object of the esteem and admiration of all; affable and familiar, as a
great sovereign can ever allow himself to be with dignity, he gave to
many persons unequivocal intimations of his sentiments upon public
affairs. Patriotism seemed to be the object which he wished to
distinguish. Whoever espoused with zeal the honor and interest of his
own country, was sure of some mark of his approbation; whoever
appeared to countenance another country in preference to his own,
found some symptom of his dislike; even the ladies, French or Dutch,
who had any of the English modes in their dress, received from his
Majesty some intimation of his disapprobation of their taste.
Everybody here, since his departure, is confident of his entire
detestation of the principles on which the English have conducted this
war, and of his determination to take no part in it, in their favor.
His sentiments concerning America are inferred from a very singular
anecdote, which is so well attested, that it may not be improper to
mention to Congress.
His Majesty condescended, in a certain company, to inquire after the
Minister of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses,
said he was acquainted with his name and character, and should be glad
to see him; a lady in company, asked his Majesty if he would drink tea
with him at her house? He replied in the affirmative, in the character
of the Count of Falkenstein. A lady in company undertook to form the
party; but upon inquiry, the American was at Paris. It is supposed
with good reason, that there could be nothing personal in this
curiosity, and therefore that it was intended as a political
signification of a certain degree of complaisance towards America.
Thus it is, that the words, gestures, and countenances of sovereigns
are watched, and political inferences drawn from them; but there is
too much uncertainty in this science, to depend much upon it. It
seems, however, that the Emperor made himself so popular here, as to
excite some appearance of jealousy in Prussia. For my own part, I
think that the greatest political stroke which the two Imperial Courts
could make, would be upon receiving the answer from England adhering
to her preliminaries, immediately to declare the United States
independent. It would be to their immortal honor; it would be in the
character of each of these, extraordinary geniuses; it would be a
blessing to mankind; it would even be friendship to England.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
B. FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, August 6th, 1781.
Sir,
I sometime since gave orders, as you desired, to Mr Grand to furnish
you with a credit in Holland for the remainder of your salary to
November next. But I am now told that your account having been mixed
with Mr Dana's, he finds it difficult to know the sum due to you. Be
pleased therefore to state your account for two years, giving credit
for the sums you have received, that an order may be made for the
balance. Upon this occasion, it is right to acquaint you that I do not
think we can depend on receiving any more money here, applicable to
the support of the Congress Ministers.
What aids are hereafter granted, will probably be transmitted by the
government directly to America. It will, therefore, be proper to
inform Congress, that care may be taken to furnish their servants by
remittances from thence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, August 6th, 1781.
Sir,
In the Utrecht Gazette of this morning is an article from Petersburg,
of the 13th of July, in these words.
"Saturday last, the government despatched a courier for London. He
carries, it is assured, instructions to M. Simolin, our Minister to
the King of England, to make to his Britannic Majesty, conjointly with
the Ministers of Sweden and Denmark, certain representations
concerning the war, which he has thought fit to declare against the
Republic of the United Provinces.
"The Minister of England, at our Court, received a courier from
London, the day before yesterday, with the answer of the British
Ministry to the preliminary articles of a Treaty of Peace to be
concluded between the belligerent powers of Europe under the high
mediation of her Majesty, the Empress, our Sovereign, and of his
Majesty, the Emperor, King of Hungary and Bohemia; but nothing has
transpired of the contents of this answer."
"It is said, that the Grand Duke and the Grand Dutchess of Russia,
will set off from hence for the Courts of Europe, which their Imperial
Highnesses propose to visit, about the end of August or the beginning
of September."
A man, who is master of the history of England for the last twenty
years, would be at no loss to conjecture the answer to the preliminary
articles of the two Imperial Courts. Indeed the King's speech has
already answered them before all the world. The King has not probably
given one answer to Parliament, and his Ministers another to the
mediating Courts.
Thus all Europe is to be bubbled by a species of chicanery, that has
been the derision of America for a number of years. In time, the
Courts of Europe will learn the nature of these British tricks by
experience, and receive them with the contempt or the indignation they
deserve.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, August 6th, 1781.
Sir,
In several of the London newspapers of July the 26th, appeared the
following paragraph.
"An order has been sent from Lord Hillsborough's office for bringing
Curson and Gouverneur, (whom we sometime ago mentioned to have been
confined by command of Sir George Rodney, and General Vaughan, for
having carried on a traitorous correspondence with the enemy at St
Eustatia,) to town, to be confined in Newgate, to take their trial for
the crime of high treason. The whole circumstances of their case, and
all their correspondence has been submitted to the inspection of the
Attorney and Solicitor-General, and they consider the offence in so
serious a light, that a direct refusal has been given to a petition
from Mr Curson to be indulged with the privilege of giving bail for
appearance, on account of the ill-health, which he has experienced on
board the Vengeance, where he and his colleague have been for some
months confined, and which is now lying at Spithead. It has been
discovered, from an inspection of their papers, that Mr Adams, the
celebrated negotiator to Holland, was the man, with whom they held
their illicit correspondence, and it is said, that the appearance of
proof against them, has turned out much stronger than was originally
supposed."
Last fall Mr Searle informed me, that Messrs Curson and Gouverneur
were Continental Agents at Eustatia, and advised me to send my
despatches to their care, as worthy men, a part of whose duty it was
to forward such things to Congress. I accordingly sent several packets
of letters, newspapers, and pamphlets to their address, accompanied
only with a line, simply requesting their attention to forward them by
the first safe opportunity. I never saw those gentlemen, or received a
line from either. It must have been imprudence, or negligence, to
suffer my letters to fall into the hands of the enemy. I have looked
over all the letters, which I wrote about that time, and I find no
expression in any, that could do harm to the public, if printed in the
gazettes, yet there are some things, which the English would not
choose to publish, I fancy. What other correspondences of Messrs
Curson and Gouverneur might have been discovered, I know not.
The British Ministry seem to be growing outrageous. The more they
despair, the more angry they are. They think not at all of peace.
America should think of it as little; sighing, and longing for peace,
will not obtain it. No terms short of eternal disgrace and
irrecoverable ruin would be accepted. We must brace up our laws and
our military discipline, and renounce that devoted and abandoned
nation for ever. America must put an end to a foolish and disgraceful
correspondence and intercourse, which some have indulged, but at which
all ought to blush, as inconsistent with the character of man.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, August 8th, 1781.
Sir,
This people must have their own way. They proceed like no other. There
cannot be a more striking example of this, than the instructions given
to privateers and letters of marque.
The commander is ordered to bring his prizes into some port of the
United Provinces, or into the ports or roads of the allies and friends
of this Republic, especially France, Sweden, North America, or Spain;
and the ship shall be at liberty to join, under a written convention,
with one or more privateers or other similar ships of war, belonging
to Hollanders, Zealanders, French, Americans, or Spanish, to undertake
jointly anything advantageous, &c. This is not only an acknowledgment
of the independence of North America, but it is avowing it to be an
ally and friend. But I suppose, in order to elude and evade, it would
be said, that these are only the instructions given by owners to their
commanders; yet these instructions are required to be sworn to, and
produced to the Admiralty for their approbation.
It is certain, that the King of Spain, when he declared war against
Great Britain, sent orders to all his officers to treat the Americans,
as the best friends of Spain, and the King's pleasure, being a law to
his subjects, they are bound by it. But what is there to oblige a
citizen of the United Provinces to consider the Americans as the
friends of the Republic? There is no such law, and these instructions
cannot bind. Yet it is very certain, that no Dutchman will venture to
take an American.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
A msterdam, August 16th, 1781.
Sir,
Mr Temple has held offices of such importance, and a rank so
considerable in America, before the revolution, that his return to his
native country at this time, cannot fail to cause much speculation,
and it is to be feared some diversity of sentiments concerning him. As
he came from London to Amsterdam, and did me the honor of a visit, in
which he opened to me his design of returning, and his sentiments upon
many public affairs, it will be expected in America by many, although
it has not been requested by Mr Temple, that I should say something
concerning him.
I was never before personally acquainted with this gentleman, but I
have long known his public character and private reputation. He was
ever reputed a man of very delicate sentiments of honor, of integrity,
and of attachment to his native country, although his education, his
long residences in England, his numerous connexions there, and the
high offices he held under the British government, did not even admit
of a general opinion, that his sentiments were in all respects
perfectly conformable to those of the most popular party in the
Colonies. Nevertheless, he was never suspected, to my knowledge, of
concurring in, or countenancing any of those many plots which were
laid by other officers of the Crown, against our liberties, but on the
contrary, was known to be the object of their jealousy, revenge, and
malice, because he would not. He was, however, intimate with several
gentlemen, who stood foremost in opposition, particularly Mr Otis, who
has often communicated to me intelligence of very great importance,
which he had from Mr Temple, and which he certainly could have got no
other way, as early I believe as 1763 and 1764, and onwards.
I cannot undertake to vindicate Mr Temple's policy in remaining so
long in England; but it will be easily in his power to show what kind
of company he has kept there; what kind of sentiments and conversation
he has maintained, and in what occupations he has employed his time.
It is not a view to recommend Mr Temple to honors or emoluments, that
I write this. It would not be proper for me, and Congress know very
well, that I have not ventured upon this practice, even in cases where
I have much more personal knowledge than in this. But it is barely to
prevent, as far as my poor opinion may go, jealousies and alarms upon
Mr Temple's arrival. Many may suspect that he comes with secret and
bad designs, in the confidence of the British Ministry, of which I do
not believe him capable.
Mr Temple it is most certain, has fallen from high rank and ample
emoluments, merely because be would not join in hostile designs
against his country. This I think should at least entitle him to the
quiet enjoyment of the liberties of his country, and to the esteem of
his fellow-citizens, provided there are no just grounds of suspicion
of him. And I really think it a testimony due to truth, to say, that
after a great deal of the very freest conversation with him, I see no
reason to suspect his intentions.
I have taken the liberty to give Mr Temple my own sentiments
concerning the suspicions which have been, and are entertained
concerning him, and the causes of them, and of all parts of his
conduct, which have come to my knowledge, with so little disguise,
that he will be well apprised of the disappointments he may meet
with, if any. I hope, however, that he will meet a more friendly
reception in America, and better prospects of a happy life there, than
I have been able to assure him. Whether any services or sufferings of
Mr Temple could support any claim upon the justice, gratitude, or
generosity of the United States, or of that of Massachusetts in
particular, is a question upon which it would be altogether improper
for me to give my opinion, as I know not the facts so well as they may
be made known, and as I am no judge, if I knew the facts. But this I
know, that whenever the facts shall be laid before either the great
Council of the United States, or that of Massachusetts, they will be
judged of by the worthy Representatives of a just, grateful, and
generous people, and therefore Mr Temple will have no reason to
complain if the decision should be against him.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, August 16th, 1781.
Sir,
The following verbal insinuation, made to the Ambassador of Holland at
the Court of Russia, was transmitted to Congress in my absence, and is
now repeated by me, in order to complete the setts already forwarded.
"The affection of the Empress to the interests of the Republic of the
United Provinces, and her desire to see re-established, by a prompt
reconciliation, a peace and good harmony between the two maritime
powers, have been sufficiently manifested by the step, which she has
taken, in offering them her separate mediation.
"If she has not had the desired success, her Imperial Majesty has only
been for that reason the more attentive to search out the means
capable of conducting her to it. One such means offers itself in the
combined mediation of the two Imperial Courts, under the auspices of
which it is to be treated at Vienna of a general pacification of the
Courts actually at war.
"It belongs only to the Republic to regulate itself in the same
manner. Her Imperial Majesty by an effect of her friendship for it,
imposing upon herself the task to bring her co-mediator into an
agreement to share with her the cares and the good offices, which she
has displayed in its favor. As soon as it shall please their High
Mightinesses to make known their intentions in this regard to the
Prince de Gallitzin, the Envoy of the Empress at the Hague, charged to
make to them the same insinuation, this last will write of it
immediately to the Minister of her Imperial Majesty at Vienna, who
will not fail to take with that Court the arrangements, which are
prescribed to him, to the end to proceed in this affair by the same
formalities, which we have made use of with the other powers.
"Her Imperial Majesty flatters herself, that the Republic will receive
this overture, as a fresh proof of her benevolence, and of the
attention, which she preserves, to cultivate the ties of that
friendship, and of that alliance, which subsists between them."
It does not appear by this insinuation, that the articles proposed by
the two Imperial Courts, to serve as a basis for the negotiations of
peace at Vienna, were communicated to the Dutch Minister at
Petersburg, or the Russian Minister at the Hague, or by either to
their High Mightinesses; as the word, Courts at war, is used, and no
hint about the United States in it, the probability is that the
articles are not communicated.
I must confess, I like the insinuation very much, because it may be in
time an excellent precedent for making such an insinuation to the
Minister of the United States of America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, August 18th, 1781.
Sir,
We have received at last, Parker's account of the action with Admiral
Zoutman; according to which, the battle was maintained with a
continual fire for three hours and forty minutes, when it became
impossible to work his ships. He made an attempt to recommence the
action, but found it impracticable. The Bienfaisant had lost her
maintopmast, and the Buffalo her mizzen-yard, and the other vessels
were not less damaged in their masts, rigging, and sails. The enemy
did not appear in a better condition. The two squadrons remained some
time over against each other; at length the Dutch retired, taking with
their convoy the course to the Texel. He was not in a condition to
follow them. The officers and all on board behaved with great bravery,
and the enemy did not discover less courage. He encloses the
particulars of the number killed and wounded, and of the damages which
the vessels have sustained. The last is prudently suppressed by the
Ministry.
The following is a list of the killed and wounded in the action of the
5th of August.
_English._
Killed. Wounded. Total.
Fortitude, 20 67 87
Bienfaisant, 6 21 27
Berwick, 18 58 76
Princess Amelia, 19 56 75
Preston, 10 40 50
Buffalo, 20 64 84
Dolphin, 11 33 44
--- --- ---
104 339 443
_Dutch._
Killed. Wounded. Total.
Admiral de Ruyter, 43 90 133
Admiral-General, 7 41 48
Batavier, 18 48 66
Argo, 11 87 98
Holland, 64
Admiral Ret Hein, 9 58 67
---
476
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, August 22d, 1781.
Sir,
The late glorious victory, obtained by Admiral Zoutman over Admiral
Parker, is wholly to be ascribed to the exertions of Amsterdam.
Pretences and excuses would have been devised for avoiding to send out
the fleet, and indeed for avoiding an action when at sea, if it had
not been for the measures which have been taken to arouse the
attention and animate the zeal of the nation. The officers and men of
the army, and especially of the navy, appear to have been as much
affected and influenced by the proceedings of the Regency of
Amsterdam, as any other parts of the community. Notwithstanding the
apparent ill success of the enterprises of the great city, it is
certain that a flame of patriotism and of valor has been kindled by
them, which has already produced great effects, and will probably much
greater.
It is highly probable, however, that if the Regency of Amsterdam had
taken another course, they would have succeeded better. If instead of
a complaint of sloth in the Executive department, and a personal
attack upon the Duke, they had taken the lead in a system of public
measures, they would have found more zealous supporters, fewer
powerful opposers, and perhaps would have seen the ardor of the nation
increase with equal rapidity. For example, as the sovereignty of the
United States was a question legally before them, they might have made
a proposition in the States of Holland to acknowledge it, and make a
treaty with them. This measure would have met with general applause
among the people, throughout the Seven Provinces, and their example
would have been followed by the Regencies of other cities, or they
might have proposed in the States to accede to the treaty of alliance
between France and America. However, we ought to presume, that these
gentlemen know their own countrymen, and their true policy, better
than strangers, and it may be their intention to propose other things
in course. It is certain, that they have animated the nation to a high
degree, so that a separate peace, or any mean concessions to Great
Britain, cannot now be made.
The good party have the upperhand, and patriotic counsels begin to
prevail.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, August 22d, 1781.
Sir,
The constitution of this country is such, that it is difficult to
discover the general sense. There have been all along circumstances in
which it might be discerned, but these were so feeble, and so
susceptible of contradiction and disguise, that some extraordinary
exertions were necessary to strike out unquestionable proofs of the
temper and opinion of the nation.
Last spring, the part of this people, which was most averse to war,
was for making propositions and concessions to England, in order to
obtain peace. This policy was not only injudicious, but would have
been fruitless, because the English would have made peace upon no
other terms, than this nation's joining them against France, Spain,
and America, which would have been its ruin. Nevertheless, if the
party had prevailed, and sent Ambassadors to London to solicit peace,
the Court of London would have found so many arts and pretences for
spinning out the negotiation, and would have obstructed the commerce
of Holland so much, as to bring on a discouragement and despair among
the people.
In these critical circumstances, something uncommon was necessary to
arouse the nation, and bring forth the public voice. The first step of
this kind, was the proposition of the United States of America to
their High Mightinesses, which being taken _ad referendum_, became a
subject of deliberation in every city of the Republic, and the
publication of the memorial of the 19th of April, 1781, which made the
American cause, the primary object and main spring of the war, the
topic of conversation in every private circle, as well as in every
public assembly.
This memorial gave all parties an opportunity to know with certainty
the public opinion; and accordingly, such a general and decided
approbation was discovered everywhere, that the few who detested it in
their hearts, never dared to open their mouths. Emboldened by this, M.
Van Berckel came forward with his application to the States for a
vindication of his character, and although he has not obtained an
answer, yet it has been discovered that his enemies have not been
powerful enough either to condemn or to censure him. Not long after,
followed the manly proposition of the Regency of Amsterdam for an
inquiry into the causes of the inactivity of the State, and, in
course, their direct attack upon the Duke of Brunswick.
The American memorial has not obtained, and probably will not obtain
for a long time, an acknowledgment of American independence, but it
discovered with absolute certainty the sentiments of the nation. M.
Van Berckel's petition has not procured him a formal justification,
but it has proved that his enemies are too weak to punish or to
censure him. The proposition of Amsterdam has not obtained an inquiry
into the causes of the sloth of the State, nor the appointment of a
committee to assist the Prince; but it has occasioned a universal
declaration of the people's sentiments, that the State has been too
inactive, and the counsels of the Court too slow. The application of
Amsterdam against the Duke has not procured his removal, but it has
procured a universal avowal, that the public counsels have been
defective, and a universal cry for an alteration, and has obliged the
Court to adopt a different system. When the public counsels of a
country have taken a wrong bias, the public voice, pronounced with
energy, will sometimes correct the error, without any violent
remedies. The voice of the people, which had been so often declared,
by the late sea action was found to be so clear, that it has produced
many remarkable effects. Among which, none deserve more attention than
the following declarations of the Prince. The first was inserted by
order in the newspapers in these words.