America to carry the
treaty, their Ambassador, and consuls, all together, when all should
be ready? He said, he could not say whether a frigate could be spared.
"Very well," said I, smiling, and pointing to the Prince's picture, "I
will go and make my Court to his Highness, and pray him to send a
frigate to Philadelphia, with a treaty, an Ambassador, and two
consuls, and to take under her convoy all merchant vessels ready to
go." "Excellent," said he, smiling, "I wish you good luck."
We had a great deal of conversation, too, concerning peace, but as I
regard all this as idle, it is not worth while to repeat it. When a
Minister shall appear at Paris, or elsewhere, with full powers from
the King of England, to treat with the United States of America, I
shall think there is something more than artifice to raise the stocks,
and lay snares for sailors to be caught by press gangs.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, July 4th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
By every late advice from Holland, we learn their disposition to enter
into a treaty with us; and though we have no intelligence from you
since the 11th of March, we still presume, that you have, ere this
been received in your public character. No wise government,
constituted as that of the United Provinces is, will venture long to
oppose the wishes of the people. I am very solicitous to know how you
have availed yourself of the opening this has afforded.
If you have been unconditionally received, it will give you more
leisure, to mature the plan of a subsequent treaty, which is too
important in all its consequences to be hurried. If possible, it were
to be wished, that the heads of it, as proposed on either side, could
be sent here and submitted to the judgment of Congress, before
anything was absolutely agreed. The independency, to which each of
the States is entitled, renders great caution in all commercial
engagements, not provided for particularly by the confederation,
absolutely necessary, for which reason, I should prefer definite
articles, to loose expressions of standing on the same ground with the
most favored nations.
Our connexion with the West Indies, renders it proper to lay that
trade as open to us as possible. Great benefit would result both to us
and the Dutch from giving us one or two free ports in such of their
Colonies as raise sugars, where we could exchange the produce of both
countries, and check that monopoly, which other nations will endeavor
to create at our expense. Nothing will encourage the growth of such
colony, or enable it to raise sugars to more advantage than the cheap
and easy rates, at which they would thereby receive the produce of
this country.
I need not urge the propriety of availing yourself of your present
situation to procure a loan. You may easily convince the government of
the validity of the security, which it is in the power of a growing
country, as yet very little incumbered with debt to give. That
security will derive new force from our being a commercial people,
with whom public credit is almost invariably preserved with the most
scrupulous attention. And such is our present situation, that a
twentieth part of what Great Britain expends annually in her attempt
to enslave us, would be more than sufficient to enable us to defeat
all her attempts, and to place our affairs on the most respectable
footing.
I see the people of the United Provinces are struck with the
importance of forming a commercial connexion with us, when ours with
Great Britain is dissolved. Not only Congress, as appears by their
public acts, but the whole body of the people, are strongly opposed to
the least intercourse with Britain. This opposition would effectually
prevent it, if in addition thereto three or four large frigates, or
two fifties, could be stationed in the Delaware, or Chesapeake, so as
to protect our commerce against the British frigates from New York. In
such a case, a voyage to this country, and from thence to the Islands,
where our flour and lumber command the highest price, either in money
or produce, affords the fairest prospect to the European merchants of
the most profitable returns. Tobacco and bills offer a more direct
return to those, whose capitals will not permit them to engage in the
circuitous commerce I have mentioned.
This letter is hastily written, as the express that carries it is to
go off this evening, and I have several others to write. I mention
this, that you may not consider anything it contains as an instruction
from Congress, to whom it has not been submitted.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, July 5th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose copies in Dutch and English of the
negotiation, which I have entered into for a loan of money. My
commission for borrowing money, promises to ratify what I should do;
and the money lenders require such a ratification, which Messrs
Willinks, Van Staphorsts and De la Lande and Fynje, have engaged shall
be transmitted. Authentic copies of the original contracts, in Dutch
and English, are enclosed for the ratification of Congress, which I
must entreat them to transmit forthwith by various opportunities, that
we may be sure of receiving it in time, for I suppose the gentlemen
will not think it safe for them to pay out any considerable sum of the
money, until it arrives.
Although I was obliged to engage with them to open the loan for five
millions of guilders, I do not expect we shall obtain that sum for a
long time. If we get a million and a half by Christmas, it will be
more than I expect. I shall not venture to dispose of any of this
money, except for relief of escaped prisoners, the payment of the
bills heretofore drawn on Mr Laurens, which are every day arriving,
and a few other small and unavoidable demands, but leave it entire to
the disposition of Congress, whom I must entreat not to draw, until
they receive information from the directors of the loan, how much
money they are sure of; and then to draw immediately upon them. These
directors, are three houses, well esteemed in this Republic, Messrs
Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorsts, and De la
Lande and Fynje.
I have made the contract, upon as good terms as I could obtain. Five
per cent interest. Two per cent to the House, or rather to the Society
of Houses. Two per cent to the undertakers; and half per cent for
brokerage and other charges. This four and a half per cent, together
with one per cent for receiving and paying off the annual interest, is
to include all the expenses of the loan of every sort. These are as
moderate terms as any loan is done for. France gives at least as much,
and other powers much more.
I must beg that the ratifications of the obligations may be
transmitted immediately by the way of France, as well as Holland, by
several opportunities. The form of ratification must be submitted to
Congress; but would it not be sufficient to certify by the Secretary
in Congress, upon each of the copies enclosed in English and Dutch,
that they had been received and read in Congress, and thereupon
resolved that the original instruments, executed by me before the said
notary, be and hereby are ratified and confirmed?
The form of the obligation is such as was advised by the ablest
lawyers and most experienced notaries, and is conformable to the usage
when loans are made here, for the Seven Provinces. It is adapted to
the taste of this country, and therefore lengthy and formal, but it
signifies no more in substance, than, "that the money being borrowed
must be paid."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, July 5th, 1782.
Sir,
Soon after my public reception by their High Mightinesses, the body of
merchants of the city of Schiedam, were pleased to send a very
respectable deputation from among their members, to the Hague, to pay
their respects to Congress, and to me, as their representative, with a
very polite invitation to a public entertainment in their city, to be
made upon the occasion. As I had several other invitations from
various places and Provinces about the same time, and had too many
affairs upon my hands to be able to accept of them, I prevailed upon
all to excuse me, for such reasons as ought to be, and, I suppose,
were satisfactory.
The Deputies from Schiedam requested me to transmit from them to
Congress, the enclosed compliment, which, with many other things of a
similar kind, convinced me that there is in this nation a strong
affection for America, and a kind of religious veneration for her just
cause.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
ADDRESS,
Of the merchants of the town of Schiedam in Holland, to his Excellency
John Adams, after their High Mightinesses the Lords, the
States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, had
acknowledged the freedom and Independency of the United States of
North America, and admitted the said John Adams, as Minister
Plenipotentiary and Envoy of the Congress of the said United States.
"If ever any circumstances were capable of recalling to the minds of
the people of these Provinces, the most lively remembrance of the
cruel situation to which their forefathers found themselves once
reduced, under the oppressive yoke of Spanish tyranny, it was, no
doubt, that terrible and critical moment, when the Colonies of North
America, groaning under the intolerable weight of the chains, with
which the boundless ambition of Great Britain had loaded them, were
forced into a just and lawful war, to recover the use and enjoyment of
that liberty, to which they were entitled by the sacred and
unalienable laws of nature.
"If ever the citizens of this Republic have had an occasion to
remember, with sentiments of the liveliest gratitude, the visible
assistance and protection of a Being, who, after having constantly
supported them during the course of a long, bloody war, which cost
their ancestors eighty years' hard struggles and painful labors,
deigned by the strength of his powerful arm to break the odious
fetters under which we had so long groaned, and who, from that happy
era to the present time, has constantly maintained us in the
possession of our precious liberties; if ever the citizens of these
Provinces have been bound to remember those unspeakable favors of the
Almighty, it was no doubt at that moment when haughty Britain began to
feel the effects of divine indignation, and when the vengeance of
heaven defeated her sanguinary schemes; it was, when, treading under
foot the sacred ties of blood and nature, and meditating the
destruction of her own offspring, her arms were everywhere baffled in
the most terrible and exemplary manner, her troops defeated, and her
armies led into captivity, and at last, that haughty power, humbled by
that heaven, which she had provoked, saw the sceptre, which she had
usurped, fall from her enfeebled hands; and America, shaking off the
cruel yoke, which an unnatural stepmother had endeavored to impose
forever upon her, thanked bounteous heaven for her happy deliverance.
"If ever the inhabitants of this country, and those of this city in
particular, have had a just cause for joy, and good grounds to
conceive the highest hopes of prosperity and happiness, it was
undoubtedly at that so much wished-for moment, when, with a unanimous
voice, the fathers of the country declared the United States of
America to be free and independent, and acknowledged your Excellency
as Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy of the illustrious Congress.
"Impressed with the various sentiments of respect, joy, and gratitude,
with which the unspeakable favors of the Almighty towards both
countries must inspire every feeling and sensible mind; encouraged
besides, by so many happy omens, the subscribers, in behalf of the
merchants and inhabitants of this city, have the honor to congratulate
your Excellency as the Representative of the illustrious American
Congress, and to assure you in the strongest terms, that if any event,
recorded in the annals of our country, is capable of impressing us
with the liveliest joy, and of opening to our minds the happiest
prospect, it is that glorious and ever memorable day, when our august
sovereigns, the Lords States-General of the United Provinces of the
Netherlands, solemnly acknowledged the independence of the United
States of America; a step which, under the pleasure of God, must
become the foundation of an unalterable friendship, and the source of
mutual prosperity to the two Republics, whose union being cemented by
interests henceforth common and inseparable, must forever subsist, and
be constantly and religiously preserved by our latest posterity.
"Allow us then, ye deliverers of America, ye generous defenders of her
infant liberties, to congratulate your illustrious Envoy, and to
express to him the liveliest satisfaction that we feel for an event,
which crowns the wishes of the nation. Accept also of the fervent
prayers, which we address to heaven, beseeching the Almighty to shower
down his blessings on your Republic and her allies.
"Permit us also to recommend to you, in the strongest manner, the
interests of our country, and of this city in particular. Let those of
our citizens who have been the most zealous in promoting the
acknowledgment of your independence, enjoy always a particular share
of your affection.
"That among those who may follow our example, no one may ever succeed
in detracting from the good faith and integrity of Holland, or causing
the sincerity of our efforts to advance our mutual interests to be
suspected, which are founded on the unalterable principles of pure
virtue, and a religion common to both of us.
"Permit us, in fine, that faithful to ourselves, and attentive to
whatever can interest our commerce, the only source of our prosperity,
we may flatter ourselves, that the produce of this flourishing city,
our distilled liquors and other merchandise, may be freely imported to
your States without any hinderance, or without being subjected to
heavy duties; and may the protection, with which you shall honor us
and the privileges that you shall grant us, rivet the bonds of our
mutual friendship, and be to both nations the source of an unceasing
prosperity."
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
The Hague, August 10th, 1782.
Sir,
It was with very great pleasure that I received, this morning, your
kind favor of the 2d. I am surprised to learn, that yours and Mr Jay's
health have been disordered in France, where the air is so fine.
That your anxieties have been very great, I doubt not. That most of
them were such as you ought not to have met with, I can easily
conceive. I can sincerely say, that all mine, but my fever, were such
as I ought not to have had. Thank God they are passed, and never shall
return, for nothing that can happen shall ever make me so anxious
again. I have assumed the _felicis animi immota tranquilitas_.
Nothing would give me more satisfaction, than a free conversation
between you and me upon the subjects you mention, and all others
directly or indirectly connected with it, or with any of our affairs;
but I do not see a possibility of taking such a journey. The march of
this people is so slow, that it will be some time before the treaty of
commerce can be finished, and after that I have other orders to
execute, and must be here in person to attend every step. But besides
this, I think I ought not to go to Paris, while there is any messenger
there from England, unless he has full powers to treat with the
Ministers of the United States of America. If the three American
Ministers should appear at Paris, at the same time, with a real or
pretended Minister from London, all the world would instantly conclude
a peace certain, and would fill at once another year's loan for the
English. In Lord Shelburne's sincerity, I have not the smallest
confidence, and I think that we ought to take up Fox's idea, and
insist upon full powers to treat with us in character, before we have
a word more to say upon the subject. They are only amusing us. I would
rather invite you to come here. This country is worth seeing, and you
would lay me under great obligations to take your residence, during
your stay, in the _Hotel des Etats-Unis_. Many people would be glad to
see you. I should be very glad, however, to be informed, from step to
step, how things proceed.
As you justly observe, further accessions of power to the House of
Bourbon may excite jealousies in some powers of Europe, but who is to
blame but themselves? Why are they so short sighted or so indolent, as
to neglect to acknowledge the United States, and make treaties with
them? Why do they leave the House of Bourbon to content so long and
spend so much? Why do they leave America and Holland under so great
obligations? France has, and ought to have, a great weight with
America and Holland, but other powers might have proportionable
weight if they would have proportional merit.
If the powers of the neutral maritime confederation, would admit the
United States to accede to that treaty, and declare America
independent, they would contribute to prevent America at least from
being too much under the direction of France. But if any powers should
take the part of England, they will compel America and Holland too, to
unite themselves ten times more firmly than ever to the House of
Bourbon.
I do not know, however, that America and Holland are too much under
the direction of France, and I do not believe they will be, but they
must be dead to every generous feeling as men, and to every wise view
as statesmen, if they were not much attached to France, in the
circumstances of the times.
I received two letters from you in the spring, one I answered, but
have not the dates at present; the other kindly informed me of the
arrival of my son in America, for which I thank you.
With great regard and esteem, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, August 18th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose, for the information of Congress, a copy
of Mr Fitzherbert's commission.