the side of the Court, that multitudes of writings appeared,
attempting to show that what Temmink and Van Berckel had done was high
treason. All this had such an effect, that all the best men seemed to
shudder with fear. I should scarcely find credit in America, if I were
to relate anecdotes. It would be ungenerous to mention names, as well
as unnecessary. I need only say, that I was avoided like a pestilence
by every man in government. Those gentlemen of the rank of
Burgomasters, Schepins, Pensionaries, and even lawyers, who had
treated me with great kindness and sociability, and even familiarity
before, dared not see me, dared not be at home when I visited at their
houses; dared not return my visit; dared not answer in writing, even a
card that I wrote them. I had several messages in a roundabout way,
and in confidence, that they were extremely sorry they could not
answer my cards and letters in writing, because "_on fait tout son
possible pour me sacrifier aux Anglomanes_."
"Not long after, arrived the news of the capture of St Eustatia, &c.
This filled up the measure. You can have no idea, Sir; no man, who was
not upon the spot, can have any idea of the gloom and terror that was
spread by this event. The creatures of the Court openly rejoiced in
this, and threatened some of them in the most impudent terms. I had
certain information, that some of them talked high of their
expectations of popular insurrections against the Burgomasters of
Amsterdam, and M. Van Berckel, and did Mr Adams the honor to mention
him as one, that was to be hanged by the mob in such company.
In the midst of this confusion and terror, my credentials arrived from
Paris, through a hundred accidents and chances of being finally lost.
As soon as I read my despatches, and heard the history of their escape
by post, diligence and treck-schoots, it seemed to me as if the hand
of Providence had sent them on purpose to dissipate all these vapors.
With my despatches, arrived from Paris intimations of their contents,
for there are no secrets kept at Paris. The people, who are generally
eager for a connexion with America, began to talk, and paragraphs
appeared in all the gazettes in Dutch, and French, and German,
containing a thousand ridiculous conjectures about the American
Ambassador and his errand. One of my children could scarcely go to
school without some pompous account of it in the Dutch papers. I had
been long enough in this country to see tolerably well where the
balance lay, and to know that America was so much respected by all
parties, that no one would dare to offer any insult to her Minister,
as soon as he should be known. I wrote my memorial and presented it,
and printed it in English, Dutch, and French. There was immediately
the most universal and unanimous approbation of it expressed in all
companies, pamphlets and newspapers, and no criticism ever appeared
against it. Six or seven months afterwards a pamphlet appeared in
Dutch, which was afterwards translated into French, called
_Considerations on the Memorial_; but it has been read by very few,
and is indeed not worth reading.
The proposition to the President being taken _ad referendum_, it
became a subject of the deliberation of the sovereignty. The Prince,
therefore, and the whole Court, are legally bound to treat it with
respect, and me with decency, at least it would be criminal in them to
treat me or the subject with indecency. If it had not been presented
and printed, I am very sure I could not long have resided in the
Republic, and what would have been the consequence to the friends of
liberty, I know not. They were so disheartened and intimidated, and
the Anglomanes were so insolent, that no man can say, that a sudden
frenzy might not have been excited among the soldiery and people, to
demand a junction with England, as there was in the year 1748. Such a
revolution would have injured America and her allies, have prolonged
the war, and have been the total loss and ruin of the Republic.
Immediately upon the presentation of my memorial, M. Van Berckel
ventured to present his _requete_ and demand for a trial. This
contributed still further to raise the spirits of the good people, and
soon after the Burgomasters of Amsterdam appeared with their
proposition for giving the Prince a committee for a council, and in
course their attack upon the Duke; all which together excited such an
enthusiasm in the nation, and among the officers of the navy, as
produced the battle of the Doggerbank, which never would have
happened, in all probability, but would have been eluded by secret
orders and various artifices, if the spirit raised in the nation by
the chain of proceedings, of which the American memorial was the first
and an essential link, had not rendered a display of the national
bravery indispensable for the honor of the navy, and perhaps for the
safety of the Court.
The memorial as a composition, has very little merit; yet almost every
gazette in Europe has inserted it, and most of them with a compliment,
none without any criticism. When I was in Paris and Versailles
afterwards, no man ever expressed to me the smallest disapprobation of
it, or the least apprehension that it could do any harm. On the
contrary, several gentlemen of letters expressed higher compliments
upon it than it deserved. The King of Sweden has done it a most
illustrious honor, by quoting one of the most material sentiments in
it, in a public answer to the King of Great Britain; and the Emperor
of Germany has since done the author of it the honor to desire in the
character of Count Falkenstein to see him, and what is more
remarkable, has adopted the sentiments of it concerning religious
liberty into a code of laws for his dominions; the greatest effort in
favor of humanity, next to the American revolution, which has been
produced in the eighteenth century.
As my mission to this Republic was wisely communicated to the Court of
Versailles, who can say that this transaction of Congress had not some
influence in bringing De Grasse into the Chesapeake Bay? Another thing
I ought to mention; I have a letter from Mr Jay, informing me that in
the month of June last M. Del Campo was appointed by the Court of
Madrid to treat with him; the exact time when my memorial appeared at
Madrid. You may possibly say, that my imagination and self-love carry
me extraordinary lengths; but when one is called upon to justify an
action, one should look all round. All I contend for is, that the
memorial has certainly done no harm; that it is probable it has done
some good, and that it is possible it has done much more than can be
proved. A man always makes an awkward figure when he is justifying
himself and his own actions, and I hope I shall be pardoned. It is
easy to say, "_il abonde trop dans son sens; il est vain et glorieux;
il est plein de lui-meme; il ne voit que lui_;" and other modest
things of that sort, with which even your Malesherbes, your Turgots,
and Neckers, are sometimes sacrificed to very small intrigues.
Your veterans in diplomacy and in affairs of State, consider us as a
kind of militia, and hold us, perhaps, as is natural, in some degree
of contempt; but wise men know that militia sometimes gain victories
over regular troops, even by departing from the rules. Soon after I
had presented the memorial, I wrote to the Duc de la Vauguyon upon the
subject of inviting or admitting in concert, the Republic to accede to
the alliance between France and America. The Duke transmitted that
letter to the Count de Vergennes, which produced the offer to Congress
from the King, to assist us in forming a connexion with the Republic,
and the instructions upon the subject, which I shall execute as soon
as the French Ambassador thinks proper. With him it now lies, and with
him, thank God, I have hitherto preserved a perfectly good
understanding, although I differed from him in opinion concerning the
point of time to make the former proposition.
The evacuation of the barrier towns has produced an important
commentary upon the conversation I had with the Duke, and his opinion
upon that occasion. How few weeks was it, after the publication of my
memorial, that the Roman Emperor made that memorable visit to
Brussels, Ostend, Bruges, Antwerp, and all the considerable maritime
towns in his Provinces of Brabant and Flanders? How soon afterwards
his memorable journies to Holland and to Paris? Was not the American
memorial full of matter for the Emperor's contemplation, when he was
at Ostend, Antwerp, and Bruges? Was it not full of matter, calculated
to stimulate him to hasten his negotiations with France concerning the
abolition of the barrier towns? Was not the same matter equally
calculated to stimulate France to finish such an agreement with him,
as we have seen the evidence of in the actual evacuation of those
towns? If this evacuation is an advantage to France and to America, as
it undoubtedly is, by putting this Republic more in the power of
France, and more out of a possibility of pursuing the system of Orange
by joining England, and my memorial is supposed to have contributed
anything towards it, surely it was worth the while.
The period since the 4th of May, 1781, has been thick sown with good
events, all springing out of the American revolution, and connected
with the matter contained in my memorial. The memorial of M. Van
Berckel, the proposition of the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, their
attack upon the Duke of Brunswick, and the battle of Doggerbank, the
appointment of Senor del Campo, to treat with Mr Jay; the success of
Colonel Laurens, in obtaining orders for the French fleet to go upon
the coast of America; their victory over Graves, and the capture of
Cornwallis; the Emperor's journey to his maritime towns, to Holland,
and to Paris; his new regulations for encouraging the trade of his
maritime towns; his demolition of the barrier fortifications; and his
most liberal and sublime ecclesiastical reformation; and the King of
Sweden's reproach to the King of England for continuing the war, in
the very words of my memorial; these traits are all subsequent to that
memorial, and they are too sublime and decisive proofs of the
prosperity and glory of the American cause, to admit the belief, that
the memorial has done it any material harm.
By comparing facts and events, and dates, it is impossible not to
believe, that the memorial had some influence in producing some of
them. When Courts, Princes, and nations, have been long contemplating
a great system of affairs, and their judgments begin to ripen, and
they begin to see how things ought to go, and are going, a small
publication, holding up these objects in a clear point of view,
sometimes sets a vast machine in motion at once like the springing of
a mine. What a dust we raise, said the fly upon the chariot wheel? It
is impossible to prove, that this whole letter is not a similar
delusion to that of the fly. The Councils of Princes are enveloped in
impenetrable secrecy. The true motives and causes, which govern their
actions, little or great, are carefully concealed. But I desire only
that these events may be all combined together, and then, that an
impartial judge may say, if he can, that he believes that that homely,
harmless memorial had no share in producing any part of this great
complication of good.
But be all these speculations and conjectures as they will, the
foresight of which could not have been sufficiently clear to have
justified the measure, it is sufficient for me to say, that the
measure was absolutely necessary and unavoidable. I should have been
contemptible and ridiculous without it. By it I have secured to myself
and my mission universal decency and respect, though no open
acknowledgment or avowal. I write this to you in confidence. You may
entirely suppress it, or communicate it in confidence, as you judge,
for the public good.
I might have added, that many gentlemen of letters, of various
nations, have expressed their approbation of this measure, I will
mention only two. M. d'Alembert and M. Raynal, I am well informed,
have expressed their sense of it in terms too flattering for me to
repeat. I might add the opinion of many men of letters in this
Republic.
The charge of vanity is the last resource of little wits and mercenary
quacks, the vainest men alive, against men and measures, that they
can find no other objection to. I doubt not but letters have gone to
America, containing their weighty charge against me; but this charge,
if supported only by the opinion of those who make it, may be brought
against any man or thing. It may be said, that this memorial did not
reach the Court of Versailles, until after Colonel Laurens had
procured the promise of men and ships. But let it be considered,
Colonel Laurens brought with him my credentials to their High
Mightinesses, and instructions to Dr Franklin, to acquaint the Court
of Versailles with it, and request their countenance and aid to me.
Colonel Laurens arrived in March. On the 16th of April, I acquainted
the Duc de la Vauguyon at the Hague, that I had received such
credentials, and the next day waited on him in person, and had that
day and the next two hours' conversation with him each day upon the
subject, in which I informed him of my intention to go to their High
Mightinesses. All this he transmitted to the Count de Vergennes; and
though it might procure me the reputation of vanity and obstinacy, I
shall forever believe, that it contributed to second and accelerate
Colonel Laurens's negotiations, who succeeded to a marvel, though Dr
Franklin says he gave great offence.[6]
The earnest opposition made by the Duc de la Vauguyon, only served to
give me a more full and ample persuasion and assurance of the utility
and necessity of the measure. His zeal convinced me, that he had a
stronger apprehension, that I should make a great impression
somewhere, than I had myself. "Sir," says he, "the King and the United
Slates are upon very intimate terms of friendship. Had not you better
wait until we can make the proposition in concert?" "God grant they
may ever continue in perfect friendship," said I; "but this friendship
does not prevent your Excellency from conducting your negotiations
without consulting me. Why then am I obliged, in proposing a simple
treaty of commerce, which the United States have reserved the entire
right of proposing, to consult your Excellency? If I were about to
propose an alliance, or to invite or admit the Dutch to accede to the
alliance between the King and the States, I should think myself
obliged to consult your Excellency." "But," said he, "there is a loan
talked of, to be opened by the United States here, under the warranty
of the King. How will it look for you to go to the States without my
concurrence?" "Of this I know nothing," said I, "but one thing I know,
that if such a loan should be proposed, the proposition I design to
make to the States, instead of obstructing, will facilitate it, and
your proposal of a loan will rather countenance me."
"Is there not danger," said he, "that the Empress of Russia, and the
other northern powers, will take offence at your going to the
States-General before them?" "Impossible," said I; "they all know,
that the Dutch have been our old friends and allies, that we shall
have more immediate connexions of commerce with Holland than with
them. But what is decisive in this matter is, America and Holland have
now a common enemy in England at open war, which is not the case with
the northern powers."
"Had you not better wait, until I can write to the Count de Vergennes,
and have his opinion?" "I know already beforehand," said I, "what his
opinion will be." "Aye, what?" "Why, directly against it." "For what
reason?" "Because the Count de Vergennes will not commit the dignity
of the King, or his own regulation, by advising me to apply until he
is sure of success; and in this he may be right; but the United States
stand in a different predicament. They have nothing to lose by such a
measure, and may gain a great deal."
"But," said he, "if Holland should join England in the war, it will be
unfortunate." "If there was danger of this," said I, "a proposition
from the United States would be one of the surest means of preventing
it; but the situation of Holland is such, that I am persuaded they
dare not join England. It is against their consciences, and they are
in bodily fear of a hundred thousand men from France." "True," said
he, "you have used an argument now, that you ought to speak out
boldly, and repeat, peremptorily in all companies, for this people are
governed very much by fear." "I have, however, spoken upon this
subject with delicacy, upon all occasions, and shall continue to do
so," said I, "but shall make no secret, that I am sensible of it."
After turning the subject in all the lights it could bear I told him,
that I believed he had urged every objection against the measure, that
could be thought of, but that I was still clear in my former opinion.
"Are you decided to go to the States?" "Yes, Sir. I must think it my
duty." "Very well; in that case," said he, "you may depend upon it, I
will do all in my power, as a man, to countenance and promote your
application."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[6] See Dr Franklin's letters to Major Jackson, on this subject, in
Franklin's Correspondence, Vol. III. pp. 227, 229.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, February 27th, 1782.
Sir,
Friesland has at last taken the provincial resolution to acknowledge
the independence, of which United America is in full possession. It is
thought that several cities of Holland will soon follow this example,
and some say it will be followed forthwith by the whole Republic. The
first Burgomaster of this city has said, within a few days past, that
in six weeks at farthest the independence of America would be
acknowledged by all seven of the United Provinces; but I have no
expectation of such haste. This government does nothing with such
celerity.
By what I hear and read of their speculations, it seems to me, that
the general sense is at present not to shackle themselves with any
treaties either with France or Spain, nor to make any treaty of
alliance with America, nor to make even a treaty of commerce with
America, as yet for a considerable time, but for the several members
of the Sovereignty, one after another, to acknowledge the Independence
of America in the manner that Friesland has done; and for the States,
the Prince and the Admiralties to exert themselves in preparing a
fleet to command the North Sea, and wash out some of the stains in
their character, which the English have so unjustly thrown upon it in
their blood. There is a loud cry for vengeance, a stern demand of a
fleet and battle with the English; and if the Court contrive to elude
it, the Stadtholder will run a great risk of his power.
Sensible and candid men tell me, "we wait for Spain, and we wait for
Russia. We will not make any treaty with you. It is of no great
importance to us or to you. We see there is a tremendous power arising
in the West. We cannot meddle much; but we will at all events be your
good friends. Whoever quarrels with you, we will not."
In short I expect no treaty. I do not expect that our independence
will be acknowledged by all the Provinces for a long time.
Nevertheless, it appears to me of indispensable importance that a
Minister should reside constantly here, vested with the same powers
from Congress, with which they have honored me; for which reason,
having the offer of a large and elegant house in a fine situation, on
a noble spot of ground at the Hague, at a very reasonable rate, I
have, in pursuance of the advice of Mr Barclay, M. Dumas, and other
friends, purchased it and shall remove into it on or before the first
of May. In case I should be recalled, or obliged to go away upon other
services, any Minister that Congress may appoint here in my room, will
find a house furnished at the Hague ready for him.
The negotiation for the purchase was conducted secretly, but when it
came to be known, I am informed, it gave a great deal of satisfaction
in general.
To pay for it, I have applied all the money I had of M. de Neufville's
loan, and some cash of my own, which I brought with me from America;
and for the second payment, I must borrow of a friend, if Dr Franklin
cannot furnish the money, for which indeed I do not love to ask him,
he has so many demands upon him from every quarter. The house,
including purchase charges, &c. will amount to about sixteen thousand
guilders, ten thousand of which I paid yesterday. I have been obliged
to take the title in my own name, but shall transfer it to the United
States as soon as they are acknowledged and the account settled,
provided Congress approve of the transaction; otherwise I shall take
the risk upon myself, and sell it again. I shall live hereafter at a
smaller rent than I ever did before, though in a house much superior.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
The Hague, March 4th, 1782.
Sir,
I have received the letter you did me the honor to address to me from
Amsterdam, the 1st instant. I cannot answer it officially, in the
capacity of King's Minister, not having any ulterior instructions on
the subject to which it relates; but as you request my private
opinion, I will give it to you with the greatest sincerity.
"After having seriously reflected on the views, which you have
communicated to me, whatever inclination I may have to adopt your
opinions, I cannot conceal from myself the inconveniences attending
the plan, which you appear disposed to follow. I think and I believe,
that I have sufficient reason to lead me to the conclusion, that it
will retard rather than accelerate the ultimate success. I shall have
the honor of explaining myself more fully by word of mouth, if, as M.
Dumas gives me to hope, you visit the Hague in the course of a few
days.
Receive, Sir, my renewed assurances of inviolable attachment, and
profound respect, &c.
DE LA VAUGUYON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, March 6th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I have now before me your letters of the 15th, 17th, and 18th of
October last. I am sorry to find that your health has suffered by the
climate, but hope that the setting in of the winter has ere this
re-established it. I am not directed to return any answer to your
request to come home. Should I obtain the sense of Congress upon it
before this is closed, it will be transmitted by this conveyance.
The success of the allied arms in America, the recovery of the Dutch
Islands, and the avowed superiority of the French in the West Indies,
have so changed the face of affairs, that there is strong reason to
believe negotiations will be set on foot this winter. Whether Britain
is yet sufficiently humbled to desire peace is still doubtful; but
whether she is or is not, she will probably negotiate, in which case
your presence in Europe will be necessary; so that I believe you
cannot at the most flatter yourself with anything more than a
conditional leave to return.
Your statement of the decline of commerce in the United Provinces,
agrees exactly with that which we have received from other hands. I
lament that a nation, which has such important reasons for exertion,
and such means in their power, should want vigor to call them forth.
They must and will, however, sooner or later, be brought to it. A
separate peace with England is now impossible, without degrading the
character of the nation, and exposing it to greater evils than they
are threatened with from England. Besides, what advantages are to be
derived from such a peace? Can Britain restore her conquests, now in
the hands of the French? Can she give back the plunder of St Eustatia,
or the cargoes of the Indiamen divided among the captors? Can she
afford them a compensation for the loss of last year's commerce? Or
can she draw from her exhausted purse sufficient sums to defend the
barrier against the troops of France, who would certainly avenge
herself for such ingratitude?