exertions, and however reluctantly they may go into the war, they must
still go into it with vigor. But, Sir, though your letters detail the
politics of the country, though they very ably explain the nature and
general principles of the government, they leave us in the dark with
respect to more important facts. They have not led us into the dock
yards or arsenals; they have not told us what ships are prepared for
sea, what are preparing, what the naval force will be this spring, or
how it is to be applied. You have not yet introduced us to any of the
leading members of the great council; you have not repeated your
private conversations with them from which infinitely more is to be
collected, than from all the pamphlets scattered about the streets of
Amsterdam.
If they avoid your company and conversation, it is a more unfavorable
symptom than any you have mentioned; and shows clearly that your
public character should have been concealed till your address had
paved the way for its being acknowledged. If you have formed
connexions with any of these people, and I cannot but presume that you
have attended to so important a point, it will be very interesting to
us to have their most striking features delineated, their sentiments
with respect to us and to our opponents detailed, and the influence
of each in the Assembly of the States. This will best acquaint us with
the principles of the government, and direct our course towards them.
Among other things, I wish to know in what light they view our cause,
as just or unjust? What influence they imagine our independence will
have upon the general system of Europe, or their own States? What
expectations they form from our commerce; whether the apprehension of
its being altogether thrown into another channel, if infused with
address, would not awaken them into action? What are their ideas of
the comparative power of France and Britain, so far as it may affect
them? Whether they have entered into any treaty with France since the
war; if they have, what are its objects? If they have not, whether any
such thing is in contemplation?
None of your letters takes the least notice of the French Ambassador
at the Hague; is there no intercourse between you? If not, to what is
it to be attributed? It appears to me, that our interests in Holland
are similar to those of France. They are interested with us in
forwarding our loans; in procuring a public acknowledgment of our
independence; in urging the States to exertion. They have considerable
influence on the government, as appears from the success that the
loan, opened under their guarantee met with.
I must again, therefore, request you to spend much of your time at the
Hague, that great centre of politics, to cultivate the acquaintance
and friendship of the French Ambassador, to confer with him freely and
candidly upon the state of our affairs; and by his means, to extend
your acquaintance to the other representatives of crowned heads at the
Hague. Your having no public character, together with our avowed
contempt for rank and idle ceremony, will greatly facilitate your
intercourse with them, and enable you to efface the ill impressions
they daily receive of us from our enemies.
You see, Sir, I rely so much upon your good sense, as to write with
freedom to you, and to mark out that line, which I conceive will best
tend to render your mission useful. Should I suggest anything, which
you may not approve, I should be happy to be informed of it, and the
reasons upon which you act; so that I may be able fully to justify
your measures, if, at any time, they should not be entirely approved
on this side of the water. I communicated to Congress the letter of Dr
Franklin, relative to your salary, in consequence of which, they have
directed the superintendent of the finances to make provision for it
in future.
We have no intelligence of importance at this time, but have our eyes
fixed with anxious expectation on the West Indies, whence we hourly
expect to hear the particulars of the engagement between the Count de
Grasse and Hood; and the issue of the attack upon St Christopher's.
To the southward, things remain in the state they were, though we have
some reason to believe the enemy entertain serious thoughts of
withdrawing their troops from Charleston. Thirty empty transports have
sailed from New York, with a view, as is said, to fetch them to that
place, which will be the last they quit on the Continent. This we
ought not to lament, since there is no situation better adapted to
concentre our force, and no part of America so easily defended with
inferior force, as the ridge of hills which shut it in, at the same
time that it is totally indefensible against a combined attack by land
and water. So that we may reasonably hope, that York will again be
fatal to the British arms. Every preparation is making to render it
so.
I write nothing to you on the subject of a negotiation, conveyances to
Dr Franklin being more easily obtained, as well as more secure. Every
instruction on that head is sent to him, and will, of course, be
communicated to you by the time you need it.
Nothing can be more pleasing, after the chaos into which our affairs
were plunged, than the order which begins now to be established in
every department. Paper ceases to be a medium, except the bank paper,
which is in equal credit with specie; gold and silver have found their
passage into the country; restrictions on commerce are removed; it
flows in a thousand new channels, and has introduced the greatest
plenty of every necessary, and even every luxury of life. Our harvests
have been so abundant, that provisions are in the utmost plenty. All
the supplies of the army are procured by contracts, and the heavy load
of purchasing and issuing commissaries is discharged. In short, our
affairs wear such a face here, at present, that if we are only
supported this year by foreign loans, we shall not be under the
necessity of calling for them again. Would to heaven, that the present
aspect of affairs might render your endeavors on this head successful.
The use it would be of to the community, would amply compensate you
for all the pain and distress, which your fruitless endeavors have
occasioned you.
Among other articles of intelligence, I ought to inform you, that
Burgoyne is exchanged, and that an exchange is now on foot for
Cornwallis, in which it is designed that Mr Laurens shall be included.
The British seem extremely anxious to have him, and to give him the
command of their army in America. We, who know him best, have no
objection to the measure. If they wish to carry on an active war, his
precipitation will lead them into new difficulties. If to defend
particular posts, they cannot put them into the hands of a man who
knows less about the matter. His defence of York was a most
contemptible series of blunders. We shall, besides these, derive two
decisive advantages from his command; while a detestation of his
cruelty has united the whigs, the tenth article of the capitulation at
York has destroyed the confidence of the tories.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, March 10th, 1782.
Sir,
By the address of the House of Commons to the King, his Majesty's
answer, and the resolution of the House in consequence of it, "that he
would be highly criminal and an enemy to his country, who should
attempt to carry on an offensive war in America against the sense of
the House;" by the surrender of Minorca, and the disastrous face of
British affairs in Ireland, as well as in the East and West Indies,
and by the uncommon difficulties which my Lord North finds in raising
the loan, I think we may fairly conclude that the United States are
not to expect those horrid scenes of fire and sword in future, which
they have so often seen heretofore.
Among the causes, which have operated to this effect, may be reckoned
the late ordinance of Congress against British manufactures, and the
prospect which has been opened to them, in Holland, of a sudden
revival of the Dutch manufactures of Delft, Leyden, Utrecht, and
indeed all the other cities of the Republic. The English have found
all their artifices to raise mobs in their favor, in the Republic, to
be vain; they found that there began to be an appearance of danger of
popular tumults against them; they have seen their friends in this
country driven out of all their strong holds, and forced to combat on
the retreat; they have found that the American cause gained ground
upon them every day, and that serious indications were given of a
disposition to acknowledge our independence, for the sake of reviving
their manufactures and extending their commerce, all which together
has raised a kind of panic in the nation, and such a fermentation in
Parliament, as has produced a formal renunciation of the principles of
the American war.
The question now arises, what measures will the Cabinet of St James
pursue? Will they agree to the Congress at Vienna? I believe not. Will
they treat with the American peace Ministers now in Europe? I fancy
not. They will more probably send agents to America, to propose some
bad plan of American viceroys, and American nobility, and what not,
except common sense and common utility.
I presume, with submission, however, that Congress will enter into no
treaty or conference with them, but refer them to their Ministers in
Europe.
France and Spain, I think, cannot mistake their interest and duty upon
this occasion, which is, to strike the most decided strokes, to take
the British armies in New York and Charleston prisoners. Without
this, in all probability, before another revolution of the seasons,
all the United States will be evacuated, the British forces sent to
Quebec, Halifax and the West India Islands, where it will cost France
and Spain more time, blood, and treasure to dispose of them than it
will this campaign to capture them in New York and Charleston.
With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, March 11th, 1782.
Sir,
The promise, which was made me by M. Bergsma, that I should have an
answer from the Province of Friesland in three weeks, has been
literally fulfilled. This gentleman, who, as well as his Province,
deserves to be remembered in America, sent me a copy of the resolution
in Dutch as soon as it passed. It is now public in all the gazettes,
and is conceived in these terms;
"The requisition of Mr Adams, for presenting his letters of credence
from the United States of North America to their High Mightinesses,
having been brought into the Assembly and put into deliberation, as
also the ulterior Address to the same purpose, with a demand of a
categorical answer made by him, as is more amply mentioned in the
minutes of their High Mightinesses of the 4th of May, 1781, and the
9th of January, 1782, whereupon, it having been taken into
consideration, that the said Mr Adams would probably have some
propositions to make to their High Mightinesses, and to present to
them the principal articles and foundations upon which the Congress,
on their part, would enter into a treaty of commerce and friendship,
or other affairs to propose, in regard to which despatch would be
requisite;
"It has been thought fit and resolved, to authorise the gentlemen, the
Deputies of this Province at the generality, and to instruct them to
direct things at the table of their High Mightinesses in such a
manner, that the said Mr Adams be admitted forthwith as Minister of
the Congress of North America, with further order to the said
Deputies, that if there should be made, moreover, any similar
propositions by the same, to inform immediately their Noble
Mightinesses of them. And an extract of the present resolution shall
be sent them for their information, that they may conduct themselves
conformably.
"Thus resolved at the Province House, the 26th of February, 1782.
A. I. V. SMINIA."
This resolution has, by the Deputies of Friesland, been laid before
their High Mightinesses at the Hague, and after deliberation, the
Deputies of the Provinces of Guelderland, Zealand, Utrecht, and
Groningen, have taken copies of it, to be communicated more amply to
their constituents. In the States of the Province of Holland and West
Friesland, the requisition of the 9th of January had been committed to
the Committee of Grand Affairs, and taken into deliberation by the
body of Nobles, and _ad referendum_ by all the eighteen cities.
The sovereignty of the United States of America would undoubtedly be
acknowledged by the Seven United Provinces, and their Minister
received to an audience in state in the course of a few weeks, if the
Regency of the city of Amsterdam had not visibly altered its
sentiments, but all things are embroiled. The opposition to M. Van
Berckel, and the glittering charms of an embassy to Petersburg or
Vienna, which have been artfully displayed, as it is said, before the
eyes of one man, and many secret reasonings of similar kind with
others, have placed the last hopes of the English and Dutch Courts in
a city, which had long been firm in opposition to the desires of both.
The public in general, however, expect that the example of the
Friesians will be followed. Wherever I go, everybody, almost,
congratulates me upon the prospect of my being soon received at the
Hague. The French gazettes all give their opinions very decidedly that
it will be done, and the Dutch gazettes all breathe out, God grant
that it may be so. I confess, however, that I doubt it, at least I am
sure that a very little thing may prevent it. It is certain, that the
Court will oppose it in secret with all their engines, although they
are already too unpopular to venture to increase the odium, by an open
opposition.
Friesland is said to be a sure index of the national sense. The people
of that Province have been ever famous for the spirit of liberty. The
feudal system never was admitted among them; they never would submit
to it, and they have preserved those privileges, which all others have
long since surrendered. The Regencies are chosen by the people, and on
all critical occasions the Friesians have displayed a resolution and
an activity beyond the other members of the State. I am told that the
Friesians never undertake anything but they carry it through, and,
therefore, that I may depend upon it, they will force their way to a
connexion with America. This may be the case if the war continues, and
the enemies of Great Britain continue to be successful; but I have no
expectations of anything very soon, because I have much better
information than the public, of the secret intrigues both at the Hague
and Amsterdam. Patience, however. We have nothing to fear. Courtiers
and aristocrats, as well as the people, all say, "you know very well
we love the Americans, and will ever be their good friends." This love
and friendship consists, however, rather too much in mere words, "Be
ye warmed," &c.; and a strong desire of gain by your commerce.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, March 19th, 1782.
Sir,
I have before transmitted to you the resolution of Friesland of the
26th of February, 1782, by which that Province acknowledged the
independence of the United States, and directed their Minister to be
received; but some proceedings in Guelderland deserve to follow. In an
extraordinary assembly of the county of Zutphen, held at Nimeguen the
23d of February, the following measures were taken.
"After the report of the committees of this Province to the
generality, laid this day upon the table, relative to what passed in
the precedent assembly, and after an examination of an extract of the
register of the Resolutions of their High Mightinesses the
States-General of the Low Countries, of the 9th of last month, in
relation to the ulterior address of Mr Adams to the President of their
High Mightinesses, concerning the presentation of his letters of
credence to their High Mightinesses, in behalf of the United States of
North America, for, and demanding a categorical answer, whereof the
gentlemen, the Deputies of the respective Provinces, have taken
copies, the Baron Robert Jasper Van der Capellan de Marsch, first by
word of mouth, and afterwards in writing, proposed and insisted at the
Assembly of this Quarter, that at present and without delay, we should
make a point of deliberation, and that we should make upon the table
the necessary overture, conceived more at length in the advice of this
nobleman, inserted in these terms;
"Noble and Mighty Lords,
"The subscriber judges, upon good grounds, and without fear of being
contradicted, that he is able to affirm, that it is more than time
that we should give a serious attention to the offer and invitation,
in every sense honorable and advantageous for the Republic, of
friendship and reciprocal connexions with the Thirteen American
Provinces, now become free at the point of the sword; in such sort
that the categorical answer demanded by their Minister, Mr Adams, may
become a subject of the deliberations of your High Mightinesses, and
that they may decide as soon as possible concerning their respective
interests. He judges that he ought not to have any further scruple in
this regard, and the uncertain consequences of the mediation offered
by Russia cannot, when certain advantages for this Republic are in
question, hinder that out of regard for an enemy, with whom we
(however salutary the views of her Imperial Majesty are represented)
cannot make any peace at the expense of a negligence so irreparable;
that the longer delay to unite ourselves to a nation already so
powerful, will have for its consequence, that our inhabitants will
lose the means of extending, in a manner the most advantageous, their
commerce and their prosperity; that by the rigorous prohibition to
import English manufactures into America, our manufactures, by means
of precautions taken in time, will rise out of their state of languor;
and that, by delaying longer to satisfy the wishes of the nation, her
leaders will draw upon them the reproach of having neglected and
rejected the favorable offers of Providence; that, on the contrary, by
adopting these measures, the essential interests of this unfortunate
people will be taken to heart.
"The subscriber declaring, moreover, that he will abandon this
unpardonable negligence of an opportunity favorable to the Republic,
to the account of those whom it may concern; protesting against all
the fatal consequences, that a longer refusal of these necessary
measures will certainly occasion. Whereupon he demanded that for his
discharge, this note should be inserted in the registers of the
Quarter.
R. I. VAN DER CAPELLAN."
"This advice having been read, Jacob Adolf de Heeckeren d'Enghuisen,
Counsellor, and First Master of Accounts in Guelderland, President at
this time of the Assembly of the Quarter, represented to the said
Robert Jasper Van der Capellan de Marsch, 'that although he must agree
to the justice of all that he had laid down, besides several other
reasons equally strong, which occurred to his mind, the deliberation
upon the point in question appeared to him premature; considering that
the Lords, the States of Holland, of West Friesland, and Zealand, as
the principal commercial Provinces, who are directly interested, had
not, nevertheless, as yet explained themselves in this regard;
consequently, that it would not be so convenient for the States of
this Dutchy and County, who are not interested in it, but in a
consequential and indirect manner, to form the first their resolutions
in this respect. For this reason he proposed to consideration, whether
it would not be more proper to postpone the deliberations upon this
matter to a future opportunity?
"Nevertheless, the beforementioned Robert Jasper Van der Capellan de
Marsch, insisting that the voices should be collected upon the
proposition and advice in question, and thereupon having deliberated,
their Noble Mightinesses have thought fit to resolve, that although
the motives alleged by this nobleman in his advice, appear to merit a
serious consideration, nevertheless, for the reasons before alleged,
they judge that they ought to suspend the decision of it, until the
commercial Provinces have formed their resolutions concerning it, and
that upon the requisition of Robert Jasper Van der Capellan de Marsch,
there be delivered to him an extract of the present, upon one as well
as the other.
HERM. SCHOMAKER."
LEYDEN.
"To the Noble, Great, and Venerable Lords of the Grand Council of the
city of Leyden.
"The undersigned, all manufacturers, merchants, and other traders,
interested in the manufactures of this city, most respectfully give to
understand, that it is a truth as melancholy as it is universally
known, that the declension of the said manufactures, which all the
well disposed citizens have remarked with the most lively grief, from
the beginning of this century, has increased more and more for
several years; and that this principal branch of the subsistence of
the good citizens has fallen into such a state of languor, that our
city, once so flourishing, so populous, so celebrated on account of
its commerce, and of its traders, appears to be threatened with total
ruin; that the diminution of its merchant houses, on one hand, and, on
the other, the total loss or the sensible decrease of several branches
of commerce, furnish an evident proof of it; which the petitioners
could demonstrate by several examples, if there were need of them to
convince your Noble and Grand Lordships, to whom the increase of the
multitude of the poor; the deplorable situation of several families,
heretofore in easy circumstances; the depopulation of the city, which
we cannot observe without emotion, in the ruins of several streets,
once neat and well inhabited, are fully known, will recollect no doubt
upon this occasion, with grief, that this state of languor must appear
so much the more desperate, if your Noble and Grand Lordships will
take into consideration, that in this decay of trades and
manufactures, we find a new reason of their further fall, considering,
that from the time, that there is not continual employment, and an
uninterrupted sale, the workmen desert in such a manner, that when
considerable commissions arrive, we cannot find capable hands, and we
see ourselves entirely out of a condition to execute these orders.
"That the petitioners, with all the true friends of their country,
extremely affected with this alarming situation of so rich a source of
the public prosperity, have, indeed, sought the means of a remedy, in
amending some defects from which it seemed to arise, at least in part;
but that the measures taken in this view, as is well known to your
Noble and Grand Lordships, have not had the desired effect; at least,
that they have not produced a re-establishment so effectual, that we
have been able to observe a sensible influence in the increase of the
sales of the manufactures of Leyden, as appears most evidently by a
comparison of the pieces fabricated here, which have been heretofore
carried to the divers markets of this city, with those, which are
carried there at this day; a comparison which a true citizen cannot
consider without regret.