FROM MARY'S ARRIVAL IN SCOTLAND TO THE DARNLEY MARRIAGE
_CONTENTS_
1. Knox's description of Mary's reception, and his opinion of the Queen.
2. Randolph's account of Mary's public entry into Edinburgh.
3. Illustrations of the religious difficulty.
(_a_) Proclamation of the Privy Council.
(_b_) Randolph's account of Mary's first High Mass.
(_c_) Popular Songs against the Pope.
4. Mary on the Treaty of Edinburgh.
5. The conduct of affairs at the beginning of the reign.
(_a_) Cecil's opinion.
(_b_) Randolph's impressions of Murray, Lethington,
and Knox.
(_c_) The Huntly Rebellion as narrated by Randolph.
(_d_) The passing of the sentence on Huntly's embalmed
corpse.
6. Knox's account of the Chatelar affair.
7. Knox's account of the famine of 1563.
8. Knox on the opening of Parliament.
9. One of Knox's interviews with the Queen.
10. Mary's marriage-troubles.
(_a_) References Selected from the diplomatic correspondence
from March 1561 to March 1564.
(_b_) Early suspicions of the Darnley marriage.
(_c_) Melville's experiences in London.
(_d_) Further diplomatic correspondence.
_SORROW, DOLOUR, AND DARKNESS_
The Queen's Arrival in Scotland.
_Laing's Edition of Knox's History of the Reformation in Scotland_,
vol. i. pp. 267-271.
_THE FIRST MASS_
The 19th day of August 1561, betwixt seven and eight hours before noon,
arrived Mary, Queen of Scotland, then widow, with two galleys out of
France. In her company (besides her gentlewomen, called the Maries) were
her uncles, the Duc d'Aumale, the Grand Prior, the Marquess d'Elbeuf.
There accompanied her also D'Amville, son to the Constable of France,
with other gentlemen of inferior condition, besides servants and
officers. The very face of the heaven at the time of her arrival did
manifestly speak what comfort was brought into this country with her (to
wit) sorrow, dolour, darkness, and all impiety; for in the memory of man
that day of the year was never seen a more dolorous face of the heaven,
than was at her arrival, which two days after did so continue: For
besides the surface wet, and corruption of the air, the mist was so
thick and dark that scarce might any man espy another the length of two
pair of butts; the sun was not seen to shine two days before nor two
days after. That forewarning, God gave unto us; but alas! the most part
were blind.... Fires of joy were set forth at night, and a company of
most honest men with instruments of music, and with musicians, gave
their salutations at her chamber window: The melody (as she alleged)
liked her well; and she willed the same to be continued some nights
after with great diligence. The Lords repaired to her from all quarters,
and so was nothing understood but mirth and quietness, till the next
Sunday, which was the 24th of August, when preparations began to be made
for that Idol of the Mass to be said in the Chapel; which pierced the
hearts of all. The Godly began to bolden, and then began openly to
speak, _Shall that Idol be suffered again to take place within this
Realm? It shall not._ The Lord Lindsay (then but Master) with the
Gentlemen of Fife, and others, plainly cried in the close or yard, _The
idolatrous Priests should die the death, according to God's Law_. One
that carried in the candle was evil afraid; but then began flesh and
blood fully to show itself. There durst no Papist, neither yet any that
came out of France, whisper: But the Lord James, the man whom all the
Godly did most reverence, took upon him to keep the Chapel-door. His
best excuse was, that he would stop all Scotsmen to enter in to the
Mass; but it was and is sufficiently known, that the door was kept that
none should have entry to trouble the Priest, who, after the Mass was
ended, was committed to the protection of the Lord John of Coldingham
and the Lord Robert of Holyrood House, who then were both Protestants,
and had communicate at the Table of the Lord. Betwixt them both was the
Priest conveyed to his chamber. And so the Godly departed with grief of
heart, and after noon repaired to the Abbey in great companies, and gave
plain signification, that they could not abide that the land, which God
by His power had purged from Idolatry, should in their eyes be polluted
again.
_A PROUD MIND AND A CRAFTY WIT_
Knox's Opinion of the Queen.
_Ibid._, p. 286.
John Knox his own judgment, being by some of his familiars demanded what
he thought of the Queen, said, "If there be not in her a proud mind, a
crafty wit, and an indurate heart against God and His truth, my judgment
faileth me."
1561.--2nd September. The Queen's Public Entry into Edinburgh.
_Thomas Randolph to Cecil. Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 63.
Upon Tuesday last she made her entry. She dined in the Castle. The first
sight that she saw after she came out of the Castle was a boy of six
years of age, that came as it were from heaven out of a round globe,
that presented unto her a Bible and a Psalter, and the keys of the
gates, and spake unto her the verses which I send you. Then, for the
terrible significations of God upon idolatry, there were burnt Korah,
Dathan, and Abiram, in the time of their sacrifice. They were minded to
have a priest burned at the altar, at the elevation. The Earl of Huntly
stayed {stopped} that pageant, but hath played many as wicked as that
since he came hither. He bare that day the sword.
[The following are the lines to which Randolph referred. As only
the first stanza has appeared in print before, the verses are given
in their original form.]
Illustration: HOLYROOD.
_A "NEEDEFULL" GIFT_
A Ballad of Welcome.
Welcome, O Souveraine! Welcome, O natyve Quene!
Welcome to us your subiects great and small!
Welcome, I say, even from the verie splene,[1]
To Edinburgh your syttie principall.
Whereas your people with harts both one and all
Doth here{in} offer to your excellence
Two proper volumes[2] in memoriall
As gyfte most gainand[3] to a godlie prince.
Wherein your Grace may reade to understande
The perfett waye unto the hevennes hie,
And how to Rule your subiects and your land,
And how your kingdom stablished shalbe,
Judgment and wysdome therein shall ye see.
Here shall you find your God his due commande,
And who the contrarie does wilfullie,
How them he threatens with his scurge and wand.
Ane gyfte more precious cold[4] we none present
Nor yet more needefull to your Excellence,
Qwylk[5] is Gode's lawes his words and testament
Trewlie translate with frutefull diligence,
Qwylk to accepte with humble reverence
The Provist present most hartelie you exorte
With the hole subiects due obedience,
Together with the keyes of their porte.
In signe that they[6] and all that they possess
Bodie and good shall ever reddie be
To serve you as their souveraine hie mistress
Both daye and {night} after thair bound dutie:
Besechinge[7] your Grace in this necessitie
Thair {too} shorte tyme and {their} godwill[8] consether[9]
Accepte their harts and take it pacientlie
That may be done, seing all is yours together.
--------------------------------------------------------------------
[1] Spleen.
[2] The volumes were a Bible and a Psalter "coverit with fine
purpour velvet." _Cf._ the _Diurnal of Occurrents_, September 2,
1561, which gives some additional details, and mentions that the
child "delivered also to her hieness three writings, the tenour
whereof is uncertain."
[3] Gainful.
[4] Could.
[5] Which.
[6] MS. to them.
[7] Beseeching.
[8] Goodwill.
[9] Consider.
--------------------------------------------------------------------
_A TOLERANT PROCLAMATION_
Illustrations of the Religious Difficulty--Proclamation regarding
Religion.
_Register of the Privy Council of Scotland_, August 26, 1561.
Forasmuch as the Queen's Majesty has understood the great inconveniences
that may come through the division presently standing in this realm for
the difference in matters of religion, that her Majesty is most desirous
to see pacified by a good order, to the honour of God and the
tranquillity of her realm, and means to take the same by the advice of
her Estates as soon as conveniently may be; and that her Majesty's godly
resolution therein may be greatly hindered in case any tumult or
sedition be raised among the lieges, if any sudden innovation or
alteration be pressed or attempted before that the order may be
established. Therefore ... her Majesty ordains letters to be directed to
charge all and sundry, lieges, ... that none of them take upon hand,
privately or openly, to make any alteration or innovation of the state
of religion, or attempt anything against the form which her Majesty
found public and universally standing at her Majesty's arrival in this
her realm, under the pain of death, ... Attour, her Majesty, by the
advice of the Lords of her Secret Council, commands and charges all her
lieges, that none of them take upon hand to molest or trouble any of her
domestic servants or persons whomsoever come forth of France, in her
Grace's company, at this time, in word, deed, or countenance ... under
the said pain of death....
_AN UNRULY PEOPLE_
1561.--November 1. The Queen's first High Mass.
_Thomas Randolph to Cecil. Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 83.
Upon All Hallow Day the Queen had a song mass. That night one of her
priests was well beaten for his reward by a servant of the Lord
Robert's. We look to have it proclaimed again that no man, under pain of
confiscation of goods and lands here, say or come unto her own mass,
saving her own household, that came out of France....
It is now called in question whether that the Princess being an idolater
may be obeyed in all civil and politic{al} actions. I think marvellously
of the wisdom of God that gave this unruly, inconstant, and cumbersome
people no more substance than they have, for then would they run wild.
_THE HUNT IS UP_
Popular Songs.
[The stanzas which follow are selected from the popular songs of
the period. They date from a year or two before Mary's arrival in
Scotland, but will serve to illustrate the extreme difficulty
experienced by a Roman Catholic queen in dealing with such a
people.]
_The Gude and Godly Ballates._ Reprint of 1868, p. 153.
The hunt is up, the hunt is up,[10]
It is now perfect day,
Jesus, our King, is gone in hunting,
Who likes to speed, they may.
A cursed fox lay hid in rocks
This long and many a day,
Devouring sheep, while he might creep,
None might him scare away.
It did him good to lap the blood
Of young and tender lambs;
None could he miss, for all was his,
The young ones with their dams.
The hunter is Christ, that huntis in haste,
The hounds are Peter and Paul;
The Pope is the fox, Rome is the rocks,
That rubs us on the gall.
_THE POPE, THAT PAGAN FULL OF PRIDE_
_Ibid._
The Pope, that pagan full of pride,
He has us blinded long;
For where the blind the blind does guide,
No wonder they go wrong;
Like prince and king, he led the ring
Of all iniquity;
"Hay trix, tryme go trix,"
Under the greenwood tree.
But his abomination
The Lord has brought to light;
His Popish pride, and threefold crown,
Almost have lost their might.
His plack pardons are but lardouns[11]
Of new found vanity;
"Hay trix, tryme go trix,"
Under the greenwood tree.
* * * * *
Of late I saw these limmers[12] stand
Like mad men at mischief,
Thinking to get the upper hand,
They look after relief;
But all in vain, go tell them plain
That day will never be;
"Hay trix, tryme go trix,"
Under the greenwood tree.
O Jesus! if they thought great glee
To see God's word down smorit,[13]
The Congregation made to flee,
Hypocrisy restorit;
With masses sung, and bellis rung,
To their idolatry;
Marry, God thank you, we shall gar brank[14] you,
Before that time truly.
-------------------------------------------------------------
[10] _Original reads_, With huntis up.
[11] Lumps.
[12] Worthless persons.
[13] Smothered.
[14] Put the barnacles on you, as on a restive horse.
-------------------------------------------------------------
_MURRAY, LETHINGTON, AND KNOX_
The Conduct of Affairs in the Early Years of the Reign--Randolph on
Mary's Ministers.
_Randolph to Cecil_, October 24, 1561. _Keith's History_, vol. i.
pp. 98-99.
I receive of her Grace at all times very good words. I am borne in hand
{assured} by such as are nearest about her, as the Lord James and the
Laird of Lethington, that they are meant as they are spoken; I see them
above all others in credit, and find in them no alteration, though there
be that complain that they yield too much unto her appetite; which yet I
see not. The Lord James dealeth according to his nature, rudely, homely,
and bluntly; the Laird of Lethington more delicately and finely, yet
nothing swerveth from the other in mind and effect. She is patient to
hear, and beareth much. The Earl Marischal is wary, but speaketh
sometimes to good purpose.... Mr. Knox cannot be otherwise persuaded,
but many men are deceived in this woman; he feareth yet that _posteriora
sunt pejora primis_; his severity keepeth us in marvellous order. I
commend better the success of his doings and preachings than the manner
thereof, tho' I acknowledged his doctrine to be sound: His prayer is
daily for her--"That God will turn her obstinate heart against God and
His truth; or, if the Holy Will be otherwise, to strengthen the hearts
and hands of His chosen and elect, stoutly to withstand the rage of all
tyrants," &c., in words terrible enough.
_PROTESTANT RULE_
_Cecil to Challoner (English Ambassador in Spain). Foreign
Calendar_, 1562, June 8, 1562.
In Scotland ... the Earl of Huntly is in no credit with the Queen. The
whole governance rests in Lord James, being Earl of Mar, and the Laird
of Lethington. The others that have credit are the Earls Marshal,
Argyll, Morton, and Glencairn, all Protestants. The Queen quietly
tolerates the reformed religion throughout the realm, who is thought to
be no more devout towards Rome than for the contentation of her uncles.
[Cecil's suspicion was quite unfounded. Throughout her reign Mary
was always in correspondence with the Pope, to whom she appealed
for money to help her in her efforts for the restoration of
Catholicism in Scotland.]
Mary on the Treaty of Edinburgh.
_Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth_, January 5, 1562. _Keith's History_,
vol. ii. p. 134.
How prejudicial that Treaty is to such title and interest as by birth
and natural descent of your own lineage may fall to us, by very
inspection of the Treaty itself ye may easily perceive, and how
slenderly a matter of so great consequence is wrapped up in obscure
terms. We know how near we are descended of the blood of England, and
what devices have been attempted to make us, as it were, a stranger from
it. We trust, being so near your cousin, ye would be loth we should
receive so manifest an injury as all utterly to be debarred from that
title which in possibility may fall unto us.
_THE WAY TO INVERNESS_
1562.--Randolph's Account of the Huntly Rebellion.
_Randolph to Cecil from Old Aberdeen_, August 31, 1562. _Foreign
Calendar_, 1562.
The Queen in her progress is come to Old Aberdeen, where the university
is.... Her journey is cumbersome, painful, and marvellous long; the
weather extreme foul and cold, all victuals marvellous dear; and the
corn that is, never like to come to ripeness.
_Randolph to Cecil from Spynie, Morayshire_, September 18.
Within these eight or ten days the Queen arrived at Inverness, the
furthest part of her determined journey. She has had just cause for
misliking the Earl of Huntly of long time, whose extortions have been so
great, and other manifest tokens of disobedience such that it was no
longer to be borne. Intending to reform these, she has found in him and
his two eldest sons (the Lairds of Gordon and Findlater) open
disobedience so far that they have taken arms and kept houses against
her.
The first occasion hereof was this. The Laird of Findlater, being
commanded to ward in Edinburgh, broke prison; and being afterwards
summoned to the Assize at Aberdeen, disobeyed also a new command from
the Queen to enter himself prisoner in Stirling Castle. The Queen
thinking this to be done by the advice of his father, refused to come to
his house, she being looked and provided for. He, unadvisedly conceiving
the worst, took the worst way, and supported his sons to manifest
rebellion. At her arrival at Inverness on the 9th, she proposed to lodge
in the castle, which belongs to her, and the keeping only to the Earl of
Huntly, being Sheriff by inheritance of the whole shire, but was refused
entrance, and forced to lodge in the town. That night, the castle being
summoned, answer was given that without the Lord Gordon's command it
should not be delivered.
Next day the country assembled to the assistance of the Queen. The
Gordons, finding themselves not so well served by their friends as they
looked for (who had above 500 men), rendered the castle, not being
twelve or fourteen able persons. The captain was hanged, and his head
set up on the castle, others condemned to perpetual prison, and the rest
received mercy.
The Queen remained there five days, and now journeys homewards as far as
Spynie, a house of the Bishop of Moray.... The Earl of Huntly keeps his
house, and would have it thought that his disobedience came through the
evil behaviour of his sons. The Queen is highly offended....
_THE QUEEN'S COURAGE_
In all these broils I assure you I never saw her merrier, never
dismayed, nor never thought that so much[15] to be in her that I find.
She repented nothing, but (when the lords and others at Inverness came
in the morning from the watch) that she was not a man, to know what life
it was to lie all night in the fields, or to walk on the causeway with a
jack and knapsack, a Glasgow buckler, and a broad sword.
... His {Huntly's} house is fair, and best furnished of any ... in the
country; his cheer is marvellous great; his mind such as it ought to be
towards his Sovereign.
[The last sentence is _a propos_ of a visit made by Argyll and
Randolph to Huntly.]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[15] So the "Calendar," but Chalmers, in quoting, reads, probably
correctly, "stomach."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
_THE WATER OF SPEY_
_Randolph to Cecil, from Aberdeen_, September 24.
When he {Huntly} understood that the Queen had caused the captain of the
Castle of Inverness to be hanged, and committed the others to prison, he
thought there was no other way with him but to execute his former
determination or be utterly undone. Therefore he assembled such force as
he could make, and committed them to the care of his son, John Gordon,
purposing to have met the Queen at her return homeward at the water of
Spey, a place where good advantage might have been had. The Queen (being
advertised of their purpose), by the advice of her Council, assembled,
of those they call Highlandmen and other, above 2000, and so increased
as she rode that at the passage of the water they were above 3000. As
she rode forward diverse reports were brought ... some said that there
was not a man to be seen, which was nearest the truth, for when the
night before there were in that wood 1000 horse and foot, they had all
departed, whereof the Queen had advertisement before she came to the
Spey ... what desperate blows would not have been given, when every man
should have fought in the sight of so noble a Queen and so many fair
ladies ... your honour can easily judge.... That night (being Sunday)
the Queen came to a house of the Laird of Banke {Banff?} ... On Tuesday
last she arrived at Old Aberdeen, preparing herself against her entry
the next day into the new town, where she was honourably received with
spectacles, plays, interludes, and others as they could best devise....
They presented her with a cup of silver, double gilt, well wrought, with
500 crowns in it; wine, coals, and wax were sent in, as much as will
serve her while she remains here.
"_BE BLITHE AND BLISSFUL, ABERDENE_"
_Ibid. from Aberdeen_, September 30.
Since the Queen's arrival at Aberdeen they have consulted how to reform
this country. It was thought best to begin at the head, and that the
Earl of Huntly shall either submit himself and deliver up his
disobedient son, John Gordon, in whose name all these pageants have been
wrought, or utterly to use all force against him for the subverting of
his house for ever. For this purpose she remains here a good space, and
has levied 120 arquebusiers, and sent to Lothian and Fife for the Master
of Lindsay, Grange, and Ormiston. Her purpose is to take the two houses
held against her, for which purpose she has a cannon within sixteen
miles all ready, and other pieces there are in this town sufficient.
_Ibid. Maitland of Lethington to Cecil from Aberdeen_, October 1.
The Earl of Huntly will plead not guilty, and seems to charge the youth
and folly of his children with whatever is amiss. If any fault be his,
it may be thought to have proceeded from too great simplicity rather
than any craft or malice, especially by so many as have had experience
of how he has always been accustomed to deal.
_THE SKIRMISH AT CORRICHIE_
_Ibid. Randolph to Cecil from Aberdeen_, October 28.
Huntly having assembled 700 persons, marched towards Aberdeen to
apprehend the Queen and do with the rest at his will. She sent forth a
sufficient number against him before he came to the town, so that this
day the Earls of Murray, Athol, Morton, and 2000 others marched to the
place where he was encamped, about twelve miles from hence {viz.
Corrichie}, and environed him, so that after some defence he yielded
himself, as did John Gordon and another son named Adam Gordon, seventeen
years of age, who are brought into this town alive, but the Earl
himself, after he was taken, without either blow or strike, being set on
horseback before him that was his taker, suddenly falleth from his horse
stark dead, without word, that he ever spake, after that he was upon
horseback.
_Ibid. Randolph to Cecil from Aberdeen_, November 2.
After Huntly was brought into this town it was consulted what should be
done with his corpse. Some thought he should be buried, and nothing else
done; others that he should be beheaded; the last was that his bowels
should be taken out and the body reserved until Parliament, that there
he might be convicted of treason, in which mind they remain. John Gordon
confessed all and lays the fault on his father. He is not yet condemned,
but doubtless will not escape.
_EXECUTION OF SIR JOHN GORDON_
_Randolph to Cecil from Edinburgh_, November 18. _Keith's History_,
vol. ii. p. 175.
After the defeat of the Earl of Huntly consultation was had what should
become of his body; it was resolved that it should be kept till the
Parliament, that, according unto the order, judgment might be given
against him in the three estates. His son, John Gordon, within three
days after was beheaded in Aberdeen, and execution done upon certain
others that were taken at the same time.
_Lethington to Cecil from Dundee_, November 14. _Keith's History_,
vol. ii. p. 182.
I am sorry that the soil of my native country did ever produce so
unnatural a subject as the Earl of Huntly hath proved in the end against
his sovereign, being a princess so gentle and benign, and whose
behaviour hath been always such towards all her subjects, and every one
in particular, that wonder is it that any could be found so ungracious
as once to think evil against her.... I have heard it whispered that in
this late storm of yours {Elizabeth's illness} a device was intended
there to prefer some other in the succession to my mistress, which I
cannot think to be true, seeing none is more worthy for all respects,
nor hath so good a title. If her religion hath moved anything, seeing
her behaviour such toward these that be of the religion within her own
realm, yea, and the religion itself, which is a great deal more
increased since she came home than it was before, I see no reason why
those that be zealous of religion should suspect her.
_A GRUESOME SPECTACLE_
1563.--28th May. The Sentence on the Earl's Body.
_Rutland MSS. at Belvoir, quoted in the Marquess of Huntly's Annals
of Aboyne_, pp. 467-468.
The coffin was set upright, as if the Earl stood upon his feet, and upon
it a piece of good black cloth with his arms fast pinned. His accusation
being read, his proctor answering for him, as if himself had been alive,
the inquest was empanelled. The verdict was given that he was found
guilty, and judgment given thereupon as by the law is accustomed.
Immediately hereupon the good black cloth that hung over the coffin was
taken away, and in its place a worse hanged on, the arms torn in pieces
in sight of the people, and likewise struck out of the herald's book.
_GENTLE ENTREATMENT OF A STRANGER_
1563.--22nd February. The Death of Chatelar.
_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. pp. 367-369.
[Chatelar, a musician and poet, had been in the suite of d'Amville,
who accompanied Mary to Scotland. He addressed poems to the Queen,
who received them graciously, and replied to them. He went home
with his master, but returned to Scotland in 1562, and became one
of the Queen's favourite attendants.]
Amongst the minions of the court there was one named Monsieur Chatelar,
a Frenchman, that at that time passed all others in credit with the
Queen. In dancing of the Purpose (so term they that dance, in the which
man and woman talk secretly ...) in this dance, the Queen chose
Chatelar, and Chatelar took the Queen. Chatelar had the best dress. All
this winter, Chatelar was so familiar in the Queen's cabinet, early and
late, that scarcely could any of the nobility have access unto her. The
Queen would lie upon Chatelar's shoulder, and sometimes privily she
would steal a kiss of his neck. And all this was honest enough; for it
was the gentle entreatment of a stranger. But the familiarity was so
great, that upon a night, he privily did convoy himself under the
Queen's bed; but being espied, he was commanded away. The bruit {report}
arising, the Queen called the Earl of Murray, and bursting into a
womanly affection, charged him, that, as he loved her, he should slay
Chatelar, and let him never speak a word. The other at first made
promise so to do ... but returned and fell upon his knees before the
Queen and said: Madam, I beseech your Grace cause not me to take the
blood of this man upon me; your Grace has entreated him so familiarly
before, that you have offended all your nobility; and now, if he shall
be secretly slain at your own commandment, what shall the world judge of
it? I shall bring him to the presence of justice, and let him suffer by
law according to his deserving. "Oh," said the Queen, "you will never
let him speak." I shall do (said he), madam, what in me lieth to save
your honour.
_THE REWARD OF DANCING_
Poor Chatelar was brought back from Kinghorn to St. Andrews, examined,
put to an assize, and so beheaded, the 22nd day of February, 1563. He
begged license to write to France the cause of his death, which, said
he, in his tongue was, _Pour estre trouve en lieu trop suspect_; that
is, Because I was found in a place too much suspected. At the place of
execution, when he saw that there was no remedy but death, he made a
godly confession, and granted that his declining from the truth of God,
and following of vanity and impiety, was justly recompensed upon him.
But in the end he concluded, looking unto the heavens, with these words,
_O cruel dame!_ that is, cruel mistress! What that complaint imported,
lovers may divine. And so received Chatelar the reward of his dancing,
for he lost his head, that his tongue should not utter the secrets of
our Queen. _Deliver us, O Lord, from the rage of such inordinate
rulers._
The Famine of 1563.
_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. pp. 369-70.
The year of God 1563, there was an universal dearth in Scotland. But in
the northland, where, the harvest before, the Queen had travelled, there
was an extreme famine, in the which many died in that country. The
dearth was great over all, but the famine was principally there. The
boll of wheat gave six pounds; the boll of bere, six merks and a half;
the boll of meal, four merks; the boll of oats, fifty shillings; an ox
to draw in the plough, twenty merks; a wether, thirty shillings. And so
all things appertaining to the sustentation of man, in triple and more
exceeded their accustomed prices. And so did God, according to the
threatening of his law, punish the idolatry of our wicked Queen, and our
ingratitude, that suffered her to defile the land with that abomination
again, that God so potently had purged, by the power of his word. For
the riotous feasting, and excessive banqueting, used in Court and
country, wheresoever that wicked woman repaired, provoked God to strike
the staff of bread, and to give his malediction upon the fruits of the
earth. But, O alas! who looked, or yet looks to this very cause of all
our calamities.
_STINKING PRIDE OF WOMEN_
1563.--The Meeting of Parliament.
_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. p. 381.
Such stinking pride of women, as was seen at that Parliament, was never
seen before in Scotland. Three sundry days, the Queen rode to the
Tolbooth; the first day, she made a painted oration, and there might
have been heard amongst her flatterers, "_Vox Dianae_, the Voice of a
Goddess (for it could not be Dei) and not of a woman. God save that
sweet face. Was there ever Orator spake so properly and so sweetly?"
All things misliking the Preacher, they spake boldly against the
targetting of their taillies {_i.e._ the adornment of their robes with
tassels}, and against the rest of their vanity, which they affirmed
should provoke God's vengeance, not only against these foolish women,
but against the whole realm.... Articles were presented, for orders to
be taken for apparel, and for reformation of other enormities; but all
was winked at.
_KNOX'S INTERVIEWS WITH THE QUEEN_
1563.--May or June. Knox and the Queen.
_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. p. 386.
[John Knox had five interviews with the Queen, which are recorded
in his "History." Soon after Mary's arrival in Scotland, she sent
for Knox, and they discussed the religious controversy and Knox's
"Blast against the monstrous Regiment of Women," in which he had
inveighed against female rule. In the spring of 1562, the Queen
sent for Knox, who had preached a sermon from the text, "And now,
understand, O ye kings, and be learned, ye that judge the earth."
The Reformer gave a _resume_ of his sermon, and informed the Queen
that he considered her uncles "enemies unto God," and that "for
maintenance of their own pomp and worldly glory, they spare not to
spill the blood of many innocents." The third occasion was about a
year later, at Lochleven, when the thesis was the rights of
subjects to rebel, and ended with the threat, "Now, Madam, if ye
shall deny your duty unto them, who especially crave, that ye
punish malefactors, think ye to receive full obedience of them? I
fear, Madam, ye shall not." The malefactors in question were
recusant Roman Catholics. "Herewith she being somewhat offended,
passed to her supper." The interview was resumed in the morning,
but the conversation was more amicable, Mary asking Knox's help in
reconciling the Earl of Argyle to his wife, who was the Queen's
half-sister. The fourth discussion, quoted below, was _a propos_ of
the proposals for Mary's marriage, which were the main political
theme of the year 1563. Knox had denounced any marriage with a
Roman Catholic. In December of the same year, the Queen and the
Reformer met again, Knox undergoing a judicial examination on a
charge which amounted to incitement to rebel. He defended himself
by a homily upon "the insatiable cruelty of the Papists," and was
found innocent by the Council.]
The Provost of Glencludan, Douglas by surname, of Drumlanark, was the
man that gave the charge, that the said John should present himself
before the Queen, which he did soon after dinner. The Lord Ochiltree,
and divers of the faithful, bare him company to the Abbey; but none
passed in to the Queen with him in the cabinet, but John Erskine of Dun,
then superintendent of Angus and Mearns.
_WOMANLY WEEPING_
The Queen in a vehement fume began to cry out, that never Prince was
used as she was. "I have (said she) borne with you in all your rigorous
manner of speaking, both against myself and against my uncles; yea, I
have sought your favour by all possible means; I offered unto you
presence and audience, whensoever it pleased you to admonish me, and yet
I cannot be quit of you; I vow to God I shall be once revenged." And
with these words scarce could Marnoch, her secret chamber boy, get
napkins to hold her eyes dry, for the tears and the howling, besides
womanly weeping, stayed her speech. The said John did patiently abide
all the first fume, and at opportunity answered, "True it is, Madam,
your Grace and I have been at divers controversies, into the which I
never perceived your Grace to be offended at me; but when it shall
please God to deliver you from that bondage of darkness and error,
wherein ye have been nourished, for the lack of true Doctrine, your
Majesty will find the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive. Without
the Preaching-place (Madam) I think few have occasion to be offended at
me, and there (Madam) I am not master of myself, but must obey him who
commands me to speak plain, and to flatter no flesh upon the face of the
earth...." "But what have you to do (said she) with my marriage? Or,
what are you within the Commonwealth?"
_A MEEK AND GENTLE SPIRIT_
"A subject born within the same (said he) Madam; and albeit I be neither
Earl, Lord, nor Baron within it, yet hath God made me (how abject that
ever I be in your eyes) a profitable and useful member within the same;
yea, Madam, to me it appertaineth no less, to forewarn of such things as
may hurt it, if I foresee them, than it doth to any one of the nobility;
for both my vocation and conscience craveth plainness of me; and
therefore (Madam) to yourself I say, that which I spake in public,
whensoever the nobility of this realm shall be content, and consent,
that you be subject to an unlawful husband, they do as much as in them
lieth to renounce Christ, to banish the Truth, to betray the freedom of
this realm, and perchance shall in the end do small comfort to
yourself."
_INORDINATE PASSION_
At these words, howling was heard, and tears might have been seen in
greater abundance than the matter required. John Erskine of Dun, a man
of meek and gentle spirit, stood beside, and entreated what he could to
mitigate her anger, and gave unto her many pleasant words, of her
beauty, of her excellency; and how that all the princes in Europe would
be glad to seek her favours. But all that was to cast oil into the
flaming fire. The said John stood still, without any alteration of
countenance, for a long time, while that the Queen gave place to her
inordinate passion; and in the end he said, "Madam, in God's presence I
speak, I never delighted in the weeping of any of God's creatures; yea,
I can scarcely well abide the tears of mine own boys, whom my own hands
correct, much less can I rejoice in your Majesty's weeping; But seeing I
have offered unto you no just occasion to be offended, but have spoken
the truth, as my vocation craves of me, I must sustain your Majesty's
tears, rather than I dare hurt my conscience, or betray the Commonwealth
by silence." Herewith was the Queen more offended, and commanded the
said John to pass forth of the cabinet, and to abide further of her
pleasure in the chamber.
_FY UPON THAT KNAVE, DEATH_
The Laird of Dun tarried, and Lord John of Coldingham came into the
cabinet, and so they remained with her near the space of one hour. The
said John stood in the chamber, as one whom men had never seen (so were
all afraid), except that the Lord Ochiltree bare him company; and
therefore he began to make discourse with the ladies, who were there
sitting in all their gorgeous apparel; which when he espied, he merrily
said: "Fair Ladies, how pleasant were this life of yours, if it should
ever abide; and then in the end, that we might pass to Heaven with this
gay gear {clothing}! But fy upon that knave Death, that will come
whether we will or not; and when he hath laid on his arrest, then foul
worms will be busy with this flesh, be it never so fair and so tender;
and the silly {weak} soul I fear shall be so feeble, that it can neither
carry with it gold, garnishing, targating {tassels}, pearls, nor
precious stones." And by such means procured he the company of women,
and so passed the time till that the Laird of Dun willed him to depart
to his house till new advertisement.
The Queen would have had the sentiment of the Lords of the Articles if
that such manner of speaking deserved not punishment. But she was
counselled to desist; and so that storm quieted in appearance, but never
in the heart.
Mary's Second Marriage.
[The problem of Mary's marriage was one of great difficulty.
Allusions to it occur in diplomatic correspondence immediately
after the death of Francis II., and it was constantly in men's
minds. The Scottish preachers and the Protestant nobles objected to
a union with a Roman Catholic prince (_cf. supra_, p. 40).
Catherine de Medici, who was at the head of affairs in France,
opposed the projected match with Don Carlos of Spain (p. 43).
Elizabeth of England found a difficulty in every proposal, and was
especially afraid of the union of Scotland with a foreign power. As
early as the spring of 1561 Throckmorton warned Elizabeth that, if
she wished to prevent such a union, "she should make a party in
Scotland by entertaining a good number of the best there, that all
Princes, perceiving her to have a great party in that realm, would
not greatly seek upon a country so much at her devotion" (_Foreign_
_Calendar_, March 31, 1561). The following extracts indicate the
course of the controversy, and aim at presenting a connected survey
of the negotiations.]
_PERFECT NEIGHBOURHOOD_
_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, December 17, 1561. _Keith's
History_, vol. ii. p. 124.
When any purpose falleth in of marriage, she saith that she will none
other husband but the Queen of England. He is right near about her that
hath oftentimes heard her speak it. I desire that it may be in perfect
neighbourhood, since it cannot be in perfect marriage.
1563.--August 20. Instructions for Randolph.
_Foreign Calendar._
He shall always rest upon this argument, that neither Elizabeth nor
England ... can think any mighty Prince a meet husband for her, to
continue the amity that now is with this realm.
_Smith to the English Privy Council, from Paris_, October 13, 1563.
_Foreign Calendar._
They {Catherine de Medici and the Constable of France} hold King Philip
a suspect neighbour. But they most mislike the Spanish marriage with the
Queen of Scots, which they hold to be concluded unto by the said Queen,
taking it to be prejudicial to England and consequently to them.
_DUDLEY OR DARNLEY_
[The anxiety about her marriage was supposed to be the cause of an
illness from which Mary suffered, in the end of 1563. On December
13 Randolph wrote to Cecil that she "kept her bed, being somewhat
diseased of overmuch travail she took a night or two before,
dancing to celebrate her nativity. But," he adds, "for two months
the Queen has been divers times in great melancholies. Her grief is
marvellous secret. She is not well, and weeps when there is little
appearance of occasion." Eight days later, he mentions that "the
Queen's illness daily increaseth. Her pain is in her right side....
Some think that the cause of the Queen's sickness is that she
utterly despairs of the marriage of any of those she looked for, as
well that neither they abroad are very hasty, nor her subjects at
home very willing those ways." On the 31st he had an interview with
her "in her chamber, beside ladies and gentlemen, herself in bed."
He told her that Elizabeth "could in no point alter her former
advice, which was that it could not be expedient for her country,
nor fit for herself, to match in any of those houses, when
appearance is that dissension may grow, and enmity to be nourished,
as before time has been." Mary summoned the Earl of Argyll, and
told him that Randolph would have her marry in England. He asked if
"the Queen of England were become a man?" "Who is there in that
country (said she) to whom he {Argyll} would wish her?" He said,
"To whom she could like best." "That would not please the Duke" {of
Chatelherault}, said she. "If it please God, and is good for the
country," said he, "what reck who were displeased?" (_Foreign
Calendar_, December 13, 21, and 31, 1563). Leicester was the
husband suggested by Queen Elizabeth, and, during 1564, it became
evident that either he or Darnley would be the Queen's choice.]
_RETURN OF LENNOX_
_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, March 20, 1564. _Foreign
Calendar._
What troubles have risen in this country for religion, your Honour
knoweth. All things are now grown into such a liberty, and her Grace
taken unto herself such a will to do therein what she list, that of
late, contrary to her own ordinances, as great numbers have repaired to
her chapel to hear mass, as sometimes come to the common churches to the
sermon. To have her mind altered for this freedom, that she desireth to
have all men live as they like, she can hardly be brought, and thinketh
it too great a subjection for her, being a prince in her own country, to
have her will broken therein. The subjects who desire to live in the
true fear and worshipping of God, offer rather their lives again to be
sacrificed, than that they would suffer such abomination, yea, almost
permit herself to enjoy her mass, which is now more plainly and openly
spoken against by the preachers, than ever was the Pope of Rome....
Above all the rest, this is it that is feared that will be the breach of
all good accord and quietness of this estate, though the rest be borne
with, that is, if she match herself with a Papist, by whom she may be
fortified to her intent.
_Kirkaldy of Grange to Randolph, from St. Johnston's_ {_Perth_},
April 30, 1564. _Laing's Knox_, vol. vi. p. 539.
The Earl of Lennox will obtain license to come home and speak with the
Queen. Her meaning therein is not known, but some suspects she will at
length be persuaded to favour his son.
[The Earl of Lennox had entered into negotiations with Henry VIII.,
in 1544, to deliver over to England certain Scottish castles, and
to promote the marriage of Mary to Prince Edward. Sentence of
forfeiture was passed against him by the Scottish Parliament on 1st
October 1545. His treachery had received its reward in the shape of
an alliance with Margaret, daughter of the Earl of Angus and
Margaret Tudor, widow of James IV. (_cf._ Table, App. A.). Their
eldest son was Lord Darnley.]
_KNOX SUSPICIOUS_
_Knox to Randolph, from Edinburgh_, May 3, 1564. _Laing's Knox_,
vol. vi., p. 541.
The Earl of Lennox's servant is familiar in Court, and it is supposed
that it is not without knowledge, yea, and labour, of your Court. Some
in the country look for the lady {Queen Mary} and the young Earl
{Darnley} ere it be long. It is whispered to me that licence is all
ready procured for their {Lennox and Darnley's} hithercoming. God's
providence is inscrutable to man, before the issue of such things as are
kept close for a season in his counsel. But, to be plain with you, that
journey and progress I like not.
Queen Elizabeth and Sir James Melville.
[Sir James Melville was sent as ambassador from the Queen of Scots
to the Queen of England to advance negotiations for Mary's
marriage, and to discover, if possible, Elizabeth's real meaning.]
September 28, 1564. _Melville's Memoirs_, pp. 115-128.
(_Bannatyne Club._)
The next morning Master Lattoun and Master Randolph, late agent for the
Queen of England in Scotland, came to my lodging to convoy me to her
Majesty, who was, as they said, already in the garden.... I found her
Majesty pacing in an alley.
_YONDER LONG LAD_
_MELVILLE'S OPINION OF DARNLEY_
... She inquired if the Queen had sent any answer anent the proposition
of a marriage made to her by Master Randolph. I answered, as I was
instructed, that the Queen thought little or nothing thereof, but looked
for the meeting of some Commissioners upon the borders, with my Lord of
Murray and the secretary, Lethington, to confer and treat upon all such
matters of greatest importance.... So seeing that your Majesties cannot
so soon find the opportunity of meeting, so much desired between
yourselves ... the Queen, my mistress ... is in hope that your Majesty
will send my Lord of Bedford and my Lord Robert Dudley. She said that it
appeared that I made but small account of my Lord Robert, seeing that I
named the Earl of Bedford before him; but, or it were long, she should
make him a greater earl, and that I should see it done before my
returning home; for she esteemed him as her brother and best friend,
whom she should have married herself, if ever she had been minded to
take a husband.... And to cause the Queen, my mistress, to think the
more of him, I was required to stay till I had seen him made Earl of
Leicester and Baron of Denbigh, with great solemnity at Westminster,
herself helping to put on his ceremonial, he sitting upon his knees
before her, keeping a great gravity and discreet behaviour. But she
could not refrain from putting her hand in his neck to kittle {tickle}
him smilingly, the French Ambassador and I standing beside her. Then she
asked me how I liked of him. I said, as he was a worthy subject, he was
happy that had encountered a princess that could discern and reward good
service. "Yet," she said, "ye like better of yonder long lad," pointing
towards my Lord Darnley, who, as nearest prince of the blood, bore the
sword of honour that day before her. My answer again was, that no woman
of spirit could make choice of such a man, that was liker a woman than a
man; for he was very lusty, beardless, and lady-faced. I had no will
that she should think that I liked of him, or had any eye or dealing
that way: albeit I had a secret charge to deal with his mother, my Lady
Lennox, to purchase leave for him to pass in Scotland, where his father
was already, that he might see the country and convoy the Earl, his
father, back again to England.
_YE MAY NOT SUFFER A COMMANDER_
Now the said Queen was determined to treat with the Queen, my sovereign,
first anent her marriage with the Earl of Leicester, and for that effect
promised to send commissioners unto the borders. In the meantime I was
favourably and familiarly used; for during nine days that I remained at
Court, her Majesty pleased to confer with me every day, and sometimes
thrice upon a day, to wit, afore noon, after noon, and after supper.
Sometimes she would say, that since she could not meet with the Queen,
her good sister herself, to confer familiarly with her, that she should
open a good part of her inward mind unto me, that I might show it again
unto the Queen; and said that she was not so offended at the Queen's
angry letter as for that she seemed to disdain so far the marriage with
my Lord of Leicester, which she had caused Master Randolph propose unto
her. I said that it might be he had teached something thereof to my Lord
of Murray and Lethington, but that he had not proposed the matter
directly unto herself; and that as well her Majesty, as they that were
her most familiar counsellors, could conjecture nothing thereupon but
delays and drifting of time, anent the declaring of her to be the second
person {_i.e._, the next in succession to the throne of England} which
would try at the meeting of commissioners above specified. She said
again that the trial and declaration thereof would be hasted forward,
according to the Queen's good behaviour, and applying to her
{Elizabeth's} pleasure and advice in her marriage; and seeing the matter
concerning the said declaration was so weighty, she had ordained some of
the best lawyers in England diligently to search out who had the best
right, which she would wish should be her dear sister rather than any
other. I said I was assured that her Majesty {Mary} was both out of
doubt hereof, and would rather she should be declared than any other....
She said that she was never minded to marry, except she were compelled
by the Queen, her sister's, hard behaviour towards her, in doing by
{beyond} her counsel, as said is. I said: "Madam, ye need not tell me
that; I know your stately stomach; ye think if ye were married, ye would
be but Queen of England, and now ye are King and Queen both; ye may not
suffer a commander."
_A COURTIER'S REPLIES_
She appeared to be so affectioned to the Queen her good sister, that she
had a great desire to see her: and because their desired meeting could
not be hastily brought to pass, she delighted oft to look upon her
picture, and took me in to her bed chamber, and opened a little lettroun
{cabinet} wherein were divers little pictures wrapped within paper, and
written upon the paper, their names with her own hand. Upon the first
that she took up was written, "My lord's picture." I held the candle and
pressed to see my lord's {Leicester's} picture. Albeit she was loth to
let me see it, at length I by importunity obtained the sight thereof,
and asked the same to carry home with me unto the Queen, which she
refused, alleging she had but that one of his. I said again, that she
had the principal; for he was at the furthest part of the chamber
speaking with the secretary Cecil. Then she took out the Queen's picture
and kissed it; and I kissed her hand for the great love I saw she bore
to the Queen.... ... Her {Elizabeth's} hair was redder than yellow,
curled apparently of nature. Then she entered to discern what colour of
hair was reported best, and inquired whether the Queen's or her's was
best, and which of them two was fairest. I said, the fairness of them
both was not their worst faults. But she was earnest with me to declare
which of them I thought fairest. I said, she was the fairest Queen in
England, and ours the fairest Queen in Scotland. Yet she was earnest. I
said they were both the fairest ladies of their courts, and that the
Queen of England was whiter, but our Queen very lovesome. She inquired
which of them was of highest stature. I said, our Queen. Then she said
the Queen was over high, and that herself was neither over high or over
low. Then she asked what sort of exercises she used. I said, that I was
dispatched out of Scotland, that the Queen was but new come back from
the highland hunting; and when she had leisure from the affairs of her
company, she read upon good books, the histories of divers countries,
and sometimes would play upon lute and virginals. She sperit {asked} if
she played well. I said, reasonably for a Queen.
_A CONSEQUENCE OF FRENCH TRAINING_
_NO PLAIN DEALING OR UPRIGHT MEANING_
The same day after dinner, my Lord of Hunsden {Huntingdon} drew me up to
a quiet gallery that I might hear some music, but he said he durst not
avow it, where I might hear the Queen play upon the virginals. But after
I had hearkened a while, I took by the tapestry that hung before the
door of the chamber, and seeing her back was toward the door, I entered
within the chamber and stood still at the door post, and heard her play
excellently well; but she left off so soon as she turned her about and
saw me, and came forwards seeming to strike me with her left hand, and
to think shame; alleging that she used not to play before men, but when
she was solitary her alone, to eschew melancholy; and askit how I came
there. I said, as I was walking with my Lord of Hunsden, as we passed by
the chamber door, I heard such melody, which ravished and drew me within
the chamber I wist not how; excusing my fault of homeliness, as being
brought up in the Court of France, and was now willing to suffer what
kind of punishment would please her lay upon me for my offence. Then she
sat down low upon a cushion, and I upon my knee beside her; but she gave
me a cushion with her own hand to lay under my knee, which I refused,
but she compelled me; and called for my lady Stafford out of the next
chamber, for she was alone there. Then she asked whether the Queen or
she played best. In that I gave her the praise.... She inquired at me
whether she or the Queen danced best. I said, the Queen danced not so
high or disposedly as she did. Then again she wished that she might see
the Queen at some convenient place of meeting. I offered to convey her
secretly in {to} Scotland by post, clothed like a page disguised, that
she might see the Queen: as King James the 5 passed in France disguised,
with his own ambassador, to see the Duc of Vendome's sister that should
have been his wife; and how that her chamber should be kept, as though
she were sick, in the meantime, and none to be privy thereto but my Lady
Stafford, and one of the grooms of her chamber. She said, Alas! if she
might do it: and seemed to like well such kind of language, and used all
the means she could to cause me persuade the Queen of the great love
that she bore unto her.... My Lord of Leicester began to purge himself
of so proud a pretence as to marry so great a Queen, esteeming himself
not worthy to deicht her shone {clean her shoes}; alleging the invention
of that proposition to have proceeded of Master Cecil his secret enemy.
"For if I should," said he, "have seemed to desire that marriage, I
should have lost the favour of both the Queens," praying me till excuse
him unto the Queen.... At my homecoming I found the Queen's Majesty
still in Edinburgh ... she inquired whether I thought that Queen meant
truly towards her as well inwardly in her heart as she appeared to do
outwardly by her speech. I said, in my judgment, that there was neither
plain dealing nor upright meaning, but great dissimulation, emulation
and fear that her princely qualities should over soon chase her out, and
displace her from the kingdom; as having already hindered her {Mary's}
marriage with the Archduke Charles of Austria, and now offering unto her
my Lord of Leicester, whom she would be as loth as then to want. Then
the Queen gave me her hand, that she should never marry the new-made
earl; albeit shortly while after, my Lord of Murray and Bedford met
beside Berwick to treat upon the marriage with Leicester.... The Queen
of England began to fear and suspect that the said marriage might
perchance take effect. And therefore my Lord Darnley obtained the
rather, license to come into Scotland, who was a lusty youth, in hope
that he should prevail being present before Leicester that was absent.
Which license was obtained of the means of the secretary Cecil; not that
he was minded that any of the marriages should take effect, but with
such shifts and practices to hold the Queen unmarried so long as he
could.
_THE NEW-MADE EARL_
_Randolph to Cecil from Edinburgh. Foreign Calendar._ December 15, 1564.
This parliament, being only assembled for restoring Lennox, began upon
Monday, and ended the Saturday after. The third day the Queen came to
the house, when she had an oration of her affection towards her subjects
and the weal of her country, which moved her to show her favour towards
Lennox, to restore him to his country, the rather for the suit of the
Queen of England, whose desire to her was of no small moment, which
words were duly rehearsed....
_MURRAY, LETHINGTON, AND CECIL_
[The next development in the situation took the form of a
correspondence between Murray and Lethington, and Cecil, on
December 4, 1564. Randolph wrote to Cecil "that Murray and
Lethington had concluded that amity with England is fittest," and
added, "No man will be more acceptable to the people than the Lord
Robert. There has been more thought of Lord Darnley before his
father's coming than is at present. The mother more feared a great
deal than beloved." The two Scottish lords had already written to
Cecil, who replied on the 16th, informing them that Elizabeth would
never consent to their request, the establishment of Mary's "title
to be declared by Parliament in the second place to the Queen," but
"promising that she will cause inquisition to be made of their
Sovereign's right; and as far as shall stand with justice and her
own surety, she will abase such titles as shall be proved unjust
and prejudicial to her sister's interest;" and giving them warning.
"Let there not be found any intention to compass ... a kingdom and
a crown, which, if it be sought for, may be sooner lost than got,
and not being craved may be as soon offered as reason can require."
To this Murray and Lethington replied on the 24th, asking what
Cecil meant by the words "as shall stand with justice and her own
surety," for they "never meant anything prejudicial to the surety
of Queen Elizabeth;" stating that if Elizabeth "will nowise
establish the succession of her crown," the Leicester project must
fall to the ground; and urging Cecil to secrecy, for if it were
discovered that they had "meddled without her Majesty's knowledge,
the opening thereof" would be the ruin of them both. (Foreign
Calendar, 14th, 16th, and 24th December 1564.) This episode is of
importance in connection with Mary's subsequent attitude to the
Darnley marriage.]
_QUEEN MARY'S MERRY CONCEITS_
Queen Mary and Randolph.
_Randolph to Queen Elizabeth, from Edinburgh_, February 5, 1565.
_Chalmers's Queen Mary_, vol. ii. pp. 123-127.
"_IT LIETH IN YOUR MISTRESS'S WILL_"
Her grace lodged in a merchant's house; her train were very few; and
there was small repair from any part. Her will was, that for the time
that I did tarry, I should dine and sup with her. Your Majesty was
oftentimes dranken unto, by her, at dinners and suppers. Having, in this
sort, continued with her grace, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, I thought
it time to take occasion to utter unto her grace, that which last I
received in command, from your Majesty, by Mr. Secretary's letter, which
was to know her grace's resolution touching those matters propounded, at
Berwick, by my Lord of Bedford, and me, to my Lord of Murray and Lord of
Lethington. I had no sooner spoken these words, but she saith, "I see
now well that you are weary of this company and treatment. I sent for
you to be merry and to see how like a Bourgeois-wife I live, with my
little troop; and you will interrupt our pastime, with your great and
grave matters. I pray you, Sir, if you be weary here, return home to
Edinburgh, and keep your gravity and great ambassage until the Queen
come thither; for I assure you, you shall not get her here, nor I know
not myself where she is become. You see neither cloth of estate, nor
such appearances, that you may think that there is a Queen here; nor I
would not that you should think that I am she, at St. Andrews, that I
was at Edinburgh." I said that I was very sorry for that, for that at
Edinburgh, she said that she did love my mistress, the Queen's majesty,
better than any other, and now I marvelled how her mind was altered. It
pleased her at this to be very merry, and called me by more names than
were given me in my christendom. At these merry conceits much good sport
was made. "But well, Sir," saith she, "that which then I spoke in words
shall be confirmed in writing.... You know how willing I am to follow
her advice ... and yet I can find in her no resolution nor
determination. For nothing, I cannot be bound unto her ... and
therefore, this I say, and trust me I mean it, if your mistress will, as
she hath said, use me as her natural born sister or daughter, I will
take myself either as one or the other as she please, and will show no
less readiness to oblige her, and honour her, than my mother, or eldest
sister; but, if she will repute me always but as her neighbour Queen of
Scots, how willing soever I be to live in amity and to maintain peace,
yet she must not look for that at my hands, that otherwise I would, or
she desireth." ... I requested her Grace, humbly ... to let her mind be
known, how well she liked of the suit of my Lord Robert, Earl of
Leicester, that might be able somewhat to say or write touching that
matter, unto your Majesty. "My mind towards him is such as it ought to
be of a very noble man, as I hear say by very many, and such one as the
Queen, your mistress, my good sister, doth so well like to be her
husband, if he were not her subject, ought not to mislike me to be mine.
Marry, what I shall do, it lieth in your mistress's will, who shall
wholly guide me and rule me." I made myself not well to understand these
words, because I would have the better hold of them. She repeated the
self same words again.