"We, the Deputies of the States of Utrecht, make known, that as it is

come to our knowledge, that, notwithstanding the strong and serious

advertisements and publications against the composition, sale, and

distribution of lampoons, scandalous pamphlets, or libels, and

defamatory writings of whatever sort, or in whatever form they may be,

to the prejudice of the high sovereignty of these Provinces, and of

those who are placed in any administration or direction of public

affairs already, heretofore, and lately promulgated, both by the

Lords, the States of this Province, and by others, and the rigorous

penalty therein decreed against transgressors; nevertheless, the

spirit of discord, of wickedness, of calumny, and of sedition has

burst forth, and spread itself in this State so far, that it has not

been possible, hitherto to restrain it by such advertisements, but, on

the contrary, it has arrived at such a height, that there has been

printed and dispersed within a few days a most pernicious libel, under

the title of Aan het Volkvan Nederland, (to the people of the Low

Countries) containing a great number of wicked and slanderous

imputations against the Most Serene Person of his Most Serene

Highness, our Lord, the Prince of Orange and Nassau, Hereditary

Stadtholder, Captain and Admiral-General of these Provinces, against

his Most Serene father and mother of glorious memory, as also our

Lords, the Princes of Orange, William the First, Maurice, Frederick,

Henry, William the Second, and William the Third, illustrious

predecessors of his Most Serene Highness, and interspersing efforts

the most seditious, tending to overturn not only the present form of

the Regency, but even to introduce, instead of the Regency in the

State, which also is therein painted, in the most hateful manner, a

democracy, or Regency of the people, and thus to cause the Republic to

fall into an entire anarchy, which would increase and multiply still

more extremely, the dangers to which the dear country is exposed at

present by a foreign war, joined to an intestine division; and taking

into consideration that such most detestable wickedness, if not

restrained, can have no other consequences, than the total ruin and

destruction of the dear country, if God by his grace does not prevent

it, and that it is incumbent on us to employ all the means possible to

hinder it, and to punish offences according to their demerit; for

these causes, we renew that which has been heretofore and lately

ordained in this respect by the publication of their Noble

Mightinesses, of the 4th of July of the present year, 1781, and not

only the punishments by fine, but also of discretionary correction,

according to the exigence of the case against the transgressors there

mentioned, to discover the author or the authors, and the distributor

or the distributors of such a dangerous libel as that before

mentioned, and to the end that they be punished, as examples to

others, according to the magnitude of such a crime, tending to the

ruin of the country; we have thought fit to promise, as we do by these

presents, a premium of a hundred ryders (fourteen hundred guilders) in

favor of those who may discover or make known, the author or authors,

distributor or distributors, in such manner that they may be

juridically convicted and punished, concealing the name of the

informer if he requires it. And we ordain, moreover, to all the

officers and judges in the city, cities, and countries of this

Province, to make all possible search, and to endeavor, without any

negligence, dissimulation, or connivance, to discover and arrest the

aforesaid malefactor, or malefactors, and to proceed and to cause to

be proceeded, as is convenient, against them, as seditious persons,

and disturbers of the public repose, guilty of overturning the

foundations of the government of these Provinces, and of the

sovereignty of the Lords, the States of the Provinces respectively,

and as the enemies the most dangerous of the country; and to the end,

that no man may pretend ignorance, these presents shall be published

and posted up in convenient places.

"Done at Utrecht, the 3d of October, 1781.

I. TACTS VAN AMERONGEN.

"By order of the said Lords Deputies,

C.A. VOS."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, October 18th, 1781.

Sir,

The Committees of the Fisheries of Vlaardingen and Maaslleys have

presented to their High Mightinesses a petition to give them to

understand, "that they learned with the most lively sensibility that

the gentlemen, the committees of the respective colleges of Admiralty

had proposed to their High Mightinesses to permit the free navigation

of the ports of the Republic, with or without convoy, excepting,

nevertheless, until further order, the vessels destined to the greater

and lesser fisheries. The petitioners represent the inevitable losses,

with which they are more and more threatened, in case that all the

fishery, without exception, remain longer suspended; that they might

very well find a remedy in a certain manner by excepting from this

prohibition the ships employed in taking fish for salting, and in the

fishery of fresh cod. They solicit, that it may please their High

Mightinesses to revoke in this regard the placard of the 26th of

January, 1781, or at least to make in it such alteration as their High

Mightinesses may find convenient."

This petition, accepted by the Province of Holland, has been rendered

commissorial, and sent to the colleges of the Admiralty respectively.

ANOTHER PETITION,

_From divers Merchants, Bookkeepers, and Owners of Ships of Amsterdam,

containing in substance_,

"That the petitioners having caused their vessels and cargoes, for the

most part loaded beforehand, to sail under the escort of the convoy,

there has resulted from it on the 5th of August, the famous

rencounter between this convoy, commanded by the Vice Admiral Zoutman,

and the British Vice Admiral Parker; a rencounter, which in truth had

covered the naval forces of the Republic with immortal glory, but at

the same time given to commerce a terrible blow, the merchant vessels

having seen themselves obliged to return into the ports of the State.

That the petitioners seeing themselves disappointed of their just and

equitable expectation, of being able to obtain an escort sufficient

and seasonably ready, found themselves forced to submit to necessity,

and consequently to call back their ships, which without running the

greatest danger, could not remain longer in their then station; that

the petitioners could not refrain from representing to their High

Mightinesses in the most pressing manner, the enormous prejudice which

resulted from it to the petitioners and the freighters of vessels,

who, after having for so many months held their vessels and crews

ready, must now pay the expense of equipping them, the wages, the

monthly pay and subsistence of their crews, as well as all the other

charges that result from them.

"But as all these disbursements are lost, the petitioners for the

causes alleged, and others particularised in the petition, pray that

it may please their High Mightinesses to assign to the petitioners,

and especially to the proprietors and freighters of vessels, a

convenient indemnification and sufficient for the cost, damages, and

interest borne and suffered, because the said convoy has not set sail;

from whence it has resulted, that they have detained the vessels

belonging to the petitioners, who, at the first requisition, are ready

to produce the particulars to their High Mightinesses, that it may

also please their High Mightinesses to give the necessary orders, to

the end that the convoy destined for this purpose may be ready early

enough to be able to set sail next spring, even by the month of March,

to the end that by accelerating their departure, the loss of time

suffered in the current year may be, at least in some degree,

compensated, and that there may be an opportunity that the ships which

are now in Norway and at Elsinore; supposing they should be obliged to

pass the winter there, may then profit of this convoy for their

return. Finally, that they would please to give, concerning all these

objects, precise orders, and such as their High Mightinesses may judge

the most proper to fulfil the wishes of the petitioners, and for the

greatest utility of commerce."

This petition has been rendered commissorial for the respective

Admiralties.

ANOTHER PETITION.

"The undersigned, merchants trading to the Levant, living at Amsterdam

and Rotterdam, give respectfully to understand, that the petitioners

acknowledge with the most lively gratitude the paternal care which

your High Mightinesses have always manifested for the prosperity of

the commerce of the Levant, and particularly the advantages procured

to the Belgic navigation by the resolutions of your High Mightinesses

of the 21st of May, 1770, and of the first of April, 1776; the first

of which authorises the directors of the commerce of the Levant, and

of the navigation of the Mediterranean, besides the accustomed

imposition of six per cent of freight, to require of all foreign

vessels coming from the Levant, five per cent of the value of the

effects; and the second of which tends to raise considerably the

tariff, after which they always tax the abovementioned effects; which

has also fully answered to the salutary end of your High Mightinesses,

to wit, to inspire a general aversion in foreign ships to suffer

themselves to be employed in the transportation of productions from

the Levant into the ports of these countries. But, the situation of

the navigation of this country by the unfortunate and cruel war, which

the King of England unjustly makes upon our dear country, is in fact

entirely changed, and almost entirely interrupted and ruined, in such

sort, that by the present impossibility to make use of those ships

which have not been taken, business in general, and that of the Levant

in particular, is in the deplorable condition, even for the account of

neutral foreigners, (for that upon our own account is entirely

stopped) either to be wholly abandoned, or to be carried on by the

means of foreign vessels.

"The petitioners think it unnecessary to enumerate, particularly the

disadvantages of the first points alleged, that is to say, the

abandoning of this commerce, because in all times the considerable

importance of the Levant trade has been universally acknowledged, and

your High Mightinesses yourselves have always shown that you have been

intimately persuaded of it. It is then manifest, that in the present

situation of affairs there remains only the second means, which is to

employ foreign ships; nevertheless, as the small quantity of these

vessels joined to the inclination on all sides to employ them, has

already occasioned an enormous rise of their freights, and since

moreover they cannot be ensured, but by paying a premium three times

larger than in past times, we encounter here obstacles the most

discouraging and invincible, considering, that besides all this, the

extraordinary imposition beforementioned of five per cent of the

value of the merchandises calculated after the augmented tariff

renders almost impracticable this manner of negotiating, and deprives

it of all advantage; which in this critical situation of affairs, must

ruin absolutely the commerce of the Levant; for since at this time it

cannot be carried on, but for the account of neutral foreigners, it is

incontestible that their enterprises being in all cases so much

confined, they will find themselves in the indispensable necessity to

suspend this commerce with us, and to transmit it to other places;

besides this, there will be found many foreigners, who for these

causes will excuse themselves from remitting to the petitioners what

they justly owe because at present, by the enormous rise of bills of

exchange this cannot be effected but by sending merchandises, which

still augments and extends, in an aggravating manner, the risk of the

petitioners.

"But finally to ward off this misfortune in season, if possible, the

petitioners take the liberty respectfully to address themselves to

your High Mightinesses, praying that you would please, during the

course of this war, consequently as long as the Belgic vessels cannot

be employed, to exempt the effects, loaded upon foreign ships and

coming from the Levant to the ports of this country, from the said

extraordinary imposition of five per cent of their value, and that you

would also give the same advantages to the merchandises loaded on

board the Pisano, a Venetian vessel, commanded by Captain Antonio

Ragusin, from Smyrna, and lately arrived at the Texel; to the end that

this branch of Commerce, so important, may not perish entirely, and

that it may be preserved for the general well-being of the dear

country.

"Divers freighters and part owners of vessels, fitted out for the

Colony of Surinam, by the proprietors of plantations, merchants, and

others interested in this commerce, as well as that of Curacao, have

addressed a petition to their High Mightinesses, and laid open the

"deplorable condition of the two Colonies; that in consequence of the

Resolution of the 14th of last June, in virtue of the petition, which

they then presented, they equipped their vessels with despatch, and

that in two months they had put in order a fleet of seventeen vessels,

armed with four hundred guns, and manned with twelve hundred men,

expecting a suitable convoy; but that several circumstances having

without doubt hindered it from being ready, they pray first, their

High Mightinesses, that they would prepare as soon as possible a

convenient convoy, to go out with their ships, at a certain day, and

conduct them to the West Indies; secondly, that their High

Mightinesses, in case of delay, would be so good as to grant them an

indemnification; thirdly, that their High Mightinesses, upon the

exhibition of a certificate, as it was stipulated by their resolution

of the 31st of July last, would be so good as to cause to be given to

those who shall have made the armaments required, the bounties which

they shall judge convenient, the petitioners being ready to give

convenient sureties, and even to engage their vessels, in case they

are not ready to sail at the time appointed."

At the requisition of his Highness, the request has been rendered

commissorial in the respective Admiralties.

The representative and the directors of the East India Company have

notified to their High Mightinesses, "that their finances are

diminished, and that they are in the indispensable necessity of

demanding of their High Mightinesses a succor of at least 550,000

florins; adding, that if some favorable change does not take place,

they will soon be obliged to have again recourse to their High

Mightinesses."

This petition has been rendered commissorial.

These papers will sufficiently show Congress how much the trade of

this country is affected by the war, and what discontents must arise

from it. Yet the British Ministry are amusing the government with

their delusive ideas of mediation, armistices, Congresses, peace, and

anything to lay them asleep.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, October 23d, 1781.

Dear Sir,

The enclosed resolution will inform you that Congress have thought it

advisable to new model their department of foreign affairs, by the

appointment of a Secretary, through whose hands the communications

with their Ministers abroad are to pass. Though they did me the honor

to elect me so long since as August last, I but lately determined to

accept, and did not enter upon business till two days ago, so that you

must not expect those minute communications, which I shall think it my

duty to make to you when I have had leisure to arrange my department,

and to acquaint myself more fully with the sentiments of Congress,

which must upon the whole be my direction.

I can only say in general, that we consider your situation as

extremely delicate, the state you are in, divided by powerful parties,

and the bias that every man has to his own country, naturally gives

him a predilection for that which most favors its interests. But this,

though the child of virtue, is often the greatest obstacle to

successful negotiations; it creates distrust and jealousies; it

excites prejudices, which unfit us for conciliating the affections of

those whose assistance we require, and induce too fond a reliance upon

the information of those who wish to serve us. Aristocratic

governments are, of all others, the most jealous of popular

commotions; the rich and the powerful are equally engaged to resist

them, and nothing will, in my opinion, so soon contribute to a peace

between England and the United Provinces as the commotions which now

clog the government of the latter.

You must, Sir, be infinitely better acquainted with the interior of

the State you are in than I can pretend to be, and I rely much on your

information for light, which I cannot attain here. If I venture to

give you my sentiments, it is with the hope that you will correct my

errors when I have discovered them by my freedom.

The United Provinces appear to me one of those governments whose very

constitution disposes them to peace; the ambition of making conquests,

either is or ought to be unknown to them. A war for the extension of

commerce is a solecism in politics, since the shocks that the

established trade sustains, infinitely overbalance any new accession

that may be made by it. War, then, while the true interest of the

United Provinces is considered, will be the child of necessity. That

necessity happily exists at present, and will exist till Great Britain

ceases to be the tyrant of the ocean. We are greatly interested in its

continuance; but let us always bear in mind that the moment Great

Britain makes the sacrifices, which prudence and justice require, the

United Provinces will be drawn by the interest of commerce and the

love of peace to close with them. Their acknowledgment of our

independence would be an important and a leading object. Success here,

and the injustice and cruelty of the British may affect it, but do not

let us appear to be dissatisfied if it is delayed. They have a right

to judge for themselves; from the very nature of their government,

they must be slow in determining. Every appearance of dissatisfaction

on our part, gives room to the British to believe the United Provinces

disinclined to us, and paves the way to negotiations, which may end in

a peace, which we are so much interested in preventing.

Your first object, then, if I may venture my opinion, is to be well

with the government; your second, to appear to be so, and to take no

measures, which may bring upon you a public affront. You will

naturally treat the friends we have with the politeness and attention

that they justly merit, and even with that cordiality which your heart

must feel for those who wish your country well, but your prudence will

suggest to you to avoid giving offence to government, by the

appearance of intrigue. I know nothing of the refinements of politics,

nor do I wish to see them enter into our negotiations. Dignity of

conduct, the resources of our country, and the value of our commerce,

must render us respectable abroad. You will not fail to lay the

foundation of your alliances in these, by displaying them in the

strongest point of view. The spirit of injustice and cruelty, which

characterise the English, must also afford you advantages, of which I

dare say you avail yourself.

I make no apology for the length or freedom of this; it is of the last

importance to you (and I am satisfied you will think it so,) to be

intimately acquainted with the sentiments entertained on this side of

the water. In return, Sir, you will let me know, minutely, everything

that can in any way be of use to us, particularly if either of the

belligerent powers takes measures that may tend to establish a partial

or general peace. At your leisure, acquaint me with the interior of

the government you are in, and everything else interesting, which you

may learn relative to others. Remember that Ministers are yet to be

formed in this country, and let them want no light, which your

situation enables you to afford them.

I would submit it to you, whether it would not be most advisable to

spend as much time as possible at the Hague, and to form connexions

with the Ministers of the powers not interested in our affairs. They

are frequently best informed, because least suspected, and while your

public character is unacknowledged, and you can visit without the clog

of ceremony, I should conceive it no difficult task to engage the

friendship of some among them.

But it is time to let you breathe; this I shall do without closing my

letter, reserving the remainder of it for the communication of the

most agreeable intelligence you ever received from America. The

enclosed prints will announce one important victory to you, and we are

in hourly expectation of the particulars of another, which will enable

you to open your negotiations this winter with the utmost advantage.

_October 24th._ I congratulate you, Sir, upon the pleasing

intelligence which, agreeable to my hopes, I am enabled to convey to

you; enclosed you have a letter from General Washington to Congress;

the terms granted to Lord Cornwallis, his fleet and army, and the

letters that passed previous to the surrender of both. I make no

comments upon this event, but rely upon your judgment to improve it

to the utmost; perhaps, this is the moment in which a loan may be

opened with most advantage. The want of money is our weak side, and

even in the high day of success we feel its pressure.

As you may not perhaps be fully acquainted with the steps that led to

this important victory, I enclose also an extract of my last letter to

Dr Franklin. The British fleet consisting of twentysix sail of the

line, including three fifties as such, with five thousand land forces,

and General Clinton himself on board, sailed the 19th for the relief

of Cornwallis. Count de Grasse is also out with thirtyfour sail of the

line. I shall keep this open as long as possible, from the hopes of

communicating an interesting account of their meeting.

_November 1st._ I am under the necessity of closing this without being

able to give you any other account of the fleets, than that the

British have not yet returned to New York; nor are we certain that the

Count de Grasse has yet left the Chesapeake. If anything in the nature

of a Court calendar is published at the Hague, you will be pleased to

send me one or two impressions of it, as it may be of use to us.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, October 25th, 1781.

Sir,

I see in the London Courant, which arrived today, an advertisement of

a translation into English of the address to the people of the

Netherlands; so that this work is likely to be translated into all

languages, and read by all the world, notwithstanding the placards

against it. I have before sent that of Utrecht; that of Holland is as

follows.

"The States of Holland and of West Friesland, to all those who shall

see these presents, or hear them read, Greeting. As it is come to our

knowledge, that notwithstanding the placards and ordinances, from one

time to another, issued against the impression and dissemination of

seditious and slanderous writings, there has been lately dispersed in

various places of this Province, a certain very seditious and

slanderous libel, entitled _Aan het Volk van Nederland_, (To the

People of the Low Countries) in which the supreme government of this

country, his Most Serene Highness, our Lord the Prince Hereditary

Stadtholder, as well as his illustrious predecessors, to whom under

God, we are indebted for the foundation and maintenance of our

Republic, as well as of its liberty, are calumniated in the most

scandalous and enormous manner, and in which the good people are

invited to an insurrection and to seditious commotions.

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