without derogating from our former placards against lampoons, and
other defamatory and scandalous writings, issued from time to time,
and in particular from our renovation of the 18th of January, 1691,
and our placard of the 17th of March, 1754, we have thought fit for
the discovery of the author or authors of the said seditious and
slanderous libel, entitled _Aan het Volk van Nederland_, and of his or
their accomplices, to promise a reward of a thousand ryders of gold,
(fourteen thousand florins) to him who shall give the necessary
indications by which the author, writer, or printer of the said
libel, or all those who may have had a part in it in any other manner,
may fall into the hands of justice, and may be convicted of the fact;
and in case that the informer was an accomplice in it, we declare by
these presents, that we will pardon him for whatever upon this
occasion he may have done amiss against his sovereign; moreover, he
shall also enjoy the reward in question, and his name shall not be
pointed out, but kept secret.
"Forbidding, consequently, in the most solemn manner by these
presents, every one of what estate, quality or condition soever he may
be, to reprint in any manner the said seditious and slanderous libel,
to distribute, scatter, or spread it, upon pain of the confiscation of
the copies, and a fine of six thousand florins, besides at least, an
everlasting banishment from the Province of Holland and West
Friesland, which fine shall go, one third to the officer who shall
make the seizure; another third to the informer; and the remaining
third to the use of the poor of the place where the seizure shall be
made. And whereas, some persons, to keep their unlawful practices
concealed, may be tempted to pretend, that the libel in question had
been addressed to them under a simple cover, they know not by whom,
nor from what place, we ordain and decree, that all printers,
booksellers, and moreover all and every one, to whom the said
seditious and slanderous libel, entitled _Aan het Volk van Nederland_,
may be sent, whether to be sold, given as a present, distributed, lent
or read, shall be held to carry it forthwith; and deliver it to the
officer or the magistrate of the place of their residence, or of the
place where they may receive it, under penalty of being held for
disseminators of it, and as such punished in the manner before pointed
out. Ordaining most expressly to our Attorney-General, and to all our
other officers, to execute strictly and exactly the present placard,
according to the form and contents of it, without dissimulation or
connivance, under pain of being deprived of their employments. And to
the end, that no one may pretend cause of ignorance, but that every
one may know how he ought to conduct himself in this regard, we order
that these presents be published, and posted up everywhere, where it
belongs, and where it is customary to do it.
"Done at the Hague, under the small seal of the country, the 19th of
October, 1781. By order of the States.
C. CLOTTERBOOKE."
Such are the severe measures, which this government think themselves
bound to take to suppress this libel. They will have, however, a
contrary effect, and will make a pamphlet, which otherwise perhaps
would have been known in a small circle, familiar to all Europe. The
press cannot be restrained; all attempts of that kind in France and
Holland are every day found to be ineffectual.
I consider the disputes in the city of Geneva as arising from the
progress of democratical principles in Europe. I consider this libel
as a demonstration that there is a party here, and a very numerous
one, too, who are proselytes to democratical principles. Who and what
has given rise to the assuming pride of the people, as it is called in
Europe, in every part of which they have been so thoroughly abased?
The American revolution. The precepts, the reasonings, and example of
the United States of America, disseminated by the press through every
part of the world, have convinced the understanding, and have touched
the heart. When I say democratical principles, I do not mean that the
world is about adopting simple democracies, for these are
impracticable, but multitudes are convinced that the people should
have a voice, a share, and be made an integral part; and that the
government should be such a mixture, and such a combination of the
powers of one, the few and the many, as is best calculated to check
and control each other, and oblige all to co-operate in this one
democratical principle, that the end of all government is the
happiness of the people; and in this other, that the greatest
happiness of the greatest number is the point to be obtained. These
principles are now so widely spread, that despotisms, monarchies, and
aristocracies must conform to them in some degree in practice, or
hazard a total revolution in religion and government throughout all
Europe. The longer the American war lasts, the more the spirit of
American government will spread in Europe, because the attention of
the world will be fixed there, while the war lasts. I have often
wondered that the Sovereigns of Europe have not seen the danger to
their authority, which arises from a continuance of this war. It is
their interest to get it finished, that their subjects may no longer
be employed in speculating about the principles of government.
The people of the Seven United Provinces appear to me of such a
character, that they would make wild steerage at the first admission
to any share in government; and whether any intimations of a desire of
change at this time will not divide and weaken the nation, is a
problem. I believe rather it will have a good effect, by convincing
the government that they must exert themselves for the good of the
people, to prevent them from exerting themselves in innovations.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, November 1st, 1781.
Sir,
It is still as problematical as ever, what is the political system of
this Republic, and indeed whether it has any system at all. They talk
much, and deliberate long, but execute nothing. By the violence with
which they speak and write of each other, a stranger would think them
ripe for a civil war. In the Assembly of the States of Guelderland,
held to consider the requisition of the King of France of a
negotiation of five millions of florins, under the warranty of the
Republic, the debates were sustained with great warmth. Some were for
an alliance with France. The Baron de Nagel, Senechal of Zutphen,
evaded the putting of the question, and said among other things, "that
he had rather acknowledge the independence of the Americans, than
contract an alliance with France."
The Baron Van der Cappellen de Marsch, was for an alliance with France
and America too. He observed, "that nothing being more natural, than
to act in concert with the enemies of our enemy, it was an object of
serious deliberation to see if the interest of the Republic did not
require to accept, without further tergiversation, the invitations and
offers of the Americans; that no condescension for England could
hinder us at present from uniting ourselves against a common enemy,
with a nation so brave and so virtuous, a nation, which, after our
example, owes its liberty to its valor, and even at this moment, is
employed in defending itself from the tyranny of the enemy of the two
nations; that, consequently, nothing could restrain us from
acknowledging the independence of this new Republic; that our conduct
differed very much from that held by our ancestors, who allied
themselves to the Portuguese, as soon as they shook off the yoke of
the Spaniards; that there was no doubt that the said alliances with
the enemies of our enemy would soon restrain his fury, and operate a
general peace advantageous for us."
As this is the first opinion given openly, which has been published,
in favor of acknowledging American independence, it deserves to be
recorded, but it will be long, very long, before the Republic will be
unanimously of this opinion.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, November 20th, 1781.
Sir,
Since my last of the 23d of October, nothing material has happened
here, unless it be the return of Digby to New York, where he has
relanded great part of his troops, and, as is said, proceeded to the
West Indies with the fleet, though this is not fully ascertained. Nor
have we any authentic account, that the Count de Grasse sailed from
the Chesapeake on the 4th instant.
It gives me pleasure, however, to mention an incident to you, which
shows how much the yeomanry of this country have improved in military
discipline, and must defeat every hope that Britain entertains of
conquering a country so defended. It has been the custom of the enemy
to move a large body of troops every fall, from Canada to Ticonderoga,
while a light corps, with a number of Indians, entered the State from
the westward, and destroyed the frontier settlements, burning the
houses and barns, and scalping the old men, women, and children. Last
year, they effected the destruction of Scoharie, and most of the
settlements on the Mohawk River, before the militia could assemble to
oppose them. This year, a small body of State troops, drafted from the
militia for three months, about sixty New Hampshire levies, part of
the militia of the country, and forty Oneida Indians, to the number of
four hundred and eighty in all, under the command of Colonel Willet,
hastily collected, upon the report of the enemy's coming from the
westward to oppose them, while the rest of the militia, and some
Continental troops marched upon Hudson's River, (the enemy having
about two thousand men at Ticonderoga.) Willet met the enemy, who
consisted of a picked corps of British troops, to the amount of six
hundred and six, besides a number of Indians and tories; he fought and
defeated them twice with his militia, killed their leader, Major Ross,
and young Butler, as is said, made a number of prisoners, and pursued
them three days, till he had driven them into the thickest part of the
wilderness, whence fatigue and want of provision will prevent many of
them from returning. Those at Ticonderoga have remained inactive ever
since.
It must be a mortifying circumstance to the proudest people in the
world, to find themselves foiled, not only by the American regular
troops, but by the rough undisciplined militia of the country.
Admiral Zoutman's combat must also, I should imagine, have some effect
in humbling their pride, and, what is of more consequence, in raising
the spirits of the Dutch.
We find from your letters, as well as from other accounts of the
United Provinces, that they are divided into powerful parties for and
against the war, and we are sorry to see some of the most
distinguished names among what you call the Anglomanes. But your
letters leave us in the dark relative to the principles and views of
each party, which is no small inconvenience to us, as we know not how
to adapt our measures to them. It is so important to the due execution
of your mission, to penetrate the views of all parties, without
seeming to be connected with either, that I have no doubt you have
insinuated yourself into the good graces and confidence of the
leaders, and that you can furnish the information we require; you may
be persuaded no ill use will be made of any you give, and that it is
expected from you.
We learn from M. Dumas, that you have presented your credentials to
the States-General; we are astonished, that you have not written on so
important a subject, and developed the principle, that induced you to
declare your public character before the States were disposed to
acknowledge it. There is no doubt from your known prudence and
knowledge of the world, that some peculiarity in your situation, or
that of the politics and parties in the United Provinces, furnished
you with the reasons, that overbalanced the objections to the measure,
which arise from the humiliating light in which it places us. Congress
would, I believe, wish to have them explained, and particularly your
reason for printing your Memorial. I may form improper ideas of the
government, interest, and policy of the United Provinces, but I
frankly confess, that I have no hope, that they will recognise us as
an independent State, and embarrass themselves in making their wished
for peace, with our affairs. What inducements can we hold out to them?
They know, that our own interest will lead us to trade with them, and
we do not propose to purchase their alliance, by giving them any
exclusive advantage in commerce.
Your business, therefore, I think lies in a very narrow compass; it is
to conciliate the affection of the people, to place our cause in the
most advantageous light, to remove the prejudices, that Britain may
endeavor to excite, to discover the views of the different parties, to
watch every motion, that leads to peace between England and the United
Provinces, and to get the surest aid of government in procuring a
loan, which is almost the only thing wanting, to render our affairs
respectable at home and abroad. To these objects I am satisfied you
pay the strictest attention, because I am satisfied no man has more
the interest of his country at heart, or is better acquainted with its
wants. As our objects in Holland must be very similar to those of
France, I should suppose it would be prudent for you to keep up the
closest connexion with her Minister; to advise with him on great
leading objects, and to counteract his opinion only upon the most
mature deliberation.
You were informed, before I came into office, that Mr Jay and Mr
Franklin are joined in commission with you, and have received copies
of the instructions, that Congress have given their commissioners;
this whole business being terminated before I came down, I make no
observations upon it, lest I should not enter fully into the views of
Congress, and by that means help to mislead you in so important a
subject. I enclose you a resolution, discharging the commission for
_establishing a Commercial Treaty with Britain_. This also being a
business of long standing, I for the same reason, transmit it without
any observations thereon.
I would recommend it to you, to be, in your language and conduct, a
private gentleman. This will give you many advantages in making
connexions, that will be lost on your insisting upon the assumption of
a public character, and the rather, as this sentiment prevails
generally among the members of Congress, though, for reasons of
delicacy with respect to you, I have not chosen to ask the sense of
Congress, to whom it is my sincere wish, as well as my leading object,
in the free letters I wrote you, to enable you to render your measures
acceptable. A number of your letters, written last winter and spring,
have this moment come to hand.
This letter will be sent to Europe by the Marquis de Lafayette, who
has obtained leave of absence during the winter season. He wishes to
correspond with you, and as from his connexion, his understanding, and
attachment to this country he may be serviceable to you, I would wish
you to write as freely to him, as you conceive those considerations
may render prudent.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE.
Amsterdam, November 24th, 1781.
Mr Adams presents his most respectful compliments to his Excellency
the Duc de la Vauguyon, and begs leave to acquaint him, that by the
last night's post he received from Congress some important despatches,
which it is his duty to communicate to the Ambassador of France. Mr
Adams requests his Excellency to inform him, what hour will be most
convenient for him to wait on him at the Arms of Amsterdam. Meantime,
he most sincerely congratulates his Excellency on the glorious news
from America by the Duc de Lauzun, of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis
with his whole army, to the arms of the allies.
This card I sent by my secretary Mr Thaxter. The Duke returned for
answer, that he would call upon me at my house, between twelve and
one, to congratulate me on the news from America. Accordingly about
one, he came and spent with me about an hour and a half.
I communicated to him my fresh instructions, and agreed to send
him a copy of them tomorrow or next day, by the post waggon
(_chariot-de-poste_.) He said he had not received any instructions
from Versailles, upon the subject; but might receive some by next
Tuesday's post. He asked me, what step I proposed to take in
consequence of these instructions? I answered none, but with his
participation and approbation; that I would be always ready to attend
him at the Hague, or elsewhere, for the purpose of the most candid and
confidential consultations, &c. He said that he thought that the
subject was very well seen (_tres bien vu_) and the measure very well
concerted, (_tres bien combine_) and that it would have a good effect
at this time, to counteract the artifice of the British Ministry, in
agreeing to the mediation of Russia, for a separate peace with this
Republic.
* * * * *
RESOLVES OF CONGRESS, COMPRISING THE INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN ADAMS.
In Congress, August 16th, 1781.
On the Report of the Committee, to whom was recommitted their report
on the communications from the Honorable the Minister of France, and
who are instructed to report instructions to the Honorable John Adams,
respecting a Treaty of Alliance with the United Provinces of the
Netherlands,
_Resolved_, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States
at the Court of Versailles, be directed to inform His Most Christian
Majesty, that the tender of his endeavors to accomplish a coalition
between the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and these States, has
been received by Congress, as a fresh proof of his solicitude for
their interests. That previous to the communication of this His Most
Christian Majesty's friendly purpose, Congress, impressed with the
importance of such a connexion, had confided to Mr John Adams full
powers to enter, on the part of the United States, into a Treaty of
Amity and Commerce with the United Provinces, with a special
instruction to conform himself therein to the treaties subsisting
between His Most Christian Majesty and the United States. That
Congress do, with pleasure, accept His Most Christian Majesty's
interposition, and will transmit further powers to their Minister at
the Hague, to form a Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian
Majesty, the United Provinces, and the United States, having for its
object, and limited in its duration to, the present war with Great
Britain. That he will be enjoined to confer, on all occasions, in the
most confidential manner, with His Most Christian Majesty's Minister,
at the Hague; and that provisional authority will also be sent to
admit his Catholic Majesty as a party.
_Resolved_, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States
at the Hague, be, and he is hereby instructed to propose a Treaty of
Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of
the Netherlands, and the United States of America, having for its
object, and limited in its duration to, the present war with Great
Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting between His Most
Christian Majesty and the United States.
That the indispensable conditions of the Alliance be, that their High
Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the
Netherlands, shall expressly recognise the sovereignty and
independence of the United States of America, absolute and unlimited,
as well in matters of government as of commerce. That the war with
Great Britain shall be made a common cause, each party exerting itself
according to its discretion in the most effectual hostility against
the common enemy; and that no party shall conclude either truce or
peace with Great Britain, without the formal consent of the whole
first obtained; nor lay down their arms, until the sovereignty and
independence of these United States shall be formally or tacitly
assured by Great Britain, in a Treaty, which shall terminate the war.
That the said Minister be, and he hereby is further instructed, to
unite the two Republics by no stipulations of offence, nor guaranty
any possessions of the United Provinces. To inform himself, from the
Minister of these United States at the Court of Spain, of the
progress of his negotiations at the said Court; and if an alliance
shall have been entered into between his Catholic Majesty and these
United States, to invite his Catholic Majesty into the Alliance herein
intended; if no such alliance shall have been formed, to receive his
Catholic Majesty, should he manifest a disposition to become a party
to the alliance herein intended, according to the instructions given
to the said Minister at the Court of Spain.
That in all other matters, not repugnant to these instructions, the
said Minister at the Hague do use his best discretion.
_Resolved_, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States
at the Hague, be, and he hereby is instructed to confer in the most
confidential manner with His Most Christian Majesty's Minister there.
_Ordered_, That the foregoing resolutions be communicated to our
Ministers at the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, that they may
furnish every information and aid in their power to our Minister at
the Hague, in the accomplishment of this business.
_Resolved_, That the following commission be issued to Mr John Adams,
for the purpose aforesaid.
The United States in Congress assembled, to all who shall see these
presents, send, greeting.
Whereas a union of the force of the several powers engaged in the war
against Great Britain may have a happy tendency to bring the said war
to a speedy and favorable issue; and it being the desire of these
United States to form an alliance between them and the United
Provinces of the Netherlands; know ye, therefore, that we, confiding
in the integrity, prudence, and ability of the Honorable John Adams,
have nominated, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do
nominate, constitute, and appoint him, the said John Adams, our
Minister Plenipotentiary, giving him full powers, general and special,
to act in that quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude, with
the person or persons vested with equal powers, by His Most Christian
Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United
Provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a Treaty of Alliance
between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the
Netherlands, and the United States of America; and whatever shall be
so agreed and concluded for us, and in our name, to sign, and
thereupon to make such treaty, convention, and agreements as he shall
judge conformable to the ends we have in view; hereby promising, in
good faith, that we will accept, ratify, and execute, whatever shall
be agreed, concluded, and signed by him our said Minister.
In witness whereof we have caused these presents to be signed by our
President, and sealed with his seal.
Done at Philadelphia, this sixteenth day of August, in the year of our
Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone; and in the sixth year
of our independence, by the United States in Congress assembled.
THOMAS M'KEAN, _President_.
* * * * *
TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON,
Amsterdam, November 25th, 1781.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency a copy of the fresh
instructions of Congress of the 16th of August last, which I received
by the post on the 23d instant. I have also received a further
commission from Congress, with full powers to confer, treat, agree,
and conclude, with the person or persons vested, with equal powers by
His Most Christian Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the
States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of and
concerning a Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty,
the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of
America.
This measure was apparently concerted between the Congress and the
French Minister residing near them, and seems to be very happily
adapted to the present times and circumstances.