to treat, to whom I was introduced with great formality by two
noblemen, and before whom I laid a project of a treaty,[7] which I had
drawn up conformable to the instructions of Congress. I prayed the
gentlemen to examine it, and propose to me their objections, if they
should have any, and to propose any further articles, which they
should think proper. It has been examined, translated, printed, and
sent to the members of the sovereignty.
The greatest part of my time, for several days, has been taken up in
receiving and paying of visits, from all the members and officers of
government, and of the Court, to the amount of one hundred and fifty
or more.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, April 23d, 1782.
Sir,
I ought not to omit to inform Congress, that on the 23d of April, the
French Ambassador made an entertainment for the whole Corps
Diplomatique, in honor of the United States, at which he introduced
their Minister to all the foreign Ministers at this Court.
There is nothing, I suppose, in the whole voluminous ceremonial, nor
in all the idle farce of etiquette, which should hinder a Minister
from making a good dinner in good company, and therefore I believe
they were all present, and I assure you I was myself as happy as I
should have been, if I had been publicly acknowledged a Minister by
every one of them; and the Duc de la Vauguyon more than compensated
for all the stiffness of some others, by paying more attention to the
new brother than to all the old fraternity.
Etiquette, when it becomes too glaring by affectation, imposes no
longer either upon the populace or upon the courtiers, but becomes
ridiculous to all. This will soon be the case everywhere with respect
to American Ministers. To see a Minister of such a State as ---- and
---- assume a distant mysterious air towards a Minister of the United
States, because his Court has not yet acknowledged their independence,
when his nation is not half equal to America in any one attribute of
sovereignty, is a spectacle of ridicule to any man who sees it.
I have had the honor of making and receiving visits in a private
character from the Spanish Minister here, whose behavior has been
polite enough. He was pleased to make me some very high compliments
upon our success here, which he considers as the most important and
decisive stroke which could have been struck in Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[7] The plan of a treaty sent to Mr Adams by Congress, may be found in
the _Secret Journals of Congress_, Vol. II. p. 378.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782.
Sir,
I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and Mr Laurens's
son proposes to carry the letter to his father forthwith. The
instructions by the courier from Versailles came safe, as all other
despatches by that channel no doubt will do. The correspondence by Mr
Hartley I received by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good
opportunity by a private hand to return it, as well as that with the
Earl of Shelburne.
Mr Laurens and Mr Jay will, I hope, be able to meet at Paris, but when
it will be in my power to go, I know not. Your present negotiation
about peace falls in very well to aid a proposition, which I am
instructed to make, as soon as the Court of Versailles shall judge
proper, of a triple or quadruple alliance. This matter, the treaty of
commerce, which is now under deliberation, and the loan, will render
it improper for me to quit this station, unless in case of necessity.
If there is a real disposition to permit Canada to accede to the
American association, I should think there could be no great
difficulty in adjusting all things between England and America,
provided our allies also are contented. In a former letter, I hinted
that I thought an express acknowledgment of our independence might now
be insisted on; but I did not mean, that we should insist upon such an
article in the treaty. If they make a treaty of peace with the United
States of America, this is acknowledgment enough for me.
The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and fatigue. It is true, I
may open a loan for five millions, but I confess I have no hopes of
obtaining so much. The money is not to be had. Cash is not infinite in
this country. Their profits by trade have been ruined for two or three
years; and there are loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia,
Sweden, Denmark, and several other powers as well as their own
national, provincial, and collegiate loans. The undertakers are
already loaded with burthens greater than they can bear, and all the
brokers in the Republic are so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat
to be lent, but what is promised. This is the true cause why we shall
not succeed; yet they will seek a hundred other pretences. It is
considered such an honor and such an introduction to American trade to
be the house, that the eagerness to obtain the title of American
banker, is prodigious. Various houses have pretensions, which they set
up very high; and let me choose which I will, I am sure of a cry and
clamor. I have taken some measures to endeavor to calm the heat, and
give general satisfaction, but have as yet small hopes of success. I
would strike with any house that would ensure the money, but none will
undertake it, now it is offered, although several were very ready to
affirm that they could, when it began to be talked of. Upon inquiry,
they do not find the money easy to obtain, which I could have told
them before. It is to me, personally, indifferent which is the house,
and the only question is, which will be able to do best for the
interests of the United States. This question, however simple, is not
easy to answer. But I think it clear, after very painful and laborious
inquiries for a year and a half, that no house whatever will be able
to do much. Enthusiasm, at some time and in some countries, may do a
great deal; but there has as yet been no enthusiasm in this country
for America, strong enough to untie many purses. Another year if the
war should continue, perhaps we may do better.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, May 16th, 1782.
Sir,
On the 12th of this month, I removed into the _Hotel des Etats-Unis de
l'Amerique_, situated upon the canal, called the Fleweele Burgwal, at
the Hague, where I hope the air will relieve my health in some degree
from that weak state, to which the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam has
reduced it.
The American cause has gained a signal triumph in this country. It has
not persuaded an ancient rival and an avowed natural hereditary enemy
to take a part against Great Britain; but it has torn from her bosom
an intimate affectionate friend, and a faithful ally, of a hundred
years continuance. It has not persuaded an absolute monarchy to follow
the dictates of its own glory and interest, and the unanimous wish of
the people, by favoring it; but, availing itself only of the still
small voice of reason, urging general motives and national interests,
without money, without intrigue, without imposing pomp, or more
imposing fame, it has prevailed against the utmost efforts of intrigue
and corruption, against the almost universal inclination of persons in
government, against a formidable band of capitalists and the most
powerful mercantile houses in the Republic, interested in English
funds, and too deeply leagued in English affairs.
Although these obstacles are overcome so far, as to have obtained an
acknowledgment of our independence, yet it is easy to see, that they
are not annihilated, and, therefore, we cannot expect to receive such
cordial and zealous assistance, as we might receive, if the government
and the people had but one heart.
I wish it were in my power to give Congress, upon this occasion,
assurances of a loan of money, but I cannot. I have taken every
measure in my power to accomplish it, but I have met with so many
difficulties, that I almost despair of obtaining anything. I have
found the avidity of friends as great an obstacle as the ill will of
enemies, I can represent my situation in this affair of a loan, by no
other figure than that of a man in the midst of the ocean negotiating
for his life among a shoal of sharks. I am sorry to use expressions,
which must appear severe to you; but the truth demands them.
The title of American banker, for the sake of the distinction of it,
the profit of it, and the introduction to American trade, is solicited
with an eagerness beyond description. In order to obtain it, a house
will give out great words, and boast of what it can do; but not one
will contract to furnish any considerable sum of money; and I
certainly know, let them deceive themselves as they will, and deceive
as many others as they may by their confident affirmations, that none
of them can obtain any considerable sum. The factions that are raised
here about it between the French interest, the Republican interest,
the Stadtholderian interests, and the Anglomane interest, have been
conducted with an indecent ardor, thwarting, contradicting,
calumniating each other, until it is easy to foresee the effect will
be to prevent us from obtaining even the small sums, that otherwise
might have been found. But the true and decisive secret is, there is
very little money to be had. The profits of their trade have been
annihilated by the English for several years. There is, therefore, no
money but the interest of their capitalists, and all this is promised
for months and years beforehand, to book-keepers, brokers, and
undertakers, who have in hand loans open for France, Spain, England,
Russia, Sweden, Denmark, for the States-General, the States of
Holland, the States of Friesland, the East and West India Companies,
&c. &c. &c.
But the circumstance, which will be fatal to my hopes at this time, is
this; there is just now unexpectedly opened a loan of nine millions
for the India Company, under the warranty of the States, in which they
have raised the interest one per cent above the ordinary rate. I had
obtained an agreement of the undertakers for two millions; but before
it was completed, this loan appeared, which frightened the
undertakers, so as to induce them to fly off. I must, therefore,
entreat Congress to make no dependence upon me for money.
There is one subject more, upon which I beg leave to submit a few
hints to Congress. It is that of M. Dumas, whose character is so well
known to Congress, that I need say nothing of it. He is a man of
letters, and of good character; but he is not rich, and his allowance
is too small at present for him to live with decency. He has been so
long known here to have been in American affairs, although in no
public character, that I know of, but that of an agent or
correspondent appointed by Dr Franklin, or perhaps by a committee of
Congress, that, now our character is acknowledged, it will have an ill
effect, if M. Dumas remains in the situation he has been in. To
prevent it, in some measure, I have taken him and his family into
this house; but I think it is the interest and duty of America, to
send him a commission as Secretary to this Legation, and Charge des
Affaires, with a salary of five hundred a year sterling, while a
Minister is here, and at the rate of a thousand a year, while there is
none.
There is another gentleman, whose indefatigable application to the
affairs of the United States, and whose faithful friendship for me in
sickness and in health, demand of me, by the strongest claims of
justice and of gratitude, that I should mention him to Congress, and
recommend him to their favor. This gentleman is Mr Thaxter, whose
merit, in my opinion, is greater than I dare express.
Edmund Jennings, of Brussels, has honored me with his correspondence,
and been often serviceable to the United States, as well as friendly
to me. His manners and disposition are very amiable, and his talents
equal to any service, and I cannot but wish that it might be agreeable
to the views of Congress to give him some mark of their esteem.
How shall I mention another gentleman, whose name, perhaps, Congress
never heard, but who, in my opinion, has done more decided and
essential service to the American cause and reputation within these
last eighteen months, than any other man in Europe.
It is M. A. M. Cerisier, beyond all contradiction one of the greatest
historians and political characters in Europe, author of the _Tableau
de l'Histoire des Provinces Unies des Pays Bas_, of the _Politique
Hollandois_, and many other writings in high esteem. By birth a
Frenchman, educated in the University of Paris, but possessed of the
most genuine principles and sentiments of liberty, and exceedingly
devoted by principle and affection to the American cause. Having read
some of his writings, and heard much of his fame, I sought and
obtained an acquaintance with him, and have furnished him with
intelligence and information in American affairs, and have introduced
him to the acquaintance of all the Americans who have come to this
country, from whom he has picked up a great deal of true information
about our affairs, and, perhaps, some mistakes. His pen has erected a
monument to the American cause, more glorious and more durable than
brass or marble. His writings have been read like oracles, and his
sentiments weekly echoed and re-echoed in gazettes and pamphlets, both
in French and Dutch, for fifteen months. The greatest fault I know in
him, is his too zealous friendship for me, which has led him to
flatter me with expressions which will do him no honor, however
sincerely and disinterestedly they might flow from his heart.
Congress must be very sensible, that I have had no money to lay out in
secret services, to pay pensions, to put into the hands of Continental
agents, or in any other way, to make friends. I have had no money but
my salary, and that has never been paid me without grudging. If I have
friends in Europe, they have not most certainly been made by power,
nor money, nor any species of corruption, nor have they been made by
making promises, or holding out alluring hopes. I have made no
promises, nor am under any obligation, but that of private friendship
and simple civility to any man, having mentioned such as have been my
friends, because they have been friends to the United States, and I
have no other in Europe at least, and recommended them to the
attention of Congress, as having rendered important services to our
country, and able to render still greater. I have done my duty,
whatever effect it may have. If some small part of those many
millions, which have been wasted by the most worthless of men, could
have been applied to the support and encouragement of men of such
great value, it would have been much better. It is high time; it is
more than time, that a proper discernment of spirits and distinction
of characters were made; that virtue should be more clearly
distinguished from vice, wisdom from folly, ability from imbecility,
and real merit from proud imposing impudence, which, while it pretends
to do everything, does nothing but mischief.
The treaty of commerce is under consideration, and will not, that I
foresee, meet with any obstacle.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, May 22d, 1782.
Dear Sir,
It is so important to let you know that the late change in the British
Ministry, and the conciliatory measures they propose, have occasioned
no alteration in the sentiments of the people here; that though I am
too much hurried (this conveyance going sooner than was intended) to
take particular notice of the letters we have received from you, and
which remain unanswered, yet I cannot but avail myself of it to inform
you, that it will not have the least effect upon the sentiments or
wishes of our people, who remain invariably attached to their
independence, and to the alliance, as the best means to obtain it.
Sir Guy Carleton has written to General Washington a very polite
letter, complaining of the manner in which the war has been carried
on, proposing to conduct it in future upon more liberal principles,
and observing, that "they were both equally concerned to preserve the
character of Englishmen;" and concluding with the request of a
passport for Mr Morgan, his Secretary, to carry a similar letter of
compliment to Congress. Congress have directed that no such passport
be given. The State of Maryland, whose legislature happened to be
sitting, have come to resolutions, which show their determination not
to permit any negotiation except through Congress; and their sense of
the importance of the alliance.
No military operations are carrying on at present. The enemy, having
received no reinforcements, and growing weaker every day, of course
afford us a fine opportunity of striking to advantage, if we are not
disappointed in our expectations of a naval armament, or even without
such armament, if we have sufficient vigor of mind to rely on our own
strength.
I commit the enclosed for Mr Dana to your care; I wish it could get to
him, if possible, without inspection.
Congress have determined in future to pay your salaries here
quarterly. I shall consider myself as your agent, unless you should
choose to appoint some other, and make out your account quarterly, and
vest the money in bills upon Dr Franklin, to whom I will remit them,
giving you advice thereof, so that you may draw on him. By the next
vessel I shall send bills for one quarter, commencing the 1st of
January last. I wish to have a statement of your account previous to
that, so that I may get it settled, and remit the balance.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, May 29th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
It is with equal surprise and concern that I find not the least
attention paid to the several letters I have written you, since I have
had the honor to be in office. I attribute this to their not having
reached you, till I saw an extract of a letter written to M. Dumas,
that went by the same conveyance with one to you, published in the
_Courier de l'Europe_, from which circumstance I conclude it must have
been received. It would give me pleasure to learn that I had been
deceived in this particular, because the punctuality, with which your
correspondence with Congress had hitherto been maintained, would
otherwise lead me to conclude, that you were not satisfied with the
present arrangement of the Department of Foreign Affairs, a reflection
which would be painful to me in proportion to the value I put upon
your esteem.
I have seen your letter of the 26th of March to Dr Franklin, in which
you speak of the application you have had on the score of your power
to treat of a truce; this, together with similar applications to Dr
Franklin, and the proposals made at the Court of Versailles, convinces
me that it is their wish to endeavor to detach us from each other.
What an insult it is to our intellect to suppose, that we can be
catched by this cabinet system of politics. I entertain hopes that
your answer, together with that of the Count de Vergennes, will teach
them to think more honorably of us. Our expectations with respect to
the success of your mission are considerably raised, as well by your
letter as by other circumstances, that we have learned through
different channels; by this time I hope you are in full possession of
your diplomatic rights.
I wrote to you three days ago; since which we have nothing that
deserves your attention, except what you will learn by reading the
enclosed to Mr Dana, sent you under a flying seal. It may be well to
take notice of this affair in the Leyden Gazette, as I doubt not if
Asgill is executed, that it will make some noise in Europe. We are
distracted here by various relations of a battle fought between the
fleets in the West Indies, on the 12th of April. The Antigua and New
York account is, that the British have been victorious, that the Ville
de Paris, and six other ships, were taken or destroyed; the French
account is, that Rodney was defeated, and that Count de Grasse had
gone to leeward with his transports. Though it is six weeks since the
action, we have nothing that can be depended upon.
I am, Sir, with great respect, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, May 30th, 1782.
Sir,
After I had written the letter of yesterday, and sent it off, I
received your favors of the 4th, 21st, and 27th of February; and the
10th and 11th of March. The three last I laid before Congress this
morning, that of the 21st I have kept by me, for further
consideration; though I think, upon the whole, as you have submitted
this to my discretion, that I shall lay it also before Congress.
I know they have been solicitous to have some explanations of the
reasons, which induced you to take the step you did. Those you assign
in your letter are very full, and I see nothing in it, which it will
not be proper for you to state to them; and it may remove some
objections, that have been raised to the measure.
I frankly confess to you, that the style of that letter pleases me
better than any other you have written, so far as it goes into
minutiae, which we ought to exact from all our Ministers, since nothing
short of this can give us a just idea of our foreign politics. As for
a general state of them, it may be got through various channels. But
every word or look of a foreign Minister, or popular leader, may serve
to explain matters, which are otherwise inexplicable.
I am sorry for the difficulty the cypher occasions you. It was one
found in the office, and is very incomplete. I enclose one, that you
will find easy in the practice, and will therefore write with freedom,
directing that your letter be _not_ sunk in case of danger, as many
are lost by that means. Want of time induces me to send you a set of
blanks for Mr Dana, which you will oblige me by having filled up from
yours with some cyphers, and transmitted by a careful hand to him.
This will make one cypher common to all three, which I think will, on
many occasions, be of use to you and Mr Dana.
I am very glad to hear of your proposed removal to the Hague, as it is
the proper stage on which to display your abilities and address. I
cannot hope to get any determination of Congress on the subject of
your purchase, in time to be transmitted by this conveyance. When
another offers, you shall hear from me. Can nothing be done towards
procuring a loan from Holland on account of the public. Ten millions
of livres would set our affairs here on the most respectable footing.
We have received an account from Charleston, of the victory obtained
by Rodney. This is a severe blow, but I hope will come too late to
affect the politics of the United Provinces.
In the United States, it will, I hope, have no other effect than to
urge us to greater exertions, and a reliance upon our own strength,
rather than on foreign aid. You will be pleased to furnish me with the
most minute details of every step, that Britain may take towards a
negotiation for a general or partial peace.
I am, Sir, with great respect,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, June 9th, 1782.
Sir,
The Admiralty have reported to their High Mightinesses their remarks
upon the plan of a treaty of commerce, which I had the honor to lay
before them, together with such additions and alterations as they
propose. This report has been taken _ad referendum_ by all the
Provinces, except Overyssel, which has determined to vote as Holland
shall vote, this being the principal maritime Province, and the other
inland.
The forms of proceeding according to this constitution, are so
circuitous, that I do not expect this treaty will be finished and
signed in less than three months, though some of the most active
members of the government tell me, they think it may be signed in six
weeks. I have not yet proposed the Treaty of Alliance, because I wait
for the advice of the Duc de la Vauguyon. His advice will not be
wanting in the season for it, for his Excellency is extremely well
disposed.