Congress of the state of things and parties in England. The Ministry
talk of a new system. Perhaps they may attempt Rhode Island once more
in exchange for Charleston, and try their skill in intercepting our
trade.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.
The Hague, December 19th, 1781.
Sir,
It has been insinuated to me, that the Spanish Ambassador here has
instructions from his Court to enter into a negotiation with their
High Mightinesses, concerning an alliance between Spain and the
Republic. If this fact has come to your Excellency's knowledge, and
there is no inconvenience nor impropriety in communicating it to me, I
should be very much obliged to you for the information; not from
curiosity merely, but for my government, in the steps I may have to
take.
By my late instructions, of which your Excellency has a copy, I am to
inform myself concerning the progress of American negotiations at the
Court of Spain, and, if an alliance shall have been entered into
between his Catholic Majesty and the United States, to invite his
Catholic Majesty into the alliance proposed between France, their High
Mightinesses, and the Congress. If no such alliance shall have been
formed, to receive his Catholic Majesty, should he manifest a
disposition to become a party, &c.
Congress have wisely enjoined it upon me, to confer in the most
confidential manner with your Excellency, and I have made it a law to
myself, to take no material step in this negotiation without your
approbation; but my instructions seem to make it necessary to take
some measures, at least, to sound the disposition of the Spanish
Ambassador. I would, therefore, beg leave to propose to your
consideration, and to request your opinion, whether you think it
advisable for me to do myself the honor of making a visit to the
Spanish Ambassador, and communicating to him the substance of my
instructions, as far as it relates to the Court of Madrid; or whether
it would be better to communicate it by letter; or whether your
Excellency will be so good as to take upon yourself this
communication, and inform me of the result of it?
I am advised here to wait on the President of their High Mightinesses
as soon as possible, and demand a categorical answer to my former
proposition, and then to wait on the Grand Pensionary and Mr Secretary
Fagel, and, in turn, upon the Pensionaries of all the cities of
Holland, to inform them of the demand made to the President. But I
submit to your consideration, whether it will not be expedient to
communicate the project of a triple or quadruple alliance to some
confidential members of the States; as to the Pensionary of Dort,
Haerlem, and Amsterdam, for example, with permission to them to
communicate it, where they shall think it necessary, in order to give
more weight to my demand?
The Court of Great Britain are manifestly availing themselves of the
mediation of Russia, in order to amuse this Republic, and restrain it
from exerting itself in the war, and forming connexions with the other
belligerent powers, without intending to make peace with her upon any
conditions, which would not be ruinous to her. It is, therefore, of
the last importance to Holland, as well as of much consequence to the
other belligerent powers, to draw her out of the snare, which one
should think might be now easily done by a proposition of a triple or
quadruple alliance.
Tomorrow morning at ten, I propose to do myself the honor of waiting
on your Excellency, if that hour is agreeable, in order to avail
myself more particularly of your sentiments upon these points.
In the meantime, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
The Hague, December 20th, 1781.
Sir,
I have received the letter you did me the honor to address me. I shall
be impatient to converse with you on the subject to which it relates,
and shall expect to see you at ten o'clock tomorrow morning, as you
desire.
Receive, Sir, my renewed assurances of the profound respect with which
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE LA VAUGUYON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 25th, 1781.
Sir,
There has appeared an ulterior declaration, in addition to the
ordinances of the 30th of April and the 3d of November, concerning the
navigation and the maritime commerce of the subjects of Prussia during
the present war.
"The ordinances, which the King has caused to be published of the 30th
of April and 3d of November of this year, have, in truth, already
prescribed to the subjects of his Majesty, the manner in which they
ought, for their greatest safety, to direct their navigation and their
commerce; nevertheless, as several doubts have arisen in this regard,
his Majesty, in order to obviate them, and to direct his subjects who
trade by sea, has thought fit to establish, ordain, and declare, as
follows.
"ARTICLE I. It cannot be doubted, and it is understood, that the
Prussian vessels, which have put to sea before the publication of the
ordinance of the 3d of November, and which, by consequence, could not
be furnished with passports expedited by the Minister of foreign
affairs, which are therein prescribed, cannot be taken or molested, by
reason of the want of such passports, but that the passports
heretofore in use, which they have taken at their departure, ought to
have, until their return, their force and value, and to procure them,
until that time, a sufficient security. To remove, however, still more
effectually, all difficulties, which might exist in this regard, the
obligation to furnish themselves with immediate passports from Berlin,
is not to commence until after the 1st of January, 1782, to the end
that every one may have time to take his measures in consequence.
"ART. II. It is repeated and ordained, that small vessels, which do
not carry more than fifty lasts, as well as those which navigate only
in the Baltic Sea, and in the North Sea, and which do not pass the
Channel, which separates France and England, are not obliged, at least
if they do not themselves think it proper, to take passports from
Berlin; but to gain time, it is permitted to them to take them as
heretofore, at their convenience, from the Admiralties, the Chambers
of War, and of the Domains of each Province, and from the magistrates
of the cities. In consequence of which, it is ordained to these
Colleges in the most express manner, not to grant these passports but
to the real and actual subjects of the King, with the greatest
precaution, providing carefully against all abuses which may be made
of them, and observing strictly the ordinances published upon this
object. The end which his Majesty proposed to himself in publishing
the declaration of the 3d of November, has been, and is, singly, to
procure to Prussian vessels, which navigate beyond the Channel in the
ocean or the Atlantic Sea, and which carry their commerce into these
distant seas and regions, a safety so much the greater against all
prejudicial accidents, in causing to be expedited to them passports by
his Minister of Foreign Affairs, who, by his knowledge of the state of
public affairs, is the most in a condition to take the necessary
precautions.
"ART. III. The navigators, not being able to send to Berlin complete
bills of lading of the cargoes of their vessels, before they are
entirely loaded, there is not required of those who have occasion for
immediate passports of the Court, any other thing, except that they
produce certificates, and general attestations from the Admiralties,
the Chambers of Domains, or the magistrates of the cities, concerning
the property of the vessel, and when the passport should express also
the cargo, concerning the quality of the cargo, that is to say, in
what it consists; which is sufficient to judge, whether the
merchandises are lawful, and whether the passports requested can be
granted. The bills of lading, and complete and specific attestations
of the quantity of each merchandise may be expedited as heretofore, in
the usual manner, to places where the loading is made by the
Admiralties, the Chambers of Finances, or the magistrates of the
cities.
"ART. IV. In the ordinance of the 30th of April, his Majesty has been
pleased, to encourage his subjects to the national commerce, to advise
them to engage in maritime commerce as much as possible upon their own
account, and with their own merchandises; and it has been established
in consequence, in the declaration of the 3d of November, that to
obtain passports from the Court, it was necessary to prove, by
requisite certificates, that the owners both of the vessel and the
cargo were Prussian subjects; nevertheless, all this was done properly
in the form of advice, and to render them so much the more attentive
to the precautions which they ought to take; it is not, for this the
less free and lawful to the subjects of the King, who have obtained
requisite passports, to transport also in their vessels, in conformity
to the ordinance of the 30th of April, to places and ports which are
not besieged, nor close blocked, merchandises and effects belonging to
foreign nations, and even to belligerent nations, provided that these
merchandises are of the nature of those, which, according to the 2d
article of the declaration of the 30th of April, and conformably to
the customs and rights of nations, are permitted and not of
contraband; his Majesty will not fail to protect them, in such cases
according to the principles which he has adopted and established in
this regard with other powers, allies, and friends, and he has judged
necessary to declare all which goes before, for preventing all abusive
interpretation of the declaration of the 3d of November.
"ART. V. The captains and commanders of Prussian vessels ought, when
they arrive in ports or places, where reside consuls of the King, to
present to them their passports, and demand of them attestations,
which certify that their vessels are still furnished with passports
expedited to them.
"ART. VI. The commanders of these vessels would do well also, to take
with them the ordinances of the 30th of April and the 3d of November,
and the present declaration, to follow so much the better the precepts
of it, and to be able, in case of need, to show them, and justify
their conduct by them. Nevertheless, those two ordinances, as well as
this, which renews them and serves to explain them, have not been
published but for the direction of Prussian subjects, who exercise
navigation and maritime commerce; and in cases even where they may
fail in some point of their observation, and where they may not be
furnished with passports requisite, they are not responsible for their
negligence, but to his Majesty, their lawful sovereign, and the
commanders of armed vessels of the belligerent powers cannot think
themselves authorised thereby to stop them, or to take them, when they
have not acted openly in a manner contrary to the principles of the
maritime neutrality, adopted by his Majesty.
"Given at Berlin, the 8th of December, 1781, by express order of the
King.
DE HERTZBERG."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 25th, 1781.
Sir,
On the 11th of September, Lord Stormont delivered to the Baron de
Noleken, Envoy of Sweden, the following notification of the refusal of
the mediation of the Court of Stockholm, and the acceptation of that
of Russia.
"The conservation of the public tranquillity has been the first object
of the care of his Majesty, during the whole course of his reign. The
commencement of this reign has been signalised by the return of peace.
The King has made great sacrifices to procure this blessing to
humanity, and he had reason to flatter himself, that, by this
moderation in the midst of victory, he was establishing the public
tranquillity upon solid and durable foundations; but these hopes have
been disappointed, and these foundations have been shaken by the
ambitious policy of the Court of Versailles. This Court, after having
secretly fomented the rebellion enkindled in America, has leagued
herself openly with the rebel subjects of his Majesty; and by this
violation of the public faith, by this direct act of hostility, she
began the war.
"The conduct of the Republic of Holland, during the whole course of
this war, has excited a general indignation. This nation presents
itself under an aspect very different from that of a nation simply
commercial. It is a respectable power, connected for a long time with
Great Britain by the strictest alliance. The principal object of this
alliance was their common safety, and especially their mutual
protection against the ambitious designs of a dangerous neighbor,
which their united efforts have so often defeated, to their mutual
prosperity, and that of all Europe.
"The desertion of all the principles of this alliance, which the King
on his part had constantly maintained; an obstinate refusal to fulfil
the most sacred engagements; a daily infraction of the most sacred
treaties; succors furnished to those very enemies, against whom the
King had a right to demand succor; an asylum and protection granted in
the ports of Holland to American pirates, in direct violation of
stipulations, the most clear and the most precise; and, to fill up the
measure, a denial of satisfaction and of justice, for the affront
committed to the dignity of the King, by a clandestine league with his
rebel subjects; all these accumulated grievances have not left to the
King any other part to take, than that which he has taken with the
most sensible reluctance. In laying before the public the reasons,
which have rendered this rupture inevitable, his Majesty attributed
the conduct of the Republic to its true cause, the fatal influence of
a faction, which sacrificed the national interest to private views;
but the King has marked at the same time, the most sincere desire to
draw back the Republic to the system of strict union, of efficacious
alliance, and of mutual protection, which has so much contributed to
the prosperity and the glory of the two States.
"When the Empress of all the Russias offered her good offices to
effectuate a reconciliation by a separate peace, the King signifying
his just gratitude for this new proof of a friendship, which is so
precious to him, avoided to involve the mediation of her Imperial
Majesty in a fruitless negotiation; but at present, as there are
certain indications of an alteration of disposition in the Republic,
some marks of a desire to return to those principles, which the wisest
part of the Batavian nation has never forsaken, a negotiation for a
separate peace between the King and their High Mightinesses, may be
opened with some hopes of success under the mediation of the Empress
of all the Russias, who was the first to offer her good offices for
this salutary work. If his Majesty did not at first take advantage of
it, it was because he had every reason to believe, that the Republic
at that time sought only to amuse, by an insidious negotiation; but
the King would think, that he answered ill the sentiments, which
dictated those first offers, and that he was wanting to those regards
so justly due to her Imperial Majesty, and to the confidence, which
she inspires, if he associated in this mediation any other, even that
of an ally most respectable, and for whom the King has the sincerest
friendship."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, December 26th, 1781.
Sir,
It is very long since we had the pleasure of hearing from you. Before
this you will probably have received two letters of mine; a duplicate
of the last goes with this.
Nothing material has happened since the date of that, except the
evacuation of Wilmington, which was, as you know, a very important
post, as it checked the trade of North Carolina, and kept up a
dangerous connexion with almost the only tories on the Continent, who
have shown spirit enough to support their principles openly.
This new sacrifice by Britain of their partizans, conspiring with that
made by the capitulation of York, must open their eyes, and teach them
what the experience of ages should have taught, that those friendships
are weak, which arise, from a fellowship in guilt.
Our army, and the French troops are in quarters. The first in the
Jerseys, and upon the Hudson river; the last in Virginia. General
Greene will be reinforced by about eighteen hundred men, under St
Clair. The enemy are shut up in New York, Savannah, and Charleston,
though I believe they may yet have one or two posts, near the latter,
which they will keep till St Clair joins Greene. Count de Grasse is in
the West Indies, with so formidable an armament as promises the most
important successes, during the winter; when joined by the force, that
has sailed from Brest, and so many of the Spanish fleet as are
prepared to co-operate with him, he will have about fifty sail of the
line under his command.
I enclose several resolutions of Congress, which will convince you
that their late successes have not rendered them supine or negligent.
The spirit which animates them will pervade most of the States. I need
not suggest to you, the use that should be made of this information. I
am persuaded, that your own knowledge of the world, and the particular
situation of the government you are in, will direct you to the best
means of rendering them useful to this country. I also enclose an
ordinance relative to captures and recaptures lately passed by
Congress. You will observe, that it is formed upon the plan
recommended by the armed neutrality. It does credit in that view to
our moderation. Perhaps the conduct of Britain, and the neglect of the
neutral powers to enforce their own regulations, may render the policy
of the measure doubtful. This, however, gives new force to the
deductions drawn from it in favor of our moderation and justice.
You will also observe, that it uses means to put an entire stop to all
kind of commerce with Britain, or in British manufactures. In
consequence of this, new habits and new fashions must be introduced.
Wise nations will not neglect this favorable moment to render them
subservient to the interest of their own commerce and manufactures.
This affords you a topic which need not be urged to enlarge upon. I am
very fearful that you will not fully understand the cyphers in which
my last letters are written. I had them from the late committee of
Foreign Affairs, though they say they never received any letters from
you in them. Mr Lovell has enclosed what he thinks may serve as an
explanation. I would recommend it to you to write to me in M. Dumas's
cypher, till I can send you, or you send me one, by a safe hand.
Should you be at Paris, Dr Franklin has Dumas's cypher.
And now, Sir, for all this American intelligence, let me receive from
you a full return in European commodities of the like kind. I do not
hesitate to impose this task upon you, because I know it is one that
you have never neglected, and that you are fully impressed with the
idea of its importance to us. Among other things, I am persuaded
Congress would wish to know the success of your loan, and your
prospects; the disposition of the government, and the strength of the
Marine of the United Provinces; its objects and preparations for the
ensuing campaign; the negotiations which may be carrying on at
present, either for peace or war; the designs, finances, and Marine of
Russia. I shall also apply to Mr Dana for information on this subject,
as it will be much more practicable to correspond with him through
you, than to get letters to him at this season of the year from here.
I shall, however, attempt both.
I am too well acquainted with your industry and patriotism to think
that you will repine at any trouble that this may give you. You know
that Congress have a right to the fullest information from their
Ministers, and that their Ministers have similar demands upon them. I
shall endeavor, as far as lies in my power, to satisfy the last in
future, since that charge has devolved upon me.
I enclose a number of newspapers that may afford you some information
and amusement, and have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 29th, 1781.
Sir,
The Minister of the Court of Vienna has announced to their High
Mightinesses, the accession of the Emperor to the armed neutrality, in
the following manner.
ACCESSION OF AUSTRIA TO THE ARMED NEUTRALITY.
"The Emperor having been invited by her Imperial Majesty of all the
Russias, to accede to the principles of neutrality, which have been
laid down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780,
transmitted to the belligerent powers, his Majesty has accepted of
this invitation, so much the more willingly, as he is convinced of the
justice and equity of these principles. In consequence, their Imperial
Majesties have resolved between themselves, and caused to be exchanged
at St Petersburg, acts of accession on one part, and of acceptation on
the other, of which the subscriber, Envoy Extraordinary, has the honor
to transmit copies, by order of his Court, to their High Mightinesses,
requesting them to accept of this communication, as a fresh testimony
which the Emperor is pleased to give them of his affection, and of his
most perfect confidence.
"His Imperial Majesty hopes that this step will be considered as a new
proof of his sincere and unalterable intentions to observe the
strictest neutrality, and the most exact impartiality towards the
belligerent powers. And as he has not ceased to give proofs of it
through the whole course of this war, he flatters himself he shall be
able to find in it sufficient pledges of that attention and regard,
which he has a right to require in return on their part for the rights
and liberties of neutral nations.
"Done at the Hague, this 11th day of December, 1781.
THE BARON DE KEISCHACH."
The act of accession, presented with the foregoing note, is of the
following tenor.
"Joseph the Second, by the grace of God, &c. having been invited
amicably by her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, to concur
with her in the consolidation of the principles of the neutrality upon
the sea, tending to the maintenance of the liberty of the maritime
commerce, and of the navigation of neutral powers, which she has laid
down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780, presented on
her part to the belligerent powers, which principles imply in
substance,
"1. That neutral vessels may navigate freely from port to port, and
upon the coasts of the nations at war;
"2. That effects belonging to the subjects of powers at war be free
upon neutral vessels, excepting merchandises of contraband;
"3. That no merchandises be considered as such, but those enumerated
in the tenth and eleventh articles of the Treaty of Commerce,
concluded between Russia and Great Britain the 28th of June, 1766;
"4. That to determine what characterises a port blocked, this
denomination is only to be given to that, where, by the disposition of
the power, which attacks it, with vessels sufficiently near, there is
an evident danger of entering;
"5. Finally, that these principles serve as rules in proceedings and
judgments concerning the legality of prizes.
"And her said Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having proposed to
us, to this effect, to manifest by a formal act of accession, not only
our full adhesion to these same principles, but also our immediate
concurrence in the measures to assure the execution of them, that we
would adopt on our part, by contracting reciprocally with her said
Majesty, the engagements and stipulations, following, viz.
"I. That on one part and on the other, we will continue to observe the
most exact neutrality, and will carry into the most rigorous execution
the prohibitions declared against the commerce of contraband of their
respective subjects, with any of the powers already at war, or which
may enter into the war in the sequel;