SECTION III

FROM THE DARNLEY MARRIAGE TO THE RIZZIO MURDER

_CONTENTS_

1. The Darnley marriage and the Earl of Murray's rebellion.

(_a_) Melville's account of the progress of events from Mary's

first meeting with Darnley to Elizabeth's reception of Murray

(February to October).

(_b_) Randolph's account of the allegations regarding the rival

conspiracies.

(_c_) The Proclamation to allay disquiet regarding the Queen's

marriage with a Catholic.

(_d_) Randolph's letter to Leicester describing the marriage, and

the relations between the bride and bridegroom.

(_e_) Cecil's account of the Murray trouble.

(_f_) The Privy Council warrant against Murray.

(_g_) Knox's account of Elizabeth's interview with Murray.

2. Mary's relations with Darnley and the Rizzio murder.

(_a_) Diplomatic references to the ill-will between the Queen and

her husband, with an incidental account of the Holy League.

(_b_) Bedford and Randolph's letter to Cecil foretelling the Rizzio

plot.

(_c_) Agreements between Darnley and the conspirators.

(_d_) Mary's own description of the murder of Rizzio.

_DARNLEY'S COURTSHIP_

1563.--Feb. 17-Oct. 23. The Darnley Marriage and the Murray Rebellion.

_Melville's Memoirs_, p. 134.

[It was now becoming evident that Mary was to marry Lord Darnley.

Her resolution gave great offence, not only to Queen Elizabeth, but

to the Earl of Murray, and some other Scottish nobles, who raised a

rebellion, commonly called the "Run about Chase." The matter is

somewhat mysterious; there are, as the reader will observe,

allegations of two conspiracies--one against Murray by Darnley, and

another against Mary and Darnley by Murray. The evidence is not

decisive.]

_THE RUN-ABOUT RAID_

_UNWORTHY TRAITORS_

I have said already how that my Lord Darnley was advised to suit license

to come into Scotland, who at his first coming found the Queen in the

Wemyss, making her progress through Fife. Her Majesty took well with

him, and said that he was the lustiest and best proportioned long {tall}

man that she had seen, for he was of high stature, long and small, even

and upright; well instructed from his youth in all honest and comely

exercises. And after he had hanted {frequented} a while in Court, he

proposed marriage to her Majesty; which she took in evil part at the

first, as she told me that same day herself, and how she had refused the

ring which he then offered unto her, when I took occasion, as I had

begun, to speak in his favour, that their marriage would put out of

doubt their title to the succession. I cannot tell how he fell in

acquaintance with Seigneur David {Rizzio}, but he also was his great

friend at the Queen's hand; so that her Majesty took aye the longer the

better liking of him, and at length determined to marry him. Which being

known unto Queen Elizabeth, she sent and charged him to return; and also

sent her ambassador, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, into Scotland, both to

dissuade the Queen to marry him, and in case the Queen would not follow

her advice in her marriage, to persuade the lords and so many as were of

her religion to withstand the said marriage, unless the Lord Darnley

would promise and subscribe to abide at the religion reformed, which he

had plainly professed in England. The Queen again perceiving the Queen

of England's earnest opposition to all the marriages that were offered

unto her, thought not meet to delay any longer her marriage. But my Lord

Duke of Chatelherault, my Lords of Argyll, Murray, Glencairn, Rothes,

and divers others, lords and barons, withstood the said marriage; who

after they had made a mind to take the Lord Darnley, in the Queen's

company, at the raid of Beath, and to have sent him into England, as

they alleged--I wot not what was in their mind, but it was an

evil-favoured enterprize, wherein the Queen was in great danger other

than {that of} keeping or heartbreaking; and as they that had failed of

their foolish enterprize, took on plainly their arms of rebellion, her

Majesty again convened forces against them, and chased them here and

there till at length they were compelled to flee into England for

refuge, to her that had promised by her ambassadors to wear her crown in

their defence, in case they were driven to any strait for their

opposition unto the said marriage. Which was all denied at their coming

to seek help; and when they sent up my Lord of Murray to that Queen, the

rest abiding at Newcastle, he could obtain nothing but disdain and

scorn; till at length he and the Abbot of Kilwinning, his companion in

that message, were persuaded to come and confess unto the Queen upon

their knees, and that in presence of the ambassadors of France and

Spain, that her Majesty had never moved them to that opposition and

resistance against their Queen's marriage.... Unto my Lord of Murray and

his marrow {comrade} she said, "Now you have told the truth; for I nor

none in my name stirred you up against your Queen; for your abominable

treason might serve for example, to move my own subjects to rebel

against me. Therefore pack you out of my presence; ye are but unworthy

traitors."

1565.--April 29. Mary's Festivities.

_Randolph to Cecil. Foreign Calendar_, 1565.

Greater triumphs there never were in time of Popery than were this

Easter at the resurrection and at her high mass. Organs were wont to be

the common music. She wanted now neither trumpet, drum, nor fife,

bagpipe nor tabor.... Upon Monday she and divers of her women apparelled

themselves like burgesses' wives, went upon their feet up and down the

town, and of every man they met they took some pledge for money towards

the banquet; and in the lodging where the writer was accustomed to lodge

was the dinner prepared, at which she was herself, with the wonder and

gazing of men, women, and children.

[This celebration of Easter is important as being a factor in the

growth of Protestant dislike of the Darnley marriage.]

_"LESS COMFORT" FOR QUEEN MARY_

_Randolph to Cecil from Edinburgh_, July 2, 1565 {_date of

end of letter_}. _Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 300.

I wrote that there was a convention appointed at St. Johnstone {Perth}

the 22nd of this instant {_i.e._ June}, to which there were specially

named these, the Duke, Earls Argyll, Murray, Morton, and Glencairn; only

Morton came; the other some tarried at their houses, as the Duke, and

Earl of Murray; other as Argyll and Glencairn came to Edinburgh the 24th

to the Convention {General Assembly} of the Protestants there. With this

her Grace is greatly offended, and layeth the whole fault hereof to the

Earl of Murray and Argyll, which both had come to St. Johnstone, but

that my Lord of Murray was assuredly advertised that it was intended

that he should be slain there.... With my Lord of Murray I have lately

spoken; he is grieved to see these extreme follies in his sovereign; he

lamenteth the state of this country that tendeth to utter ruin; he

feareth that the nobility shall be forced to assemble themselves

together, to do her honour and reverence as they are in duty bound, but

to provide for the State that it do not utterly perish.... The Duke, the

Earl of Argyll, and he concur in this device; many other are like to

join with them in the same; what will ensue let wise men judge.... The

less comfort that this Queen be put in, that the Queen's majesty will

allow of her doings, the sooner shall her Majesty bring that to pass

here that she most desireth, and more at her Majesty's devotion than at

this time she hath, there were never in Scotland. Some that already have

heard of my Ladie's Grace {Lady Lennox's} imprisonment like very well

thereof, and wish to the father and son to keep her company. The

question hath been asked me. Whether if they were delivered us into

Berwick, we would receive them? I answered that we could nor would not

refuse our own, in what sort soever they come unto us.

_A HASTY RIDE_

_Randolph to Cecil from Edinburgh_, July 4. _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 309.

Upon Saturday her Grace came ... to St. Johnston, where word was brought

her that the Earl of Argyll and Earl of Murray had assembled many of

their friends and servants, and intended to take her and the Lord

Darnley riding between that town and the Lord of Livingstone's house,

and to have carried the Queen's Grace to St. Andrews, and the Lord

Darnley to Castle Campbell, a house of the Earl of Argyll.... She took

her horse by five of the clock in the morning, and rode with great

speed, having only three women in her train, until she came to the

Queen's Ferry, passing through a little town called Kinross, hard by

Lochleven, where my Lord of Murray was in a house in the loch with his

mother and the Laird of Lochleven, his brother, with a small number of

his servants, having been sick of a flux not four days before, intending

for all that to have met the Queen, and to have convoyed her as far as

her Grace would give him leave; but hearing that her Grace was past that

town three or four hours before that he looked for her, he remained

still and went not forth....

_A REQUEST FOR MONEY_

They {the two Earls} think it time to put to that remedy they can; they

depend greatly upon the comfort received from the Queen's majesty our

sovereign; they know that it as well tendeth to her Majesty's surety for

that which may ensure as the present hurt and danger to themselves.

Wherefore, having considered her Majesty's friendly and godly offer to

concur with them, and to assist them, ... as from subjects that see how

far the Sovereign is led by unadvised persons, from her duty to God, and

care that she ought to have of the weal of her country, they most humbly

desire the performance of her Majesty's promise.... They are loth so far

to charge her Majesty as to desire any number of men to take their part,

but that it will only please her Majesty to help them with such sums of

money as for a time may be able to keep themselves together, be it that

they determine to be wheresoever the Queen's self is, or to remain in

Edinburgh, where they may best put order unto all those grievous

enormities.... They think that if her Majesty would bestow only three

thousand pounds sterling for this year, except some foreign force shall

be brought in against them.

_Acts of the Privy Council of Scotland_, July 12, 1565.

For as much as divers evil disposed persons ... wickedly and ungodly

have pretended by untrue reports ... that her Majesty had begun or

intended to impede, stay, or molest any of them in using of their

religion and conscience freely ... ordains letters to be direct to

officers of the Queen's Sheriff in that part {respect}, charging them to

pass to the market crosses of all burghs of this realm, and other places

needful, and there, by open proclamation, make publication of this her

Majesty's mind and meaning; certifying and assuring all her good

subjects, that as they, nor none of them, have hitherto been molested in

the quiet using of their religion and conscience, so shall they not be

unquieted in that behalf in any time to come; but behaving themselves

honestly as good subjects shall find her Majesty their good princess,

willing to do them justice, and to show them favour and clemency, but

{without} innovation or alteration in any sort.

_A ROYAL MARRIAGE_

_Randolph to Leicester, from Edinburgh_, July 31, 1565.

_Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 199.

I doubt not but your Lordship hath heard by such information as I have

given from hence, what the present state of this country is, how this

Queen is now become a married wife, and her husband, the self same day

of his marriage, made a king.... So many discontented minds, so much

misliking of the subjects to have these matters, ordered in this sort,

to be brought to pass, I never heard of any marriage.... Thus they fear

the overthrow of religion, the breach of amity with the Queen's Majesty

{Elizabeth}, destruction of as many of the nobility as she hath

misliking of, or that he to pick a quarrel unto.... He {Darnley} would

now seem to be indifferent to both the religions, she to use her mass,

and he to come sometimes to the preaching.

They were married with all the solemnities of the popish time, saving

that he heard not the mass; his speech and talk argueth his mind, and

yet would he fain seem to the world that he were of some religion. His

words to all men against whom he conceiveth any displeasure, how unjust

soever it be, so proud and spiteful, that rather he seemeth a monarch of

the world than he that not long since we have seen and known the Lord

Darnley....

_"GOD SAVE HIS GRACE!"_

All honour that may be attributed unto any man by a wife, he hath it

wholly and fully ... all dignities that she can indue him with are

already given and granted. No man pleaseth her that contenteth not him,

and what may I say more, she hath given over unto him her whole will, to

be ruled and guided as himself best liketh. She can as much prevail with

him in anything that is against his will, as your Lordship may with me

to persuade that I should hang myself.... Upon Saturday ... at nine

hours at night, by three heralds at sound of the trumpet he was

proclaimed king. This was the night before the marriage. This day,

Monday, at twelve of the clock, the Lords, all that were in this town,

were present at the proclaiming of him again, when no man said so much

as Amen, saving his father, that cried out aloud, "God save his Grace!"

The manner of the marriage was of this sort. Upon Sunday, in the

morning, between five and six, she was conveyed by divers of her nobles

to the chapel. She had upon her back the great mourning gown of black,

with the great wide mourning hood, not unlike unto that which she wore

the doleful day of the burial of her husband. She was led unto the

Chapel by the Earls Lennox and Athole, and there she was left until her

husband came, who was also conveyed by the same lords. The ministers,

two priests, did there receive them. The banns are asked the third time,

and an instrument taken by a notary that no man said against them, or

alleged any cause why the marriage might not proceed. The words were

spoken, the rings, which were three, the middle a rich diamond, were put

upon her finger, they kneel together, and many prayers said over them.

She carrieth out the ...[16] and he taketh a kiss, and leaveth her there

and went to her chamber, whither in a space she followeth, and there

being required, according to the solemnities, to cast off her care, and

lay aside those sorrowful garments, and give herself to a pleasanter

life. After some pretty refusals, more I believe for manner sake than

grief of heart, she suffereth them that stood by, every man that could

approach to take out a pin, and so being committed to her ladies changed

her garments.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[16] Word illegible.

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_ELIZABETH ASKED TO EXPLAIN_

_Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith, from Windsor_, August 21,

1565. _Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 206.

Mr. Tomworth was sent to the Queen of Scots upon this occasion; the

Scottish Queen hath sent twice hither to require the Queen's Majesty to

declare for what causes she did mislike of this marriage, offering also

to satisfy the same. In the meantime troubles arise there betwixt her

and the Earl of Murray and others being friendly to the warm amity of

the realm, whereunto for sundry respects it seemeth convenient for us to

regard. The Duke {of Chatelherault}, the Earls of Argyll, Murray, and

Rothes, with sundry Barons, are joined together not to allow of the

marriage, otherwise than to have the religion established by law, but

the Queen refuseth in this sort; she will not suffer it to have the

force of law, but of permission to every man to live according to his

conscience. And herewith she retained a great number of Protestants from

associating openly with the other. She hath sent for the Earl Murray,

but the mistrust is so far entered on both sides, that I think it will

fall to an evil end, for she hath put the Earl of Murray to the horn

{_i.e._ outlawed} and prohibited all persons to aid him. Nevertheless,

the Duke, the Earls of Argyll and Rothes are together with him. We shall

hear by Mr. Tomworth what is most likely to follow.

_THE REBELS OUT-LAWED_

_Register of the Privy Council_, December 1, 1565.

The which day, in presence of the King and Queen's Majesties and Lords

of Secret Council, compeared Master John Spence of Condy, advocate to

their Highnesses, and exponed how at their Majesties' command he had

libelled summonses of treason against Archibald, Earl of Argyll, James,

Earl of Murray, Alexander, Earl of Glencairn, Andrew, Earl of Rothes,

Andrew, Lord Ochiltree, Robert, Lord Boyd, and divers others,--to

compear in the next Parliament, to begin the fourth day of February next

to come, to hear them decerned to have incurred the crime of _lese

majestie_, and to have lost and forfeited life, lands, and goods.... But

because there were divers of the said persons outwith the realm ... it

behoved them be summoned by open proclamation at the Market Cross of

Edinburgh, and other Crosses next adjacent according to the common law;

and thereupon desired a declaration and determination of their Majesties

and Lords forsaid. The which being reasoned with good deliberation and

advisement, their Majesties and Lordships find and declare that the said

persons being summoned in manner above specified, the execution is as

sufficient in all respects as if the same summonses were execute upon

them personally or at their dwelling-places.

_GOOD AND COURTEOUS ENTERTAINMENT_

Murray's Reception by Elizabeth.

_Knox's Continuator_ (cf. p. 260), _Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. p. 513.

By means of the French Ambassador, called Monsieur De Four, his true

friend, he {Murray} obtained audience. The Queen, with a fair

countenance, demanded "how he, being a rebel to her Sister of Scotland,

durst take the boldness upon him to come within her realm?" These, and

the like words got he, instead of the good and courteous entertainment

expected. Finally, after private discourse, the Ambassador being absent,

she refused to give the Lords any support, denying plainly that ever she

had promised any such thing as to support them, saying, "She never meant

any such thing in that way;" albeit her greatest familiars knew the

contrary. In the end the Earl of Murray said to her, "Madam, whatsoever

thing your Majesty meant in your heart, we are thereof ignorant; but

this much we know assuredly, that we had lately faithful promises of aid

and support by your Ambassador and familiar servants, in your name; and

further, we have your own handwriting, confirming the said promises."

And afterward he took his leave, and came northward from London towards

Newcastle. After the Earl of Murray his departure from the Court the

Queen sent them some aid, and writ unto the Queen of Scotland in their

favour, whether she had promised it in private to the Earl of Murray, or

whether she repented her of the harsh reception of the Earl of Murray.

[This account of Elizabeth's interview with Murray should be

compared with that given by Melville (p. 60).]

Mary's Relations with her Husband.

_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, January 16, 1566.

_Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 216.

This court of long time hath been very quiet, small resort of any, and

many of those that come but slenderly welcome for the great and

importunate suit made by them for my Lord of Murray and the rest, who by

no means can find any favour at her Grace's hands, in so much that

Robert Melville hath received for resolute answer that let the Queen of

England do for them what she will, they shall never live in Scotland and

she together....

_MATRIMONIAL MISLIKINGS_

I cannot tell what mislikings of late there hath been between her Grace

and her husband; he presses earnestly for the matrimonial crown, which

she is loth hastily to grant, but willing to keep somewhat in store

until she know how well he is worthy to enjoy such a sovereignty, and

therefore it is thought that the Parliament for a time shall be

deferred, but hereof I can write no certainty.

_THE HOLY LEAGUE_

_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, February 7, 1565.

_Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 219.

There was a bond lately devised in which the late Pope, the Emperor, the

King of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, with divers Princes of Italy and the

Queen mother {of France} suspected to be of the same confederacy, to

maintain papistry throughout Christendom. This bond was sent out of

France by Thornton, and is subscribed by this Queen. The copy whereof,

remaining with her and the principal, to be returned very shortly, as I

hear, by Mr. Steven Wilson, a fit minister for such devilish devices. If

the copy hereof can be gotten, it shall be sent as conveniently I

may....

[The bond referred to is the Holy League. Cf. _infra._]

In this court divers contentions, quarrels, and debates; nothing so much

sought as to maintain mischief and disorder. David {Rizzio} yet

retaineth his place, not without heart grief to many that see their

sovereign guided chiefly by such a fellow.

_Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick_, February 14, 1566.

_Stevenson's Selections._

There is a league concluded between the King of Spain, the Duke of

Savoy, and divers other Papist princes, for the overthrow of religion,

as you shall hear more by others, which is come to this Queen's hands,

but not yet confirmed.

_CECIL INFORMED OF THE RIZZIO PLOT_

_Bedford and Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick_, March 6, 1566.

_Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 30.

Somewhat we are sure you have heard of divers discord and jars between

this Queen and her husband, partly for that she hath refused him the

crown matrimonial, partly for that he hath assured knowledge of such,

usage of herself as altogether is intolerable to be borne, which, if it

were not over well known, we would both be very loath to think that it

could be true. To take away this occasion of slander, he is himself

determined to be at the apprehension and execution of him, whom he is

able manifestly to charge with the crime, and to have done him the most

dishonour that can be to any man, much more being as he is. We need not

more plainly to describe the person {Rizzio}. You have heard of the man

whom we mean of.

To come by the other thing which he desireth, which is the crown

matrimonial, what is devised and concluded upon by him and the noblemen,

you shall see by copies of the conditions between them and him, of which

Mr. Randolph assureth me to have seen the principals, and taken the

copies written with his own hand.

The time of execution and performance of these matters is before the

Parliament, as near as it is. To this determination of theirs, there are

privy in Scotland; these--Argyll, Morton, Boyd, Ruthven, and Lethington.

In England these--Murray, Rothes, Grange, myself, and the writer hereof.

If persuasions to cause the Queen to yield to these matters do no good,

they purpose to proceed we know not in what sort. If she be able to make

any power at home, she shall be withstood, and herself kept from all

other counsel than her own nobility. If she seek any foreign support,

the Queen's Majesty, our sovereign, shall be sought, and sued unto to

accept his and their defence, with offers reasonable to her Majesty's

contentment.

_OBLIGATIONS OF THE LORDS_

Agreement between Darnley and the Earls of Murray, Argyll, Glencairn,

and Rothes, and Lords Boyd and Ochiltree.

_Ruthven's Relation_, Ed. of 1815.

_Articles to be fulfilled by the lords._

1. The said earls, lords, and their complices, shall become, and by the

tenor hereof become true subjects, men and servants to the noble and

mighty Prince Henry, by the grace of God, King of Scotland, and husband

to our sovereign lady; that they and all others that will do for them

shall take a loyal and true part with the said noble Prince in all his

actions, causes, and quarrels, against whomsoever, to the uttermost of

their power....

2. The said earls, lords, and their complices shall ... by themselves

and others that have voice in Parliament, consent, and by these presents

do consent now as then, and then as now, to grant and give the crown

matrimonial to the said noble Prince for all the days of his life. And

if any person or persons withstand or gainsay the same, the said earls,

lords, and their complices shall take such part as the said noble Prince

taketh, in whatsoever sort, for the obtaining of the said crown against

all....

3. The said earls, lords, and their complices shall fortify and maintain

the said noble Prince in his just title to the crown of Scotland,

failing of succession of our sovereign lady....

4. As to the religion which was established by the Queen's Majesty, our

sovereign, shortly after her arrival in this realm ... they and every

one of them shall maintain and fortify the same at their uttermost

powers, by the help, supply, and maintenance of the said noble Prince.

* * * * *

_DARNLEY'S PROMISES_

_Articles to be fulfilled by Darnley._

1. The said noble Prince shall do his good-will to obtain them one

remission, if they require the same, for all faults and crimes by-past,

of whatsoever quality or condition they be....

2. We shall not suffer, by our good-wills, the foresaid lords and their

complices to be called or accused in Parliament, nor suffer any

forfeiture to be laid against them....

3. That the said earls, lords, and their complices, returning within the

realm of Scotland, we shall suffer or permit them to use and enjoy all

their lands, tacks, steadings, and benefices, that they or any of them

had before their passage into England....

4. As to the said earls, lords, and their complices' religion, we are

contented and consent that they use the same, conform to the Queen's

Majesty's act and proclamation made thereupon, shortly after her

Highness's return out of France....

* * * * *

_THE BOND FOR THE MURDER_

_THE WORD OF A PRINCE_

Bond for Rizzio's Murder--Ruthven's Relation.

Be it kend {known} to all men by these present letters: We, Henry, by

the grace of God, King of Scotland, and husband to the Queen's Majesty,

for so much we having consideration of the gentle and good nature, with

many other good qualities in her Majesty, we have thought pity, and also

think it great conscience to us that are her husband, to suffer her to

be abused or seduced by certain privy persons, wicked and ungodly ...

especially a stranger Italian called Davie ... we have devised to take

these privy persons, enemies to her Majesty, us, the nobility and

commonwealth, to punish them according to their demerits, and in case of

any difficulty, to cut them off immediately, and to take and slay them

wherever it happeneth. And because we cannot accomplish the same without

the assistance of others, therefore have we drawn certain of our

nobility, earls, lords, barons, freeholders, gentlemen, merchants, and

craftsmen, to assist us in our enterprise, which cannot be finished

without great hazard.... We bind and oblige us, our heirs and

successors, to the said earls, lords, barons, gentlemen, freeholders,

merchants, and craftsmen, their heirs and successors, that we shall

accept the same feud upon us, and fortify and maintain them at the

uttermost of our power, and shall be friend to their friend, and enemy

to their enemies, and shall neither suffer them nor theirs to be

molested nor troubled in their bodies, lands, goods, nor possessions so

far as lieth in us. And if any person would take any of the said earls,

lords, barons, gentlemen, freeholders, merchants, or craftsmen, for

enterprising and assisting with us for the achieving of our purpose,

because it may chance to be done in presence of the Queen's majesty, or

within her palace of Holyrood-house, we, by the word of a prince, shall

accept and take the same on us now as then and then as now.... In

witness whereof we have subscribed this with our own hand at Edinburgh,

the 1st of March 1565.

_A ROYAL SUPPER-PARTY_

_THE MURDER_

1566.--April 2. Mary's Description of the Murder of Rizzio, in a letter

to the Archbishop of Glasgow, her Ambassador in Paris.

_Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 411.

Most Reverend Father, we greet you well.... It is not unknown to you how

our Parliament was appointed to the 12th of this instant month of March,

to which these that were our rebels and fugitives in England were

summoned to have heard themselves forfeited. The day thereof

approaching, we required the King our husband to assist us in passing

thereto, who, as we are assured, being persuaded by our rebels that were

fugitive, with the advice and fortification of the Earl of Morton, Lords

Ruthven and Lindsay, their assisters and complices, who were with us in

company, by their suggestion refused to pass with us thereto, as we

suppose because of his facility, and subtle means of the Lords foresaid,

he condescended to advance the pretended religion published here, to put

the rebels in their rooms and possessions which they had of before, and

but {without} our knowledge grant to them a remit of all their

trespasses.... Upon the 9th day of March instant, we being, at even

about seven hours, in our cabinet at our supper, sociated with our

sister the Countess of Argyll, our brother the Commendator {lay Abbot}

of Holyrood-house, Laird of Criech, Arthur Erskine, and certain others

our domestic servitors, in quiet manner, especially by reason of our

evil disposition, being counselled to sustain ourselves with flesh {in

Lent}, having also then passed almost to the end of seven months in our

birth; the King our husband came to us in our cabinet, placed him beside

us at our supper. The Earl of Morton and Lord Lindsay, with their

assisters, clothed in warlike manner, to the number of eight score

persons or thereby, kept and occupied the whole entry to our Palace of

Holyrood-house.... In that meantime, the Lord Ruthven, clothed in like

manner, with his complices, took entry perforce in our cabinet, and

there seeing our secretary, David Riccio, among others our servants,

declared he had to speak with him. In this instant we inquired the King

our husband if he knew anything of that enterprise? who denyed the same.

Also we commanded the Lord Ruthven, under the pain of treason, to avoid

him forth of our presence, declaring we should exhibit the said David

before the Lords of Parliament to be punished, if in any sort he had

offended. Notwithstanding, the said Lord Ruthven perforce invaded him in

our presence (he then for refuge took safe-guard, having retired him

behind our back), and with his complices cast down our table upon

ourself, put violent hands in him, struck him over our shoulders with

whingers {hangers}, one part of them standing before our face with

bended daggs {pistols}, most cruelly took him forth of our cabinet, and

at the entry of our chamber give him fifty-six strokes with whingers and

swords, in doing whereof we were not only struck with great dread, but

also by sundry considerations, were most justly induced to take extreme

fear of our life. After this deed immediately the said Lord Ruthven,

coming again in our presence, declared how they and their complices

foresaid were highly offended with our proceedings and tyranny, which

was not to them tolerable; how we were abused by the said David whom

they had actually put to death, namely, in taking his counsel for

maintenance of the ancient religion, debarring of the Lords which were

fugitive, and entertaining of amity with foreign princes and nations

with whom we were confederate; putting also upon Council the Lords

Bothwell and Huntly, who were traitors, and with whom he associated

himself, that the Lords banished in England were the morn to resort

toward us, and would take plain part with them in our contrary; and that

the King was willing to remit them their offences. We all this time took

no less care of ourselves than for our Council and nobility, maintainers

of our authority, being with us in our Palace for the time; to wit, the

Earls of Huntly, Bothwell, Athole, Lords Fleming and Livingstone, Sir

James Balfour, and certain others our familiar servitors, against whom

the enterprise was conspired as well as for David; and namely to have

hanged the said Sir James in cords. Yet, by the providence of God, the

Earls of Huntly and Bothwell escaped forth of their chambers in our

Palace at a back window by some cords.... The Earl of Athole and Sir

James Balfour by some other means, with the Lords Fleming and

Livingstone, obtained deliverance of their invasion. The Provost and

town of Edinburgh having understood this tumult in our Palace, caused

ring their common bell, came to us in great number and desired to have

seen our presence, intercommuned with us, and to have known our welfare;

to whom we were not permitted to give answer, being extremely threatened

by these Lords, who in our face declared, if we desired to have spoken

them, they should cut us in collops, and cast us over the wall. So this

community being commanded by our husband, retired them to quietness.

_TREATMENT OF THE QUEEN_

All that night we were detained in captivity within our chamber, not

permitting us to have intercommuned scarcely with our servant-women nor

domestic servitors. Upon the morn hereafter proclamation was made in our

husband's name, by {without} our advice, commanding all Prelates and

other Lords convened to Parliament to retire themselves of our burgh of

Edinburgh. That whole day we were kept in that firmance {custody}, our

familiar servitors and guard being debarred from our service, and we

watched by the committers of these crimes, to whom a part of the

community of Edinburgh, to the number of four score persons, assisted.

The Earl of Murray that same day at even, accompanied with the Earl of

Rothes, Pitarrow, Grange, tutor of Pitcur, and others who were with him

in England, came to them, and seeing our state and entertainment, was

moved with natural affection toward us. Upon the morn he assembled the

enterprisers of their late crime, and such of our rebels as came with

him. In their Council they thought it most expedient we should be warded

in our castle of Stirling, there to remain while {till} we had approved

in Parliament all their wicked enterprises, established their religion,

and given the King the crown matrimonial and the whole government of our

realm; or else, by all appearance, firmly prepared to have put us to

death, or detained us in perpetual captivity. To avoid them of our

Palace, with their guard and assisters, the King promised to keep us

that night in sure guard, and that but {without} compulsion he should

cause us in Parliament approve all their conspiracies. By this means he

caused them to retire them of our Palace.

_MARY WINS DARNLEY TO HER SIDE_

_DARNLEY PROTESTS INNOCENCE_

This being granted, ... we declared our state to the King our husband,

certifying him how miserably he would be handled, in case he permitted

these Lords to prevail in our contrare {against us}, and how

unacceptable it would be to other Princes, our confederates, in case he

altered the religion. By this persuasion he was induced to condescend to

the purpose taken by us, and to retire in our company to Dunbar, which

we did under night, accompanied with the captain of our guard, Arthur

Erskine, and two others only.... Soon after our coming to Dunbar, sundry

of our nobility, zealous of our weal, such as the Earls of Huntly,

Bothwell, Marshal, Athole, Caithness; Bishop of St. Andrews, with his

kin and friends; Lords Hume, Sempill, and infinite others assembled to

us.... The Earl of Moray and Argyll sent diverse messages to procure our

favour, to whom in likewise, for certain respects, by advice of our

Nobility and Council being with us, we have granted remission, under

condition they nowise apply themselves to these last conspirators, and

retire themselves in Argyle during our will.... We remained in Dunbar

five days, and after returned to Edinburgh well accompanied with our

subjects. The last conspirators, with their assisters, have removed

themselves forth of the same before, and being presently fugitive from

our laws, we have caused by our charges their whole fortunes, strength,

and houses to be rendered to us; have caused make inventory of their

goods and gear, and intend further to pursue them with all vigour.

Whereunto we are assured to have the assistance of our husband, who hath

declared to us, and in presence of the Lords of our Privy Council, his

innocence of this last conspiracy, how he never counselled, commanded,

consented, assisted, nor approved the same. Thus far only he ever saw

himself, that at the enticement and persuasion of the late conspirators

he, without our advice or knowledge, consented to the bringing home

forth of England of the Earls of Moray, Glencairn, Rothes, and other

persons with whom we were offended. This ye will consider by his

declaration made hereupon, which at his desire hath been published at

the market crosses of this our Realm ... of Edinburgh, the second day of

April 1566.

Mary Queen of Scots, 1542-1587 · 第 3 / 8 章