to make representations to that of Sweden, concerning the rencounter
which a convoy of merchant ships, under the escort of the Swedish
frigate, the Jaramas, had with the English squadron of Commodore
Stewart, who would have visited these merchant ships. The Court of
London pretends, that he was authorised to make such a visit, even in
virtue of the articles of the convention of the armed neutrality,
concluded between the three powers of the north; but that the Court of
Stockholm, far from blaming the refusal of the Captain of the
Jaramas, to permit the visit, had highly approved his conduct, and
answered, "that this officer had acted, conformably to his duty, for
that the regulation in one of the articles of the convention of the
armed neutrality in regard to the visits of merchant ships, respected
only the vessels, which navigated without convoy, but not at all those
which should be found under convoy, and consequently under the
protection of a sovereign flag (Pavillon,) the warranty of the nature
of their cargo, and of the property."
_Petersburg, December 14th, 1781._ "The Minister of Sweden having
communicated, by express order of the King his master, to our Court,
the complaints which that of London had made, concerning the
rencounter of the Swedish frigate, the Jaramas, with the squadron of
Commodore Keith Stewart, as well as the answer, which had been given
to those complaints, the Vice Chancellor, the Count d'Ostermann,
declared the day before yesterday to this Minister, 'that her Imperial
Majesty highly approved the answer of the Court of Stockholm, and
found it in all points conformable to the principle, which she herself
would follow in a parallel case. In consequence, if contrary to all
appearance, the Court of London should not be satisfied with it, and
should pretend to be able to visit neutral merchant ships, which
should be found under the protection of the King, or under that of the
sovereign flag of one of the allies, her Imperial Majesty would be
always ready to concur, and to co-operate with his Swedish Majesty and
the other allies, to oppose themselves to it, as well as to maintain
the independence and respect due to their respective flags.' At the
same time, orders have been sent to all the Ministers of the Empress,
at the belligerent powers, that 'in case there should arise just
complaints or difficulties, with relation to the detention, the
capture, the carrying off, or the ill treatment, which merchant ships,
navigating under the flag of this empire, or under that of one of the
allies of the convention of neutrality, shall have suffered, from
ships of war or armed vessels, of one or another of the belligerent
powers, they should make at first, in such case, every one in his
place, the necessary representations and requisitions, for reclaiming
the said vessels, the reparation of losses, &c. and concur and concert
to this effect with the other Ministers of the contracting Courts,
without asking or waiting for further orders. The allied Courts will
be requested, moreover, to give the orders to their respective
Ministers residing near the belligerent powers.' A courier, despatched
this day to the Hague and to London, carries these orders to the
Ministers of the Empress, as well as the acts of accession of the
Emperor to the principles of the convention of neutrality. The day
before yesterday, the usual day of the conferences with the Vice
Chancellor, he communicated the same acts to the foreign Ministers."
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Amsterdam, February 14th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Yesterday the duplicate of your letter of the 23d of October was
brought to me, the original is not yet arrived. It is with great
pleasure I learn, that a Minister is appointed for foreign affairs,
who is so capable of introducing into that department an order, a
constancy, and an activity, which could never be expected from a
committee of Congress, so often changing, and so much engaged in other
great affairs, however excellent their qualifications or dispositions.
Indeed, Sir, it is of infinite importance to me to know the sentiments
of Congress; yet I have never known them in any detail or with any
regularity, since I have been in Europe. I fear Congress have heard as
little from me since I have been in Holland. My despatches by the way
of St Eustatia, and by several private vessels, and by the South
Carolina, have been vastly unfortunate.
My situation, Sir, has been very delicate; but as my whole life from
my infancy has been passed through an uninterrupted series of delicate
situations, when I find myself suddenly translated into a new one, the
view of it neither confounds nor dismays me. I am very sensible,
however, that such a habit of mind borders very nearly upon
presumption, and deserves very serious reflections. My health is still
precarious. My person has been thought by some to have been in danger;
but at present I apprehend nothing to myself or the public.
This nation will have peace with England, if they can obtain it upon
honorable terms; but upon no other. They cannot obtain it upon any
other, without giving offence to France, and England will not make
peace upon such conditions. I shall, therefore, probably remain here
in a very insipid and insignificant state a long time, without any
affront or answer. In the parties, which divide the nation, I have
never taken any share. I have treated all men of all parties whom I
saw alike, and have been used quite as well by the Court party as
their antagonists. Both parties have been in bodily fear of popular
commotions, and the politics of both appear to me to be too much
influenced by alternate fears, and I must add, hopes of popular
commotions. Both parties agree in their determinations to obtain peace
with England, if they can; but Great Britain will not cease to be the
tyrant of the ocean until she ceases to be the tyrant of America. She
will only give up her claims of empire over both together.
The Dutch have an undoubted right to judge for themselves, whether it
is for their interest to connect themselves with us or not. At present
I have no reason to be dissatisfied. I have, in pursuance of the
advice of the Count de Vergennes and the Duc de la Vauguyon, added to
that of several members of the States, demanded an answer. I was
received politely by all parties, though you will hear great
complaints from others that I am not received well. They have their
views in this; they know that this is a good string for them to touch.
I stand now in an honorable light, openly and candidly demanding an
answer in my public character. But it is the Republic that stands in a
less respectable situation, not one member of the Sovereignty having
yet ventured to give an answer in the negative. The dignity of the
United States is, therefore, perfectly safe, and if that of this
Republic is questionable, this is their own fault, not ours. Your
advice, to be well with the government, and to take no measures which
may bring upon me a public affront, is perfectly just. All appearance
of intrigue, and all the refinements of politics, have been as distant
from my conduct as you know them to be from my natural and habitual
character.
Your advice to spend much of my time at the Hague, I shall in future
pursue, though I have had reasons for a different conduct hitherto. As
to connexions with the Ministers of other powers, it is a matter of
great delicacy. There is no power but what is interested directly or
indirectly in our affairs at present. Every Minister has at his own
Court a competitor, who keeps correspondences and spies, to be
informed of every step; and open visits to or from any American
Minister are too dangerous for them to venture on. It must be managed
with so much art, and be contrived in third places, and with so much
unmeaning intrigue, that it should not be too much indulged, and after
all, nothing can come of it. There is not a Minister of them all, that
is intrusted with anything, but from time to time to execute positive
instructions from his Court.
A loan of money has given me vast anxiety. I have tried every
experiment and failed in all; and am fully of opinion, that we never
shall obtain a credit here until we have a treaty. When this will be,
I know not. If France has not other objects in view of more
importance, in my opinion she may accomplish it in a short time.
Whether she has or not, time must discover.
Mr Barclay is here doing his utmost to despatch the public effects
here; but these will turn out the dearest goods that Congress ever
purchased if they ever arrive safe. It has been insinuated, I
perceive, that I was privy to the purchase of a parcel of English
manufactures among these goods. This is a mistake. It was carefully
concealed from me, who certainly should not have countenanced it, if I
had known it. Mr Barclay will exchange them all for the manufactures
of Germany or Holland, or sell them here. The ordinance of Congress
against British manufactures, is universally approved as far as I
know, as a hostility against their enemies of more importance than the
exertions of an army of twenty thousand men.
With great esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, February 19th, 1782.
Sir,
On the 14th instant, I had the honor to acknowledge the receipt of
your duplicate of the 23d of October. Today Major Porter brought me
your favor of the 20th of November, and the original of that of the
23d of October.
I congratulate you, Sir, on the glorious news contained in these
despatches; but I cannot be of your opinion, that, great as it is, it
will defeat every hope that Britain entertains of conquering a country
so defended. Vanity, Sir, is a passion capable of inspiring illusions,
which astonish all other men; and the Britons are, without exception,
the vainest people upon earth. By examining such a witness as Arnold,
the Ministry can draw from him evidence, which will fully satisfy the
people of England, that the conquest of America is still practicable.
Sensible men see the error; but they have seen it these twenty years,
and lamented it till their hearts are broken. The intention of
government seems to be to break the spirit of the nation, and to bring
affairs into so wretched a situation, that all men shall see that they
cannot be made better by new Ministers, or by the punishment of the
old ones.
It is suggested, that some plan of conciliation will be brought into
Parliament; but it will be only as deceitful as all the former ones.
They begin to talk big, and threaten to send Arnold with seventeen
thousand men to burn and destroy in the northern States; but this will
prove but an annual vapor. I rejoice the more in Colonel Willet's
glorious services, for a personal knowledge and esteem I have for that
officer. Zoutman's battle on Doggerbank shows what the nation could
do. But ... It is somewhat dangerous to write with perfect freedom
concerning the views and principles of each party, as you desire.
Indeed, the views of all parties are enveloped in clouds and darkness.
There are unerring indications, that all parties agree secretly in
this principle, that the Americans are right if they have power. There
is here and there an individual who says the Americans are wrong; but
these are very few. The English party are suspected to have it in view
to engage the Republic to join the English in the war against France,
Spain, and America.
The Prince is supposed to wish that this were practicable, but to
despair of it. Some of the great proprietors of English stocks,
several great mercantile houses in the service of the British
Ministry, are thought to wish it too; but if they are guilty of wishes
so injurious to their country and humanity, none of them dares openly
avow them. The Stadtholder is of opinion, that his house has been
supported by England; that his office was created, and is preserved by
her. But I do not see why his office would not be as safe in an
alliance with France as with England, unless he apprehends that the
republican party would in that case change sides, connect itself with
England, and by her means overthrow him. There are jealousies that the
Stadtholder aspires to be a sovereign; but these are the ordinary
jealousies of liberty, and I should think, in this case, groundless.
The opposite, which is called the republican party, is suspected of
desires and designs of introducing innovations. Some are supposed to
aim at the demolition of the Stadtholdership; others, of introducing
the people to the right of choosing the Regencies; but I think these
are very few in number, and very inconsiderable in power, though some
of them may have wit and genius.
There is another party, at the head of which is Amsterdam, who think
the Stadtholdership necessary, but wish to have some further
restraints or check upon it. Hence the proposition for a committee to
assist his Highness. But there is no appearance that the project will
succeed. All the divisions of the Republican party are thought to
think well of America, and to wish a connexion with her and France.
The opposite party do not openly declare themselves against this; but
peace is the only thing in which all sides agree. No party dares say
anything against peace; yet there are individuals very respectable,
who think that it is not for the public interest to make peace.
As to Congress' adapting measures to the views and interest of both
parties, they have already done it in the most admirable manner. They
could not have done better if they had been all present here, and I
know of nothing to be added. They have a Plenipotentiary here, with
instructions; they have given power to invite the Republic to accede
to the alliance between France and America, with a power to admit
Spain. All this is communicated to the Count de Vergennes and the Duc
de la Vauguyon, and I wait only their advice for the time of making
the proposition. I have endeavored to have the good graces of the
leaders, and I have no reason to suspect that I do not enjoy their
esteem, and I have received from the Prince repeatedly, and in strong
terms by his Secretary the Baron de Larray, assurances of his personal
esteem.
I wrote, Sir, on the 3d and 7th of May, as full an account of my
presenting my credentials, as it was proper to write, and am
astonished that neither duplicates nor triplicates have arrived. I
will venture a secret. I had the secret advice of our best friends in
the Republic to take the step I did, though the French Ambassador
thought the time a little too early. My situation would have been
ridiculous and deplorable indeed, if I had not done it, and the
success of the measure, as far as universal applause could be called
success, has justified it. Those who detested the measure, Sir, were
obliged to applaud it in words. I am surprised, to see you think it
places us in a humiliating light. I am sure it raised me out of a very
humiliating position, such as I never felt before, and shall never
feel again, I believe. I have lately by the express advice of all our
best friends, added to that of the Duc de la Vauguyon and the Count de
Vergennes, demanded a categorical answer. I knew very well I should
not have it; but it has placed the United States and their Minister in
a glorious light, demanding candidly an answer, and the Republic has
not yet equal dignity to give it.
In this manner we may remain with perfect safety to the dignity of the
United States, and the reputation of her Minister, until their High
Mightinesses shall think fit to answer, or until we shall think it
necessary to repeat the demand, or make a new one, which I shall not
do without the advice of the French Ambassador, with whom I shall
consult with perfect confidence.
My motives for printing the Memorial were, that I had no other way to
communicate my proposition to the Sovereign of the country. The
gentlemen at the Hague, who are called their High Mightinesses, are
not the Sovereign, they are only Deputies of the States-General, who
compose the Sovereignty. These joint Deputies form only a diplomatic
body, not a legislative nor an executive one. The States-General are
the Regencies of cities and bodies of nobles. The Regencies of cities
are the Burgomasters and Schepins, or Judges and Counsellors,
composing in the whole a number of four or five thousand men,
scattered all over the Republic. I had no way to come at them but by
the press, because the President refused to receive my memorial. If he
had received it, it would have been transmitted of course to all the
Regencies; but in that case it would have been printed; for there is
no memorial of a public Minister in this Republic, but what is
printed.
When the President said, "Sir, we have no authority to receive your
memorial until your title and character are acknowledged by our
constituents and sovereigns; we are not the sovereign;" I answered,
"In that case, Sir, it will be my duty to make the memorial public in
print, because I have no other possible way of addressing myself to
the sovereign, your constituents."
The President made no objection, and there has been no objection to
this day. Those who dreaded the consequence to the cause of Anglomany,
have never ventured to hint a word against it. The Anglomanes would
have had a triumph if it had not been printed, and I should before
this day have met with many disagreeable scenes, if not public
affronts. This openness has protected me. To conciliate the affections
of the people, to place our cause in an advantageous light, to remove
the prejudices that Great Britain and her votaries excite, to discover
the views of the different parties, to watch the motives that lead to
peace between England and Holland, have been my constant aim since I
have resided here. The secret aid of government in obtaining a loan, I
have endeavored to procure, but it can never be obtained until there
is a treaty. I have hitherto kept a friendly connexion with the
French Ambassador, and that without interruption. The new commission
for peace, and the revocation of that for a treaty of commerce with
Great Britain I have received.
My language and conduct are those of a private gentleman; but those
members of Congress who think this proper, know that I have held
public places in Europe, too public and conspicuous for me to be able
to remain incognito in this country, nor is it for the interest of the
public that I should attempt it.
I should be extremely obliged to you, Sir, if you would let me know
the dates of all the letters that have been received from me, since I
have been in Holland, that I may send further copies of such as have
miscarried. The States of Holland have accepted the mediation of
Russia, on condition of saving the rights of the armed neutrality.
There has been a balancing between a treaty with France, and the
acceptance of this mediation. Amsterdam said nothing. The mediation
was accepted; but several provinces have declared for a treaty with
France. People of the best intentions are jealous of a peace with
England upon dishonorable terms; but France will prevent this, though
she does not choose to prevent the acceptance of the mediation, as she
might have done by consenting to my making the proposition of a triple
or quadruple alliance. Her Ambassador says, the King must not oppose
the Empress of Russia, who will be of importance in the final
settlement of peace.
France has never discovered much inclination to a treaty with the
Republic. The demolition of the barrier towns may explain this, as
well as the Ambassador's opinion against presenting my memorial at the
time it was done. I believe that France too can explain the reason of
the delay of Spain, where we make a less respectable appearance than
in this Republic. The delay of Spain is fatal to our affairs. Yet I
know the American Minister there to be equal to any service, which
makes me regret the more the delay of that kingdom. The constant cry
is, why is Spain silent? We must wait for Spain. Nothing gives greater
advantage to the English party.
The nature of the government in an absolute monarchy, would render it
improper to make any application or memorial public. The nature of
this government rendered it indispensably necessary. The business must
begin in the public, that is in all the Regencies. De Witt and Temple
it is true, made a treaty in five days; but De Witt risked his head by
it, upon the pardon and confirmation of the Regencies. But it was a
time and a measure, which he knew to be universally wished for. The
case at present is different. M. Van Bleiswick, though he told me he
thought favorably of my first application, would not have dared to
take a single step without the previous orders of his masters, as he
told me.
It is the United States of America, which must save this Republic from
ruin. It is the only power that is externally respected by all
parties, although no party dares as yet declare openly for it. One
half the Republic nearly declares every day very indecently against
France, the other against England; but neither one nor the other
declares against America, which is more beloved and esteemed than any
other nation of the world.
We must wait, however, with patience. After oscillating a little
longer, and grasping at peace, finding it unattainable, I think they
will seek an alliance with America, if not with France. I had a week
ago a visit from one of the first personages in Friesland, who
promised me that in three weeks I should have an answer from that
Province.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, February 21st, 1782.
Sir,
I know very well the name of the family where I spent the evening with
my worthy friend Mr ---- before we set off, and have made my alphabet
accordingly; but I am, on this occasion, as on all others hitherto,
utterly unable to comprehend the sense of the passages in cypher. The
cypher is certainly not taken regularly under the two first letters of
that name. I have been able sometimes to decypher words enough to show
that I have the letters right; but, upon the whole, I can make nothing
of it, which I regret very much upon this occasion, as I suppose the
cyphers are a very material part of the letter.
The friendly and patriotic anxiety with which you inquire after my
motives and reasons for making the proposition of the 4th of May, and
for printing the memorial, has put me upon recollecting the
circumstances. If the series of my letters had arrived, I think the
reasons would have appeared, but not with that force in which they
existed at the time. I have never expressed in writing those reasons
so strongly as I felt them. The hopes have never been strong in
anybody of inducing the Republic to a sudden alliance with France and
America. The utmost expectation, that many of the well intentioned
have entertained has been to prevent the government from joining
England. I am sorry to be obliged to say it, and if it ever should be
made public, it might be ill taken. But there is no manner of doubt,
that the most earnest wish of the cabinet has been to induce the
nation to furnish the ships and troops to the English according to
their interpretation of the treaty. Amsterdam distinguished itself,
and its ancient and venerable Burgomaster, Temmink, and its eldest
Pensionary, Van Berckel, have distinguished themselves in Amsterdam.
When Mr Laurens's papers were discovered, they were sent forthwith to
the Hague. The Prince, in person, laid them before the States. Sir
Joseph Yorke thundered with his memorials against Amsterdam, her
Burgomasters, and Pensionary. The nation was seized with amazement,
and flew to the armed neutrality for shelter against the fierce wrath
of the King. Instantly Sir Joseph Yorke is recalled, and a declaration
of war appears, levelled against the city, against the Burgomasters,
and M. Van Berckel. Sir George Rodney, in his despatches pursues the
same partiality and personality against Amsterdam. What was the drift
of all this? Manifestly to excite seditions against Temmink and Van
Berckel. Here then, is a base and scandalous system of policy, in
which the King of Great Britain, and his Ministry and Admiral, all
condescended to engage, manifestly concerted by Sir Joseph Yorke, at
the Hague; and I am sorry to add, too much favored by the cabinet, and
even openly by the Prince, by his presenting Laurens's papers to the
States, to sacrifice Temmink and Van Berckel to the fury of an enraged
populace.