merchant vessels of one of the two powers should be taken, or
insulted, by any vessels whatsoever of the belligerent powers, the
complaints of the injured power shall be supported in the most
efficacious manner by the other; and that, if they refuse to render
justice upon these complaints, they shall concert immediately upon the
most proper manner of procuring it by just reprisals;
"III. That if it should happen, that one or the other of the two
powers, or both together, on occasion, or in resentment of this
present agreement, should be disturbed, molested, or attacked, in such
case they shall make common cause between themselves for their mutual
defence, and labor in concert to procure themselves a full and entire
satisfaction, both for the insult offered to their flag, and for the
losses caused to their subjects;
"IV. That these stipulations shall be considered on one part, and on
the other, as permanent, and as making a rule, whenever it shall come
in question to determine the rights of neutrality;
"V. That the two powers shall communicate amicably their present
mutual concert to all the powers who are actually at war.
"We, willing, by an effect of the sincere friendship, which happily
unites us to her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, as well as
for the well-being of Europe in general, and of our countries and
subjects in particular, to contribute on our part to the execution of
views, of principles, and measures, as salutary as they are
conformable to the most evident notions of the law of nations, have
resolved to accede to them, as we do formally accede to them, in
virtue of the present act, promising and engaging solemnly, as her
Imperial Majesty of all the Russias engages herself to us, to observe,
execute, and warrant all the foregoing points and stipulations. In
faith of which, we have signed these presents with our own hand, and
have hereto affixed our seal.
"Given at Vienna, the 9th of October, 1781.
JOSEPH."
The Prince de Gallitzin has notified the acceptation of Russia nearly
in the same words. By the fifth article the two Imperial Courts ought
to notify this to Congress, for it is most certain that the United
States are one of the powers actually at war. Whether they will or no,
time must discover; but by the articles, to serve as a basis of peace
at the proposed Congress at Vienna, these two Courts have certainly
acknowledged the American Colonies to be a power at war, and a power
sufficiently free to appear at Vienna, and make peace with Great
Britain.
The confederation for the liberty of navigation of neutral nations, is
now one of the most formidable that ever was formed in the world. The
only question is, whether it is not too complicated and various to be
managed to effect. The conduct of the Empress of Russia towards this
Republic, and especially in offering her mediation for a separate
peace between England and Holland, has excited some jealousies of her
sincerity or her constancy. But I think it will appear in the end,
that she intends that Holland shall enjoy the full benefit of this
confederation, which will effectually deprive England of that
sovereignty of the sea, which she so presumptuously claims and boasts.
But if it should appear, which I do not expect, that the Empress
should advise the Dutch to give up the right of carrying naval stores,
after the example of Denmark, her glory will suffer no small
diminution, and I presume that Holland, humble as she is, will not
submit to it, but make immediately common cause with the enemies of
her enemy.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, December 30th, 1781.
Sir,
You desired that on my arrival at Versailles, I should communicate to
the Count de Vergennes your disposition to adopt the measure you have
been advised to pursue by several well disposed members of the States
of Holland, and that I should at the same time make known to him your
determination not to take that step without his approbation.
The Minister directs me to inform you, that he sees no objection to
the visit, which you wish to make to the President of the Assembly of
the States-General, to the Ministers of the Republic, and to the
deputies of the principal cities of the Province of Holland, provided
that, without leaving with either of them any official writing, you
limit yourself to the inquiry, whether the memorial, which you
transmitted to them several months since has been made the subject of
deliberation by their High Mightinesses, and what answer you may
communicate to the Congress of the United States of North America.
I do not know the precise time of my return to the Hague, but see no
reason to suppose that my absence will be longer than I expected.
Receive, Sir, my renewed assurance of the profound respect with which
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE LA VAUGUYON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, January 9th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I write merely to put you on your guard against any falsehood the
enemy may think it necessary to publish about the time of opening
their budget. All is well here. There has been no action to the
southward. Many of the tories in North Carolina, enraged at being
deserted, have joined our army, and, as is said, executed some of
their leaders. The enemy have drawn all their troops into Charleston,
and our advanced parties are as low down as Haddell's point.
I congratulate you upon the brilliant expedition of the Marquis de
Bouille. It does him the highest honor, and his subsequent conduct
forms such a contrast to that of the English, as must, I should
suppose, have great influence upon the minds of the people with you,
and forward your negotiations. The one fighting to oppress and enslave
a free people, the other to establish their rights; the one attempting
to tyrannize over the ocean, and fetter the commerce of the world, the
other resisting that tyranny, and rendering trade as free as nature
made it; the one insulting, plundering, and abusing an old friend, an
ally, in the midst of profound peace, the other extending in war mercy
to their bitterest enemies, and marching to conquest with domestic
peace in their train; the one burning defenceless towns and peaceful
villages, where they have been hospitably entertained, the other
guarding from violence with scrupulous attention the firesides of
their inveterate foes; the one murdering in cold blood, or more
cruelly by want and misery in prison ships, those who speak the same
language, profess the same religion, and spring from the same
ancestors; the other forgetting difference of religion, language, and
hereditary enmity, spare the vanquished, administer to their wants,
offer consolation in their distress, and prove more by their conduct
than by their professions, that they are armed in the cause of
humanity.
The one, without regard to truth or decency, boasts of victories never
gained, and ostentatiously exaggerates the little advantages, which
superior numbers have sometimes given, while the other leaves the
debility of their enemy to express the brilliancy of their actions.
The one--but I should never have done if I were to mark the points in
which the British differ from a brave, humane, and polished nation.
The recapture of St Eustatia in all its circumstances, and the
disgraceful defence of Yorktown, prove that they are no longer the
people we once thought them; if ever they were brave and generous,
they have lost those virtues with the spirit of freedom. Adieu, my
Dear Sir, may your exertions in the cause of your country be attended
with all the success they merit.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, January 14th, 1782.
Sir,
Having received the advice of several gentlemen, members of the
States, and also of the opinion of the Duc de la Vauguyon and the
Count de Vergennes, I went to the Hague on Tuesday, the 8th day of
this month, and the next morning at ten, waited on the President of
their High Mightinesses, M. Van der Sandheuvel of Dort, a city of
Holland, to whom I made a verbal requisition in the following words.
"The 4th of May last I had the honor of a conference with the
President of their High Mightinesses, in which I informed him that I
had received a commission from the United States of America, with full
powers and instructions to propose and conclude a treaty of amity and
commerce between the United States of America and the United Province
of the Netherlands. I had the honor in the same conference to demand
an audience of their High Mightinesses, for the purpose of presenting
my credentials and full powers. The President assured me, that he
would report everything that I had told him, to their High
Mightinesses, so that the matter might be transmitted to the several
members of the sovereignty, to be submitted to their deliberation and
decision. I have not yet been honored with an answer, and for this
reason I have the honor of addressing myself to you, Sir, to demand
from you as I do demand, a categorical answer, which I may transmit to
my sovereign."
The President assured me, that he would not fail to make report to
their High Mightinesses. After this, I sent a servant to the Grand
Pensionary Bleiswick, to know at what hour I should have the honor of
a conversation with him. The answer returned to me, with the
compliments of the Grand Pensionary, was, that he was sick, unable to
attend the Assembly of the States, and to receive any visits at home
from anybody; but if my business was of a public nature, I might
communicate it to his Secretary, which would be as well as to himself.
Upon this, I requested M. Dumas to call upon the Secretary, and
communicate my intentions to him, which he did.
I went next morning at ten, to the Secretary of their High
Mightinesses, M. Fagel, and communicated to him the step I had taken
the day before, who told me that he had already been informed of it,
for that the President, according to his promise, had made his report
to their High Mightinesses; that it was true, that the Baron de Lynden
de Hemmen had made his report to their High Mightinesses, on the 4th
of last May, of my proposition to him, and that it had been forthwith
taken _ad referendum_ by all the Provinces, but that no member of the
sovereignty had yet returned any answer at all, either in the
affirmative or negative; that my proposition of yesterday had in like
manner been taken _ad referendum_ by all the Provinces, and that it
was necessary to wait to see what answer they would give.
The Secretary, who is perfectly well with the Court, as his ancestors
and family have been for a long course of years, and who is as
complaisant to England as any man in this country, received me with
perfect politeness, and, when I took leave, insisted upon accompanying
me through all the anti-chambers and long entries quite to my chariot
door in the street, where he waited until we entered and drove off.
After this, I went to the House of Dort, the Pensionary of which city,
M. Gyselaer, received me with confidence and affection; told me, that
all he could say to me in his public character was, that he thanked me
for the communication I had made to him, and would communicate it to
the deputation and to the Regency of his city, and that he hoped I
should have as friendly an answer as I desired, for that he personally
saw me with great pleasure, and very readily acknowledged my
character, and that of my country.
I went next, at the hour agreed on, to the House of Haerlem, where I
was received by the whole deputation, consisting of two Burgomasters,
two Schepins, and a Pensionary. Here passed a scene, which really
affected my sensibility, and gave me great pleasure. The five
gentlemen were all aged and venerable magistrates, who received me
with an affection and cordiality, which discovered, in their air and
countenance, the sincerity and satisfaction they felt in the word of
their Pensionary when he told me, that they were only Deputies; that
by the constitution of Haerlem, like all the others in the Republic,
the sovereignty resided in their constituents, the Regency; that they
thanked me for the communication I had made to them, that they would
communicate it to the Regency of their city, and that for themselves,
they heartily wished it success; for that the United States, as
sufferers for, and defenders of the great cause of liberty, might
depend upon the esteem, affection, and friendship, of the city of
Haerlem, and that they heartily wished a connexion between the two
Republics, and they congratulated us on the capture of Lord
Cornwallis, to which we returned to them a congratulation for the
recapture of St Eustatia, and took our leave.
At the House of Leyden, we were received by the Pensionary, who told
us he had the orders of his Burgomasters to receive me, to thank me
for the communication, and to promise to communicate it to their
Regency.
At the House of Rotterdam, we were received by the whole deputation,
consisting of two Burgomasters, two Schepins, or Judges, and the
Pensionary. We received thanks for the communication, and a promise to
lay it before the Regency.
At the House of Gouda and the Brille, the same reception and the same
answer. At another House, where the Deputies of five small cities
lived together, the same answer. At the House, where the Deputies of
Alcmaer and Enkhuisen reside, we were received by the whole
deputations, obtained the same answers, with the addition of
professions of esteem and wishes, that in time there might be a closer
connexion between the two nations.
Thus I had been introduced to the Ministers of the Republic, and to
the Deputies of all the cities of Holland, except Amsterdam. In my
messages to the deputations, I had followed the order of the cities,
according to the rank they held in the confederation. I had sent to
the House of Amsterdam in its course. The messenger, the first time,
found only one of the Burgomasters at home, M. Rendorp, who returned
for answer, that the gentlemen were not then together, but that they
would send me word at what time they would receive me; but no answer
came for a day or two. I sent again. The messenger found only the same
Burgomaster, who returned the same answer. On Friday morning, having
no answer, I sent a third time. The answer from the same Burgomaster
was, that the gentlemen were then setting off for Amsterdam, being
obliged to return upon business, and could not then see me, but would
send me word. Upon this, I concluded to return to Amsterdam too, and
to make the communication there in writing to the Regency; but
reflecting that this step would occasion much speculation and many
reflections upon Amsterdam, I desired M. Dumas to wait on M. Vischer,
the Pensionary, who remained in town, and consult with him. The result
was, that I made my visit to the House of Amsterdam, and made the
communication to M. Vischer, who received me like a worthy Minister of
the great city.
It may not be amiss to conclude this letter by observing, that every
city is considered as an independent Republic. The Burgomasters have
the administration of the executive, like little kings. There is in
the great council, consisting of the Burgomasters and Counsellors, a
limited legislative authority. The Schepins are the judges. The
Deputies are appointed by the Regency, which consists of the
Burgomasters, Counsellors, and Schepins; and in the large cities, the
Deputies consist of two Burgomasters, two Schepins or Counsellors, and
one Pensionary. The Pensionary is the Secretary of State, or the
Minister of the city. The Pensionaries are generally the speakers
upon all occasions, even in the Assembly of the States of the
Province.
These operations at the Hague have been received by the public with
great appearance of approbation and pleasure, and the gazettes and
pamphlets universally cry against the mediation of Russia, and for an
immediate alliance with France and America. But the leaders of the
Republic, those of them I mean who are well intentioned, wish to have
the two negotiations, that for peace under the mediation of Russia,
and that for an alliance with France, Spain, and America, laid before
the States and the public together, not so much with an expectation of
accomplishing speedily an alliance with Bourbon and America, as with a
hope of checking the English party, and preventing them from accepting
a peace with England, or the mediation of Russia to that end, upon
dangerous or dishonorable terms. If it was in any other country, I
should conclude from all appearances, that an alliance with America
and France, at least would be finished in a few weeks; but I have been
long enough here to know the nation better. The constitution of
government is so complicated and whimsical a thing, and the temper and
character of the nation so peculiar, that this is considered
everywhere as the most difficult embassy in Europe. But at present it
is more so than ever; the nation is more divided than usual, and they
are afraid of everybody, afraid of France, afraid of America, England,
Russia, and the Northern powers, and above all of the Emperor, who is
taking measures, that will infallibly ruin the commerce of this
country, if they do not soon change their conduct.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, January 15th, 1782.
Sir,
The following note was presented to the Secretary Fagel by the Prince
Gallitzin, and by the Secretary to the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses, the 10th of this month.
"Her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having reflected upon the
loss of time, which is occasioned by a correspondence relative to
complaints formed by the subjects of neutral powers, her allies,
concerning the vexations and violations which they may suffer
sometimes in their commercial navigation, has perceived that it will
be essential to provide the Ministers of the allied powers with
instructions sufficient for all cases of this nature. To this effect,
her Imperial Majesty has thought fit to propose also to their High
Mightinesses, the necessity and utility of general orders and
instructions upon this object, with which they ought to provide their
Ministers residing near the belligerent powers. Her Imperial Majesty
is even of opinion that it will be indispensably necessary to detail
the instructions in question in a manner so ample, that the Ministers
may never be reduced to wait for ulterior orders; but on the contrary,
that in all cases of this nature, they may be authorised to sustain
each other efficaciously in their complaints and operations in making
a common cause, and in interesting themselves without hesitation in
the first complaints of the respective subjects of their Sovereigns,
who claim their assistance.
"Her Imperial Majesty has already exerted herself to despatch to her
Ministers residing at the belligerent Courts, the necessary
instructions to this effect. Certainly none of them will fail to
contribute to the good of the common cause, conformably to mutual
engagements, and to that which her Imperial Majesty has caused to be
proposed to her other allies."
I have transmitted this, as well as all other State papers, relative
to the maritime confederation, because I hope it will be finally
established, as it appears to be for the good of mankind in general,
and of the United States in particular. The Dutch are so attached to
it, that I think they will not give it up, and if the Empress has it
sincerely at heart, she will not consent that the Dutch should
relinquish it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, January 16th, 1782.
Sir,
The following verbal insinuation made by the Baron de Noleken, Envoy
of Sweden at London, to my Lord Stormont, the 31st of August, 1781, is
of importance to show the intentions of the maritime confederacy.
"The King has no occasion at this time to declare the principles,
which have determined his conduct, from the time when he ascended the
throne of his ancestors. He has been guided by the love of peace; and
he would have wished to see all the powers of Europe enjoy the same
happiness, equally constant and durable. These wishes dictated by the
sentiments of humanity, which are natural to him, have not been
satisfied. The flames of war, enkindled in another hemisphere, have
communicated themselves to Europe, but the King still flattered
himself that this conflagration, would not pass the bounds to which it
was confined, and above all that a nation merely commercial, which had
announced a neutrality as an invariable foundation of her conduct,
would not be involved in it. Nevertheless, the contrary has happened
almost at the very moment, when this power had contracted the most
innocent engagements with the King and his two allies in the north.
"If a neutrality the most exact, which was ever observed has not been
able to warrant the King from feeling at first the inconveniences of
the war, by the considerable losses, which were sustained by his
trading subjects; by a stronger reason he was able to foresee the
vexatious consequences when these disorders should become more
extensive, when an open war, between Great Britain and the Republic of
Holland should multiply them; finally, when the commerce of neuters
was about to suffer new shackles by the hostilities, which were to be
committed between these two powers. Accordingly the King did not fail
soon to perceive it, and sincerely to wish, that the measures taken by
the Empress of Russia, for extinguishing in its beginning the flame of
this new war, had been followed with a perfect success. But as this
salutary work has not been carried to perfection, the King has
resolved to join himself to his allies, the Empress of Russia and the
King of Denmark, to endeavor to dispose his Britannic Majesty to adopt
those pacific sentiments, which their High Mightinesses, the
States-General, have already manifested by their consent, to open a
negotiation of peace.
"If such were the dispositions of this monarch, as it ought not to be
doubted, it seems that a suspension of hostilities should be a
preliminary, by so much the more essential to their accomplishment, as
military operations necessarily influencing a negotiation of this
nature, would only serve to embarrass and to prolong it, while the
allied Courts would not wish for anything so much, as to be able to
accelerate it by all the means, which might serve for the satisfaction
and advantage of the two belligerent parties. In the sincerity and the
rectitude of the intentions, which animate his Majesty, as well as his
allies, he cannot conceal the apprehension he is in, with regard to
the continuation of the war, from whence may arise vexatious
incidents, capable of exciting all sorts of wrangles and most
disagreeable disputes.
"This motive, and still more, that of preventing a still greater
effusion of blood, are proper to operate upon the heart of the King of
Great Britain; and in the entire confidence, which his Majesty places
in it, he would feel a real satisfaction, if by his good offices and
by his mediation joined to that of his allies, he could succeed in
terminating the differences, which have arisen between his Britannic
Majesty and the States-General of the United Provinces."