ready to attend you, at the Hague, or elsewhere, to confer with you,
in the most entire confidence, respecting this negotiation, and shall
take no material step in it, without your approbation and advice.
There are three ways of proposing this business to their High
Mightinesses; 1st, your Excellency may alone propose it in the name of
His Most Christian Majesty; 2dly, it may be proposed jointly by the
Minister of his Majesty, and the Minister of the United States; or
3dly, it may be proposed by the Minister of the United States alone,
and as a consequence of his former proposal of a Treaty of Commerce. I
beg leave to submit these three measures, to your Excellency's
consideration, and shall very cheerfully comply with any, which you
may most approve.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY, AMERICAN MINISTER AT MADRID.
Amsterdam, November 26th, 1781.
Sir,
By the last post, I received from L'Orient a set of fresh instructions
from Congress, dated the 16th of August, and with the more pleasure,
as I am enjoined to open a correspondence with your Excellency upon
the subject of them.
I presume you have a copy by the same vessel; but as it is possible it
may have been omitted, I shall venture to enclose a copy, and hope it
may pass unopened. I have communicated it to the French Ambassador
here, who says it is "_tres bien vu; tres bien combine_." I shall take
no step in it, without his knowledge and approbation. I shall hope for
your Excellency's communications as soon as convenient.
The Dutch have an inclination to ally themselves to France and
America, but they have many whimsical fears, and are much embarrassed
with party quarrels. In time, I hope, they will agree better with one
another, and see their true interests more clearly. This measure of
Congress is very well timed.
I congratulate you on the glorious news of the surrender of
Cornwallis. Some are of opinion it will produce a Congress at Vienna;
but I cannot be of that sentiment. The English must have many more
humiliations before they will agree to meet us upon equal terms, or
upon any terms, that we can approve.
What is the true principle of the policy of Spain, in delaying so long
to declare themselves explicitly? Her delay has a bad effect here.
Mr Dana has been gone northward these four months, but I have no
letters from him. Whether the post is unfaithful, or whether he
chooses to be talked about as little as possible at present, which I
rather suspect, I do not know.
My respects to Mr Carmichael, and to your family, if you please.
With great esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, November 26th, 1781.
Sir,
I presume you have a copy from Congress of their instructions to me of
the 16th of August; but, as it is possible it may be otherwise, I have
enclosed one. I have communicated them to the Duc de la Vauguyon. I
shall do nothing in the business without communicating it beforehand
to him, with the most entire confidence, and receiving his approbation
and advice. He informs me, that he has not yet received any
instructions from his Court respecting it.
These instructions have arrived at a very proper time to counteract
another insidious trick of the British Ministry, in agreeing to the
mediation of Russia for a separate peace with Holland.
With unfeigned joy I congratulate your Excellency on the glorious news
of the surrender of Cornwallis to the arms of the allies. How easy a
thing would it be to bring this war to a happy conclusion, if Spain
and Holland would adopt the system of France, and co-operate in it
with the same honor and sincerity. There is nothing wanting but a
constant naval superiority in the West Indies, and on the coast of the
United States, to obtain triumphs upon triumphs over the English, in
all quarters of the globe. The allies now carry on the war in America
with an infinite advantage over the English, whose infatuation,
nevertheless, will continue to make them exhaust themselves there, to
the neglect of all their possessions in other parts of the world.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Amsterdam, November 28th, 1781.
Sir,
I had the honor to write to you on the 26th instant by the post, a
conveyance which I am determined to try until I am certainly informed
of its infidelity; in which case I will ask the favor of the French or
Spanish Ambassador, to enclose my despatches.
I received, by the last post, a duplicate of despatches from Congress,
the originals of which I received some time ago. I presume you have
received the same from Congress, or from Passy; but, if otherwise, I
will enclose in a future letter a commission and instructions for
assisting at the conferences for peace, at Vienna or elsewhere,
whenever they may take place. In this commission, Congress have added
Mr Franklin, President Laurens, your Excellency, and Mr Jefferson; a
measure which has taken off my mind a vast load, which, if I had ever
at any time expected I should be called to sustain alone, would have
been too heavy for my forces.
The capture of Cornwallis and his army is the most masterly measure,
both in the conception and execution, which has been taken this war.
When France and Spain shall consider the certain triumphant success,
which will ever attend them while they maintain a naval superiority in
the West Indies and on the coast of North America, it is to be hoped,
they will never depart from that policy. Many here are of opinion,
that this event will bring peace; but I am not of that mind, although
it is very true that there are distractions in the British Cabinet, a
formidable faction against Lord G. Germain, and, it is said, the
Bedford party are determined to move for peace.
Our late triumphs have had an effect here. I have received several
visits of congratulation, in consequence of them, from persons of
consequence, from whom I did not expect them. But they are invisible
fairies, who disconcert in the night all the operations of the
patriots in the day.
There will, probably, be a proposal soon of a triple alliance between
France, America, and Holland. If Spain would join, and make it
quadruple, it would be so much the better.
General Green's last action in South Carolina, in consequence of
which, that State and Georgia have both re-established their
governments, is quite as glorious for the American arms as the capture
of Cornwallis. The action was supported even by the militia, with a
noble constancy. The victory on our side was complete, and the English
lost twelve hundred men.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 4th, 1781.
Sir,
I have received those instructions, with which I was honored by
Congress on the 16th of August, and communicated them forthwith to the
French Ambassador, to their High Mightinesses, and to the American
Ministers at Versailles and Madrid.[5] The Duc de la Vauguyon was of
opinion, that they were very well considered and very well timed, to
counteract another trait of British policy, in agreeing to the
mediation of Russia for a separate peace with Holland. The British
Ministry mean only to aid the stocks, and lull the Dutch.
There is no longer any talk of a Congress at Vienna. The late news of
General Washington's triumphs in Virginia, and of the friendly and
effectual aid of the Counts de Rochambeau and de Grasse, have made a
great impression here, and all over Europe. I shall punctually observe
my instructions, and consult in perfect confidence with the Duc de la
Vauguyon, in the execution of my late commission. A quadruple
alliance, for the duration of the war, would, probably, soon bring it
to a conclusion; but the Dutch are so indolent, so divided, so
animated with party spirit, and above all so entirely in the power of
their Chief, that it is very certain that they will take the
proposition _ad referendum_ immediately, and then deliberate upon it a
long time.
This nation is not blind; it is bound and cannot get loose. There is
great reason to fear, that they will be held inactive, until they are
wholly ruined. Cornwallis' fate, however, has somewhat emboldened
them, and I have received unexpected visits of congratulation from
several persons of note; and there are appearances of a growing
interest in favor of an alliance with France and America. If I were
now to make the proposition, I think it would have a great effect. I
must, however, wait for the approbation of the Duke, and he, perhaps,
for instructions from Versailles, and, indeed, a little delay will
perhaps do no harm, but give opportunity to prepare the way. The
general cry at this time in pamphlets and public papers, is for an
immediate connexion with France and America.
The consent of Zealand is expected immediately to the loan of five
millions for his Most Christian Majesty. My loan rests as it was, at a
few thousand guilders, which, by the advice of Dr Franklin, I reserve
for the relief of our countrymen, who escape from prison in England in
distress. I have ordered a hundred pounds for President Laurens in the
Tower, at the earnest solicitation of his daughter, who is in France,
and of some of his friends in England; but for further supplies have
referred them to Dr Franklin. I some time since had an intimation that
the British Ministry were endeavoring to form secret contracts with
traitorous Americans to supply the masts for the royal navy. According
to my information, the British navigation in all parts of the world is
at present distressed for masts, especially those of the largest size.
Congress will take such measures as to their wisdom shall appear
proper to prevent Americans from this wicked and infamous commerce, I
wrote to Dr Franklin upon the subject, who communicated my letter, as
I requested, at Court, and his Excellency supposes that the Count de
Vergennes will write to Congress, or to the Chevalier de la Luzerne
upon the subject.
The Continental goods left here by Commodore Gillon, are detained for
freight and damages, and very unjustly as I conceive. I am doing all
in my power to obtain possession of them, and send them to America, or
dispose of them here, at as little loss as possible, according to the
desire and advice of Dr Franklin. It is not necessary to trouble
Congress to read a volume of letters upon the subject of these goods.
All that can be done by me, has been and shall be done to save the
public interest. This piece of business has been managed as ill as any
that has ever been done for Congress in Europe, whether it is owing to
misfortune, want of skill, or anything more disagreeable.
The Court of Russia does not at present appear to be acting that noble
part, which their former conduct gave cause to expect. Mr Dana is at
Petersburg, but he prudently avoids writing. If he sees no prospect of
advantage in staying there, he will be very silent, I believe, and not
stay very long.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[5] For these instructions, and Mr Adams' new commission to form a
treaty of alliance with the United Provinces, see the _Secret Journals
of Congress_, Vol. II pp. 470, 472.
* * * * *
THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
The Hague, December 7th, 1781.
Sir,
I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me, and the
copy of the resolutions of Congress, of the 16th of August last. I
flatter myself, that you will not doubt of my zeal to concert with you
the ulterior measures, which they may require, as soon as the King has
authorised me. But until his Majesty has transmitted to me his orders
on this point, I can only repeat to you the assurances of my zeal for
everything interesting to the common cause of France and North
America, and the peculiar satisfaction I shall derive from my
connexions with you in all circumstances.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE LA VAUGUYON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 13th, 1781.
Sir,
The answer of my Lord Stormont to M. Simolin is as follows.
"The alliance, which has subsisted so many years between Great Britain
and the States-General, has always been considered by his Majesty as a
connexion founded on the most natural relations, and which was not
only conformable to the interests of the two nations, but as essential
to their mutual well-being. The King has done everything on his part
to maintain these connexions and to strengthen them; and if the
conduct of their High Mightinesses had been answerable to that of his
Majesty, they would have subsisted at this hour in all their force.
But from the commencement of the present troubles, the single return
with which the Republic has requited the constant friendship of the
King, has been the renunciation of the principles of an alliance, the
primary object of which was the mutual defence of the two nations; an
obstinate refusal to fulfil the most sacred obligations; a daily
violation of the most solemn treaties; an assistance given to those
very enemies against whom the King had a right to demand succor; an
asylum granted to American pirates in the ports of Holland, in public
violation of the clearest stipulations; and to fill up the measure, a
denial of justice and of satisfaction for the affront offered to the
dignity of the King by a secret league with his rebel subjects.
"All these accumulated grievances have not permitted the King to act
any other part, than that which he has taken with the most sensible
reluctance. When we laid before the public the motives which had
rendered this rupture inevitable, the King attributed the conduct of
the Republic to its true cause, viz. the unfortunate influence of a
faction, which sacrificed the interest of the nation to private views;
but the King at the same time manifested the sincerest desire to be
able to draw back the Republic to a system of strict union,
efficacious alliance and reciprocal protection, which has so greatly
contributed to the well-being and to the glory of the two nations.
"When the Empress of Russia offered her good offices to effectuate a
reconciliation by a particular peace, the King testified his gratitude
for this fresh proof of a friendship, which is to him so precious, and
avoided to expose the mediation of her Majesty to the danger of a
fruitless negotiation; he explained the reasons which convinced him,
that in the then prevailing disposition of the Republic, governed by a
faction, any reconciliation during the war with France, would be but a
reconciliation in appearance, and would give to the party which rule
in the Republic, an opportunity to re-assume the part of a secret
auxiliary of all the King's enemies, under the mask of a feigned
alliance with Great Britain. But if there are certain indications of
an alteration in this disposition; if the powerful intervention of her
Imperial Majesty can accomplish this change, and reclaim the Republic
to principles, which the wisest part of the nation has never
abandoned; his Majesty will be ready to treat of a separate peace with
their High Mightinesses; and he hopes that the Empress of all the
Russias may be the sole mediatrix of this peace. She was the first to
offer her good offices; and an intervention so efficacious and so
powerful as her's, cannot gain in weight and influence by the
accession of the most respectable allies. The friendship of the
Empress towards the two nations, the interest which her empire has in
their reciprocal welfare, her known impartiality, and her elevated
views, are so many securities for the manner in which she will conduct
this salutary work, and in a negotiation, which has for its end the
termination of a war, caused by the violation of treaties, and an
affront offered to the Crown of a King, his Majesty refers himself
with equal satisfaction and confidence to the mediation of a
Sovereign, who holds sacred the faith of treaties, who knows so well
the value of the dignity of Sovereigns, and who has maintained her
own, during her glorious reign, with so much firmness and grandeur."
Thus the mediation of Russia is accepted, and that of Sweden and
Denmark refused. The instructions of Congress and their new commission
of last August are arrived in most happy time, to counteract this
insidious manoeuvre, and I hope the Duc de la Vauguyon will receive
his instructions on the same subject before it be too late.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 14th, 1781.
Sir,
The first public body, which has proposed a connexion with the United
States, is the Quarter of Oostergo, in the Province of Friesland. The
proposition is in these words;
"Every impartial patriot has a long time perceived, that in the
direction of affairs relative to this war with England, there has been
manifested an inconceivable lukewarmness and sloth; but they discover
themselves still more at this moment, by the little inclination which
in general the Regencies of the Belgic Provinces testify to commence a
treaty of commerce and friendship with the new Republic of the
Thirteen United States of North America; and to contract engagements,
at least during the continuance of this common war with the Crowns of
France and Spain. Nevertheless, the necessity of these measures
appears clearly, since according to our judgments, nothing was more
natural, nor more conformable to sound policy, founded upon the laws
of nature the most precise, than that this Republic immediately after
the formal declaration of war by the English, (not being yet able to
do anything by military exploits, not being in a state of defence
sufficiently respectable to dare at sea to oppose one fleet or
squadron to our perfidious enemy,) should have commenced by
acknowledging, by a public declaration, the independence of North
America.
"This would have been from that time the greatest step to the
humiliation of England, and our own re-establishment, and by this
measure, the Republic would have proved her firm resolution to act
with vigor. Every one of our inhabitants, all Europe, who have their
eyes fixed upon us, the whole world expected, with just reason, this
measure from the Republic. It is true, that before the formal
declaration of war by England, one might perhaps have alleged some
plausible reasons to justify in some degree the backwardness in this
great and interesting affair. But, as at present Great Britain is no
longer our secret, but our declared enemy, which dissolves all the
connexions between the two nations; and as it is the duty not only of
all the Regencies, but also of all the citizens of this Republic to
reduce by all imaginable annoyances this enemy, so unjust to reason,
and to force him if possible, to conclude an honorable peace; why
should we hesitate any longer to strike, by this measure so
reasonable, the most sensible blow to the common enemy? Will not this
delay occasion a suspicion, that we prefer the interest of our enemy,
to that of our country? North America, so sensibly offended by the
refusal of her offer; France and Spain, in the midst of a war
supported with activity, must they not regard us as the secret friends
and favorers of their and our common enemy? Have they not reason to
conclude from it, that our inaction ought to be less attributed to our
weakness, than to our affection for England? Will not this opinion
destroy all confidence in our nation heretofore so renowned in this
respect? And our allies, at this time natural, must they not imagine,
that it is better to have in us declared enemies, than pretended
friends; and shall we not be involved in a ruinous war, which we might
have rendered advantageous, if it had been well directed?
"While, on the other hand, it is evident that by a new connexion with
the States of North America, by engagements at least during this war
with France and Spain, we shall obtain not only the confidence of
these formidable powers instead of their distrust, but by this means
we shall, moreover, place our Colonies in safety against every insult;
we shall have a well-grounded hope of recovering with the aid of the
allied powers, our lost possessions, if the English should make
themselves masters of them, and our commerce, at present neglected and
so shamefully pillaged, would reassume a new vigor, considering that
in such case as it is manifestly proved by solid reasons, this
Republic would derive from this commerce the most signal advantages.
But since our interest excites us forcibly to act in concert with the
enemies of our enemy; since the Thirteen United States of North
America invited us to it long ago; since France appears inclined to
concert her military operations with ours, although this power has
infinitely less interest to ally itself with us, whose weakness
manifests itself in so palpable a manner than we are to form an
alliance the most respectable in the universe; it is indubitably the
duty of every regency to promote it with all its forces, and with all
the celerity imaginable.
"To this effect we have thought it our duty to lay before your Noble
Mightinesses, in the firm persuasion that the zeal of your Noble
Mightinesses will be as earnest as ours, to concur to the
accomplishment of this point, which is for us of the greatest
importance; that consequently, your Noble Mightinesses will not delay
to co-operate with us, that upon this important object there may be
made to their High Mightinesses a proposition so vigorous, that it may
have the desired success; and that this affair, of an importance
beyond all expression for our common country, may be resolved and
decided by unanimous suffrages, and in preference to every particular
interest."
M. Van der Capellan de Marsch was the first individual who ventured to
propose in public a treaty with the United States, and the Quarter of
Oostergo the first public body. This, indeed, is but a part of one
branch of the sovereignty. But these motions will be honored by
posterity. The whole Republic must follow. It is necessitated to it by
a mechanism, as certain as clockwork; but its operations are and will
be studiously and zealously slow. It will be a long time before the
measure can be completed.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 18th, 1781.
Sir,
Having received an invitation to the Hague, in order to have some
conversation with some gentlemen in the government, concerning the
further steps proper for me to take in the present conjuncture, I had
determined to have undertaken the journey today; but the arrival in
town of the Duc de la Vauguyon, determined me to postpone it until
tomorrow.
At noon, today, his Excellency did me the honor of a visit, and a long
conversation upon the state of affairs at my house. He informed me,
that upon the communication I had made to him, when he was here last,
in person, and afterwards by letter, of my new commission and
instructions, he had written to the Count de Vergennes; that he had
explained to that Minister his own sentiments, and expected an answer.
His own idea is, that I should go to the Hague in some week, when
there is a President whose sentiments and disposition are favorable,
and demand an answer to my former proposition, and afterwards, that I
should go round to the cities of Holland, and apply to the several
Regencies.
He thinks that I may now assume a higher tone, which the late
_Cornwallization_ will well warrant. I shall, however, take care not
to advance too fast, so as to be unable to retreat. His advice is, to
go to the Hague tomorrow, and meet the gentlemen who wish to see me
there; this I shall do.
I have been very happy hitherto, in preserving an entire good
understanding with this Minister, and nothing shall ever be wanting on
my part, to deserve his confidence and esteem.
I have transmitted by two opportunities, one by Captain Trowbridge,
from hence, another by Dr Dexter by the way of France, despatches from
Mr Dana, at Petersburg, by which Congress will perceive that material
advantages will arise from that gentleman's residence in that place,
whether he soon communicates his mission to that Court or not.