vessels of the Meuse, (Rotterdam) and of Middleburg, (Zealand) which
at first had orders to join the squadron of the Texel, (only those of
Amsterdam) had afterwards received counter orders, as it is given out
in some cities almost in so many words, and which is propagated, (God
knows with what design) it is to us a particular satisfaction to be
able to assure the public, after authentic information, and even from
the supreme authority, that such assertions are destitute of all
foundation, and absolutely contrary to the truth; that the orders,
given and never revoked, but, on the contrary, repeated more than once
to the vessels of the Meuse, to join the convoy of the Texel, could
not be executed, because it did not please Providence to grant a wind
and the other favorable circumstances necessary to this effect, while
the Province of Zealand, threatened at the same time with an attack
from an English squadron, would not willingly have seen diminished the
number of vessels, which lay at that time in their Road. It is,
nevertheless, much to be regretted, that circumstances have not
permitted us to render the Dutch squadron sufficiently strong, to have
obtained over the enemy a victory as useful as it was glorious."
On the 14th of August, the Prince wrote the following letter to the
crews of the vessels of the State.
"Noble, respectable, and virtuous, our faithful and well beloved; We
have learned with the greatest satisfaction, that the squadron of the
State, under the command of Rear Admiral Zoutman, although weaker by a
great deal in ships, guns, and men, than the English squadron of Vice
Admiral Parker, has resisted so courageously on the 5th of this month
his attack, that the English squadron, after a most obstinate combat,
which lasted from eight o'clock in the morning to half past eleven,
has been obliged to desist and to retire. The heroic courage, with
which Vice Admiral Zoutman, the captains, officers, petty officers,
and common sailors and soldiers, who have had a part in the action,
and who, under the blessing of God Almighty, have so well discharged
their duty in this naval combat, merits the praises of all, and our
particular approbation; it is for this cause, we have thought fit by
the present, to write to you, to thank publicly in our name, the said
Vice Admiral, captains, officers, petty officers, and common sailors
and soldiers, by reading this letter on board of each ship, which took
part in the action, and whose captains and crews have fought with so
much courage and valor, and to transmit by the Secretary of the fleet
of the State an authentic copy, as well to the said Rear Admiral
Zoutman, as to the commanders of the ships under his orders, of the
conduct of whom the said Rear Admiral had reason to be satisfied;
testifying, moreover, that we doubt not, that they and all the other
officers of the State, and soldiers, in those occasions, which may
present, will give proofs that the State is not destitute of defenders
of our dear country and of her liberty, and that the ancient heroic
valor of the Batavians still exists, and will not be extinguished.
Whereupon, noble, respectable, virtuous, our faithful and well
beloved, we recommend you to the divine protection."
"Your affectionate friend,
WILLIAM, _Prince of Orange_.
Thus, although the enemies of England in this Republic do not appear
to have carried any particular point against the opposite party, yet
it appears that they have forced into execution their system by means
of the national voice, and against all the measures of the Anglomanes.
The national spirit is now very high; so high that it will be
dangerous to resist it. In time, all things must give way to it. This
will make a fine diversion, at least for America and her allies. I
hope in time we may derive other advantages from it. But we must wait
with patience here, as we are still obliged to do in Spain, and as we
were obliged to do in France, where we waited years before we
succeeded.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, August 25th, 1781.
Sir,
Last evening I received your Excellency's letter of the 16th of this
month, accompanied with a letter from the President of Congress,
containing the commissions you mention.
You desire to know what steps have already been taken in this
business. There has been no step taken by me in pursuance of my former
commission, until my late journey to Paris, at the invitation of the
Count de Vergennes, who communicated to me certain articles proposed
by the mediating Courts, and desired me to make such observations upon
them as should occur to me. Accordingly, I wrote a number of letters
to his Excellency of the following dates; July 13th, enclosing an
answer to the articles sixteen, eighteen, nineteen, twentyone. I would
readily send you copies of the articles, and of those letters, but
there are matters in them, which had better not be trusted to go so
long a journey, especially as there is no necessity for it. The Count
de Vergennes will readily give you copies of the articles and of my
letters, which will prevent all risk.
I am very apprehensive that our new commission will be as useless as
my old one. Congress might very safely, I believe, permit us all to go
home, if we had no other business, and stay there some years; at
least, until every British soldier in the United States is killed or
captivated. Till then, Britain will never think of peace, but for the
purposes of chicanery.
I see in the papers, that the British Ambassador at Petersburg has
received an answer from his Court to the articles. What this answer
is, we may conjecture from the King's speech. Yet the Empress of
Russia has made an insinuation to their High Mightinesses, which
deserves attention. Perhaps you may have seen it; but, lest you should
not, I will add a translation of it, which I sent to Congress in the
time of it, not having the original at hand.[2]
I must beg the favor of your Excellency to communicate to me whatever
you may learn, which has any connexion with this negotiation;
particularly the French, Spanish, and British answers to the articles,
as soon as you can obtain them. In my situation, it is not likely that
I shall obtain any information of consequence, but from the French
Court. Whatever may come to my knowledge, I will communicate to you
without delay.
If Britain persists in her two preliminaries, as I presume she does,
what will be the consequence? Will the two Imperial Courts permit this
great plan of a Congress at Vienna, which is public and made the
common talk of Europe, to become another sublime bubble, like the
armed neutrality? In what a light will these mediating Courts appear,
after having listened to a proposition of England, so far as to make
propositions themselves, and to refer to them in many public acts, if
Britain refuses to agree to them? and insists upon such preliminaries
as are at least an insult to France and America, and a kind of
contempt to the common sense of all Europe? I am weary of such
round-about and needless negotiations, as that of the armed
neutrality, and this of the Congress at Vienna. I think the Dutch have
at last discovered the only effectual method of negotiation, that is,
by fighting the British fleets until every ship is obliged to answer
the signal for renewing the battle by the signal of distress. There is
no room for British chicanery in this. If I ever did any good, it was
in stirring up the pure minds of the Dutchmen, and setting the old
Batavian spirit in motion, after having slept so long.
Our dear country will go fast asleep, in full assurance of having news
of peace by winter, if not by the first vessel. Alas! what a
disappointment they will meet. I believe I had better go home, and
wake up our countrymen out of their reveries about peace. Congress
have done very well to join others in the commission for peace, who
have some faculties for it. My talent, if I have one, lies in making
war. The Grand Seignior will finish the _proces des trois rois_,
sooner than the Congress of Vienna will make peace, unless the two
Imperial Courts act with dignity and consistency upon the occasion,
and acknowledge American independency at once, upon Britain's
insisting on her two insolent preliminaries.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[2] See pp. 147 and 148.
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, September 1st, 1781.
Sir,
Enclosed you have some important instructions, passed in Congress upon
the 16th of last month.[3] They will probably reach you first through
our Minister at Versailles, an opportunity to France having earliest
presented itself. Should that not be the case, you will be careful to
furnish copies to Dr Franklin and Mr Jay.
I remain, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs._
FOOTNOTE:
[3] See the _Secret Journals of Congress_, Vol. II. p. 470, 472.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, October 4th, 1781.
Sir,
Since the 25th of August, when I had the honor to write to you, this
is the first time I have taken a pen in hand to write to anybody,
having been confined and reduced too low, to do any kind of business,
by a nervous fever.
The new commission for peace has been a great consolation to me,
because it removed from the public all danger of suffering any
inconvenience, at a time, when, for many days together, there were
many chances to one, that I should have nothing more to do with
commissions of any sort. It is still a great satisfaction, because I
think it a measure essentially right, both as it is a greater
demonstration of respect to the powers, whose Ministers may assemble
to make peace, and as it is better calculated to give satisfaction to
the people of America in all parts, as the Commissioners are chosen
from the most considerable places in that country.
It is probable, that the French Court is already informed of the
alteration. Nevertheless, I should think it proper, that it should be
officially notified to the Count de Vergennes, and, if you are of the
same opinion, as you are near, I should be obliged to you if you would
communicate to his Excellency an authentic copy of the new commission.
I should think, too, that it would be proper to give some intimation
of it to the public, in the Gazette, or _Mercure de France_, the two
papers, which are published with the consent of the Court, and, if you
are of the same opinion, upon consulting the Count de Vergennes, I
should be glad to see it done.
Have you any information concerning Mr Jefferson, whether he has
accepted the trust? Whether he has embarked? Or proposes soon to
embark? I saw a paragraph in a Maryland paper, which expressed an
apprehension, that he was taken prisoner, by a party of horse, in
Virginia.
I feel a strong curiosity to know the answer of the British Court, to
the articles to serve as a basis, &c. and should be much obliged to
your Excellency for a copy of it, if to be procured, and for your
opinion, whether there will be a Congress or not.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, October 15th, 1781.
Sir,
I am very sorry to learn, that Congress have received no letters from
me from October to June. It is not that I wrote less than usual in
that period, but that I was more unfortunate. Two vessels, which
sailed from hence for Boston, each of which had despatches from me for
Congress, destroyed them, one upon being taken, and the other upon
being chased. But the most of my despatches were lost at St Eustatia,
I fear.
While that island was in the possession of the Dutch, I sent a great
number of letters, packets of papers, &c. by several vessels, to the
care of Curson and Gouverneur, to be forwarded to Congress. It is very
certain, the enemy have got possession of some, one very short and
insignificant one they have published, and the London papers give
intimations of more; but I fancy they will not choose to publish them.
I hope Commodore Gillon has arrived before this day, who had letters
from me, and all the public papers for some time. I sent despatches
also by several other vessels, which have sailed from hence. It is
extremely difficult for me to send letters by the way of Nantes,
L'Orient, &c. or by the way of Spain. There is so much bad faith in
the public posts, that it would not be possible for me to write
without having my letters opened, perhaps copied, and there is
scarcely ever an opportunity by a private hand to any sea-port in
France.
But I have a further apology to make to Congress for the few letters I
have lately written. On the 2d of July I left Amsterdam at the
invitation of the Count de Vergennes for Paris, for a conference upon
the subject of peace, at the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, and
the Congress at Vienna. After despatching all that was necessary
relative to these sublime bubbles, I returned to Amsterdam. Not long
after I got home, I found myself attacked by a fever, of which at
first I made light, but which increased very gradually and slowly,
until it was found to be a nervous fever of a very malignant kind, and
so violent as to deprive me of almost all sensibility for four or five
days, and all those who cared anything about me, of the hopes of my
life.
By the help, however, of great skill, and all powerful bark, I am
still alive; but this the first time I have felt the courage to
attempt to write to Congress. Absence and sickness are my apologies to
Congress for the few letters they will receive from me since June.
Whether it was the uncommon heat of the summer, or whether it was the
mass of pestilential exhalations from the stagnant waters of this
country, that brought this disorder upon me, I know not; but I have
every reason to apprehend, that I shall not be able to re-establish my
health in this country. A constitution ever infirm, and almost half a
hundred years old, cannot expect to fare very well amidst such cold
damps and putrid steams as arise from the immense quantities of dead
water, that surround it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, October 15th, 1781.
Sir,
I wish it were possible to communicate to Congress the present state
of every affair, which they have been pleased to confide in any
measure to me. I have received the new commission for peace, and the
revocation of my commission and instructions of the 29th of September,
1779.[4] To both of these measures of Congress, as to the commands of
my sovereign, I shall pay the most exact attention. The present
commission for peace, is a demonstration of greater respect to the
powers of Europe, and must be more satisfactory to the people of
America, than any former one; besides that it guards against
accidents, which in my late sickness I had reason to think may well
happen. I am, however, apprehensive that this commission will lie a
long time neglected, and as useless as the former one.
I am myself seriously of opinion, that the English will not treat with
the United States for many years. They will see all their dominions in
the East and West Indies conquered by the French and Spaniards; they
will see their government reduced to the limits of their own island
before they will do it. The present Ministers must die off, and the
King too, before there will be any treaty between Britain and America.
The nation will stand by the King and Ministry through every loss,
while they persevere; whereas both would sink into total contempt and
ridicule, if they were to make peace. While they persevere, they are
masters of the purses and commerce too of the whole nation. Make peace
and they lose a great part of this influence. National pride, when it
has become a habitual passion by long indulgence, is the most
obstinate thing in the world; and this war has been made so
completely, though so artfully the national act, as well as that of
King and Ministers, that the pride of the nation was never committed
more entirely to the support of anything. It is not to be supposed
that the present Ministry will treat with America, and if there should
be a change, and the leaders of opposition should come in, they will
not treat with America in any character, that she can with honor or
safety assume. They might propose a peace separate from France, or
they might withdraw their troops from the United States, but they
would not make a general peace. The Congress at Vienna will prove but
a magnificent chimera, as the British Ministry ever intended it should
be.
It has already answered their insidious ends, and now they are giving
it a dismission, by insisting upon their two preliminaries; so that
upon the whole, according to the best judgment I can form, it will not
be worth while for Congress to be at the expense of continuing me in
Europe, with a view to my assisting at any conferences for peace,
especially as Dr Franklin has given me intimations, that I cannot
depend upon him for my subsistence in future.
My commission for borrowing money has hitherto been equally useless.
It would fill a small volume to give a history of my negotiations with
people of various stations and characters, in order to obtain a loan,
and it would astonish Congress to see the unanimity with which all
have refused to engage in the business, most of them declaring they
were afraid to undertake it. I am told that no new loan was ever
undertaken here, without meeting at first with all sorts of
contradiction and opposition for a long time; but my loan is
considered not only as a new one, but as entering deep into the
essence of all the present political systems of the world, and no man
dares engage in it, until it is clearly determined what characters are
to bear rule, and what system is to prevail in this country.
There is no authority in Europe more absolute, not even that of the
two empires, not that of the simple monarchies, than that of the
States-General is in their dominions, and nobody but M. de Neufville
dares advance faster in a political manoeuvre than the States. M. de
Neufville has done his utmost, and has been able to do nothing; three
thousand guilders, less than three hundred pounds, is all that he has
obtained. Notwithstanding this, there is a universal wish that the
world may be made to believe that my loan is full. It is upon 'Change,
by a unanimous dissimulation, pretended to be full, and there are
persons, (who they are I know not,) who write to London, and fill the
English papers with paragraphs that my loan is full. M. de Neufville
has advertised in the customary form, for all persons possessed of
American _coupons_, to come and receive the money at the end of the
first six months. These persons cannot be more than three in number.
My letters of credence to their High Mightinesses have been taken _ad
referendum_ by the several Provinces, and are now under consideration
of the several branches of the sovereignty of this country; but no one
city or body of nobles has as yet determined upon them. None have
declared themselves in favor of my admission to an audience, and none
have decided against it; and it is much to be questioned whether any
one will determine soon.
I have often written to Congress, that I never could pretend to
foretell what the States-General would do. I never found anybody here
who guessed right; and upon reading over all the negotiations of
Jeannin, Torcy, d'Avaux, and d'Estrades, in this country, I found
every one of those Ministers were, at the several periods of their
residence here, in the same uncertainty. It appears to have been for
this century and a half, at least, the national character, to manage
all the world as long as they could, to keep things undetermined as
long as they could, and finally to decide suddenly upon some fresh
motive of fear. It is very clear to me, that I shall never borrow
money until I have had an audience; and if the States pursue their old
maxims of policy, it may be many years before this is agreed to. I am
much inclined to believe that nothing decisive will be done for two or
three years, perhaps longer; yet it may be in a month. Parties are now
very high, and their passions against each other warm; and to all
appearance, the good party is vastly the most numerous; but we must
remember, that the supreme Executive is supposed to be determined on
the other side, so that there is real danger of popular commotions and
tragical scenes.
The question really is, whether the Republic shall make peace with
England, by furnishing her ships and troops according to old treaties,
and joining her against all her enemies, France, Spain, America, and
as many more as may become enemies in the course of the war? The
English party dare not speak out and say this openly; but if they have
common sense they must know that England will make peace with them
upon no other terms. They pretend that upon some little concessions,
some trifling condescendencies, England would make peace with Holland
separately. Some pretend that a separate peace might be had upon the
single condition of agreeing not to trade with America; others upon
the condition of considering naval stores as contraband goods; but the
commercial cities are almost unanimously against both of these
articles. The English party are sensible of this, yet they entertain
hopes by keeping the Republic in a defenceless state, that commerce
will be so far ruined, and the common people in the great trading
cities reduced to such want and misery, as to become furious, demand
peace at any rate, and fall upon the houses and persons of those who
will not promote it.
The English party, I think, will never carry their point so far as to
induce the nation to join the English. There are three considerations,
which convince me of this beyond a doubt. First, corrupted and
abandoned as a great part of this nation, as well as every other in
Europe is, there is still a public national sense and conscience, and
the general, the almost universal sense of this nation is, that the
English are wrong and the Americans right in this war. The conduct of
the Americans is so like that of their venerable and heroic ancestors,
it is evidently founded in such principles as are uniformly applauded
in their history, and as every man has been educated in a habitual
veneration for, that it is impossible for them to take a part in the
war against America. This was universally conspicuous upon the
publication of my memorial to the States. Secondly; the commercial
part of these Provinces, I think, will never give up the American
trade. Thirdly; England is so exhausted and so weak, and France,
Spain, and America so strong, that joining the former against the
three latter, would be the total ruin of the Republic. Nevertheless,
the court party will find means of delay, and will embarrass the
operations of war in so many ways, that it will be long before any
decisive measures will be taken in favor of America.
Whether, under all these circumstances, Congress will think proper to
continue me in Europe, whether it will be in their power to furnish me
with the means of subsistence, as Dr Franklin in his letter to me
thinks I cannot depend upon him, and I have no hopes at all of
obtaining any here, I know not, and must submit to their wisdom. But
after all, the state of my health, which I have little reason to hope
will be restored without a voyage home, and more relaxation from care
and business than I can have in Europe, makes it very uncertain
whether I shall be able to remain here. In short, my prospects both
for the public and for myself are so dull, and the life I am likely to
lead in Europe so gloomy and melancholy, and of so little use to the
public, that I cannot but wish it may suit with the views of Congress
to recall me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[4] The new commission for negotiating peace was given to John Adams,
Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson. See
the Commission and Instructions in the _Secret Journals of Congress_.
Vol. II. pp. 445, 447.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, October 17th, 1781.
Sir,
There is at present a fermentation in this nation, which may arise to
violent extremities. Hundreds of pamphlets have appeared, all of which
must be adjudged to be seditious libels; some against the Court, and
some against the city and sovereign magistrates of Amsterdam. At
length, a large pamphlet has appeared in Dutch, and been distributed
through the streets of the Hague, Leyden, Rotterdam, and other cities,
which has occasioned a great alarm to the government, and a great
agitation of spirits among the people. All parties speak of it as a
composition, in the strongest terms of admiration. The substance of it
will appear from the following placard against it.