miles from Fort Edward, and seven from Saratoga. This was done to cover
the expedition Burgoyne had planned; first, to confirm the belief that
he was about to fall on New England, and, next, for supplying his army
with horses, cattle, carts, provisions, forage--everything, in short, of
which he stood in want. Both objects would be gained at once, since fear
of the first would make easy the second.
[Sidenote: Real object of the Bennington raid.]
Burgoyne ached to strike a blow at New England. The successes he had
just met with tempted him on toward his wishes; yet he dared not go too
far, because the king's orders forbade his turning aside from his main
object, to march into New England, as he himself had asked for
discretionary power to do, when laying his plan before the ministers.
Still, as New England was to be the final object of the campaign,
Burgoyne was impatient to set about humbling her in good earnest. Events
were working so favorably for him, that he now saw his chance to go at
least half way toward his desires. So the expedition to Bennington was
certainly far from being the effect of any sudden decision on
Burgoyne's part, or wholly due to the pressing want of supplies. It
would, we think, have been undertaken in any event.
On the other hand, the victualling of his army was the one obstacle to
Burgoyne's advance to Albany. So long as every pound of bread and meat
had to be brought from Quebec to Skenesborough, and from Skenesborough
to his camp, the farther the army marched, the greater the difficulty of
feeding it became. It was now living from hand to mouth, so to speak.
Nobody but Tories would sell it a pound of beef or an ear of corn. What
gold could not buy, Burgoyne determined to take by force. If enough
could be gleaned, in this way, from the country round, he could march
on; if not, he must halt where he was, until sufficient could be brought
up over a road every day growing longer and more dangerous. Burgoyne
would never submit to the last alternative without trying the first.
For the moment then, the problem, how to feed his army so as to put it
in motion with the least possible delay, was all-important with General
Burgoyne. The oldest, and most populous, of the Vermont settlements lay
within striking distance on his left. He knew that rebel flour was
stored in Bennington. He had been told that half the farmers were loyal
at heart, and that the other half would never wait for the coming of
British veterans. Burgoyne was puffed up with the notion that he was
going to conjure the demon of rebellion with the magic of his name.
Already he saw himself not only a conqueror, but lawgiver to the
conquered. On the whole, the plan seemed easy of accomplishment.
Burgoyne was like a man starving in the midst of plenty. Supplies he
must have. If they could be wrung from the enemy, so much the better.
An expedition chiefly designed to rob barnyards, corn-cribs, and
henroosts promised little glory to those engaged in it. This may have
been the reason why Burgoyne chose to employ his Germans, who were
always excellent foragers, rather than his British soldiers. Perhaps he
thought the Germans would inspire most fear. Be that as it may, never
did a general make a more costly mistake.[30]
[Sidenote: Baum marches for Bennington.]
The command was given to Colonel Baum, who, with about a thousand
Germans, Indians, Canadians, and refugee loyalists, started out from
camp on his maraud, on the eleventh, halted at Batten-Kill on the
twelfth, and reached Cambridge on the thirteenth. He was furnished with
Tory guides, who knew the country well, and with instructions looking to
a long absence from the army.
Burgoyne then began manoeuvring so as to mask Baum's movements from
Schuyler.
[Sidenote: Frazer crosses the Hudson.]
Frazer was marched down to Batten-Kill, with his own and Breyman's
corps. Leaving Breyman here to support either Baum or himself, in case
of need, Frazer crossed the Hudson on the fourteenth, and encamped on
the heights of Saratoga that night. The rest of the army moved on to
Duer's, the same day. By thus threatening Schuyler with an advance in
force, of which Frazer's crossing was conclusive proof, Burgoyne
supposed Baum would be left to plunder at his leisure, but he seems to
have thought little of the opposition which Baum, on his side, might
meet with from the settlers themselves; though this too was provided
against in Baum's orders, and by posting Breyman on Baum's line of
march.
[Illustration: POSITION OF BELLIGERENTS BEFORE BENNINGTON.]
If Baum succeeded to his wishes, Burgoyne meant to throw the whole army
across the Hudson immediately. Already Frazer was intrenching at
Saratoga, with the view of protecting the crossing. Having now so placed
his troops as to take instant advantage of Baum's success, of which he
felt no manner of doubt, Burgoyne could only sit still till Baum should
be heard from.
Meanwhile, the New England militia were flocking to Manchester in
squads, companies, or regiments. Washington had said they were the best
yeomanry in the world, and they were about to prove their right to this
title more decisively than ever. Ministers dismissed their congregations
with the exhortation, "He that hath no sword, let him sell his garment,
and buy one." Some clergymen even took a musket and went into the ranks.
Apathy and the numbness that succeeds defeat were dissipated by these
appeals and these examples.
It was Washington's policy to keep a force on Burgoyne's flank, which
might be used to break up his communications, cut off his provision
trains, or otherwise so harass him as to delay his march. In General
Lincoln[31] he found an officer, at once capable and brave, who had the
confidence of the New England people. Lincoln was, therefore, sent to
take command of the militia now mustering at Manchester.
At the same time, New Hampshire called upon the veteran Stark[32] to
lead her forces into the field. Stark had left the army in disgust,
because Congress had promoted other officers over his head, not more
worthy than himself. He was still smarting under the sense of wrong,
when this command was offered him. He was like Achilles, sulking in his
tent.
Stark said that he asked nothing better than to fight, but insisted that
he would do so only upon condition that the State troops should be
exclusively under his orders. To agree to this would be practically an
exercise of State sovereignty. But time pressed, Stark's name was a host
in itself: it was thought best to give his wounded vanity this sop; for,
by general consent, he was the only man for the crisis.
[Sidenote: Aug. 6.]
Lincoln found six hundred men assembled at Manchester, most of whom
belonged to Stark's brigade. On the seventh, Stark himself arrived with
eight hundred more. By Schuyler's order, Lincoln desired Stark to march
them to the main army at once. Stark replied that, being in an
independent command, he would take orders from nobody as to how or where
he should move his troops.
Though plainly subversive of all military rules, Stark's obstinacy
proved Burgoyne's destruction; for if Schuyler had prevailed, there
would never have been a battle of Bennington.
Though undoubtedly perplexed by the situation in which he found himself
placed, of antagonism to the regularly constituted military authority of
the nation, Stark's future operations show excellent military judgment
on his part. He was not going to abandon Schuyler, or leave Vermont
uncovered; still less was he disposed to throw away the chance of
striking Burgoyne by hanging on his flank, and of thus achieving
something on his own account. Stark's sagacity was soon justified to the
world.
[Sidenote: Aug. 9.]
He determined to march with part of his force to Bennington, twenty-five
miles south of Manchester, and about the same distance from Stillwater.
In this position he would easily be able to carry out either of the
objects he had in view, assist Schuyler, cover Bennington, or get in a
telling blow somewhere, when least expected.
Burgoyne's expectation of surprising Bennington was thus completely
frustrated.
[Sidenote: Aug. 14.]
Baum learned at Cambridge that the Americans were at Bennington, to the
number of eighteen hundred. He immediately wrote Burgoyne to this
effect. On the next day, he marched to Sancoic, a mill-stream falling
into the Walloomsac River in North Hoosac, and after again writing
Burgoyne, confirming the account he had previously sent about the force
in his front, moved on toward Bennington, under the impression that the
Americans would not wait to be attacked.
FOOTNOTES:
[30] A COSTLY MISTAKE to give the command to an officer who could not
speak English; still another, to intrust an expedition in which celerity
of movement was all-important, to soldiers loaded down with their
equipments, as the Germans were, instead of to light troops. Colonel
Skene went with Baum. See note 4, p. 18.
[31] GENERAL BENJAMIN LINCOLN, born at Hingham, Mass., 1733. Made a
major-general, February, 1777. Joined Schuyler, July 29, at Fort Miller,
while our army was retreating; sent thence to Manchester. One of those
captains who, while seldom successful, are yet considered brave and
skilful commanders.
[32] GENERAL JOHN STARK, born at Londonderry, N.H., 1728, had seen more
active service than most officers of his time. He had fought with
Abercromby at Ticonderoga, against Howe at Bunker Hill, and with
Washington at Trenton. Notwithstanding this, he was passed over in
making promotions, perhaps because he had less education than some
others, who lacked his natural capacity for a military life. Congress
first censured him for insubordination, and then voted him thanks, and
promotion to a brigadiership for his victory over Baum.
VIII.
BATTLE OF BENNINGTON.[33]
Burgoyne's movements convinced Schuyler that he would shortly be
attacked by the whole British army, as Burgoyne had intended and
foreseen. Schuyler therefore again urged Stark to come to his assistance
without more delay, if he would not have the burden of defeat lie at his
own door. This appeal took present effect.
Nothing happened till the thirteenth. Meantime, Stark had decided to go
to Schuyler's assistance. His brigade was under arms, ready to march,
when a woman rode up in haste with the news that hostile Indians were
running up and down the next town, spreading terror in their path. She
had come herself, because the road was no longer safe for men to travel
it. Stark quickly ordered out two hundred men to stop the supposed
marauders, and gain further intelligence.
This detachment soon sent back word that the Indians were only clearing
the way for a larger force, which was marching toward Bennington. Swift
couriers were instantly despatched to Manchester, to hurry forward the
troops there to Stark's aid.
[Sidenote: Aug. 14.]
The next day Stark moved out toward the enemy, in order to look for his
detachment. He soon fell in with it, fighting in retreat, with the enemy
following close behind. Stark halted, formed his line, and gathered in
his scouts. This defiance brought the enemy to a stand also.
Seeing before him a force as strong as, or stronger than, his own, Baum
was now looking about him for ground suitable to receive an attack upon;
making one himself was farthest from his thoughts, as Burgoyne had given
him express orders not to risk an engagement, if opposed by a superior
force, but to intrench, and send back for help at once. This was
precisely Baum's present situation. He therefore lost no time in sending
a courier to headquarters.
On his part, Stark did not wish to fight till Warner could come up, or
delay fighting long enough for the enemy to be reenforced. Baum's
evident desire to avoid an action made Stark all the more anxious to
attack him, and he resolved to do so not later than the next morning, by
which time he confidently reckoned on having Warner's regiment with him.
Though small, it had fought bravely at Hubbardton, and Stark felt that
his raw militia would be greatly strengthened by the presence of such
veterans among them.
[Sidenote: Aug. 15.]
Rain frustrated Stark's plan for attacking the next day, so there was
only a little skirmishing, in which the Americans had the advantage.
Baum improved the delay by throwing up a redoubt of logs and earth on a
rather high, flat-topped hill, rising behind the little Walloomsac
River. In this he placed his two field-pieces. His Canadians and
loyalists took up a position across and lower down the stream, in his
front, the better to cover the road by which his reenforcements must
come, or the Americans attempt to cut off his retreat. These
dispositions were all that time, the size of his force, and the nature
of the ground, would permit.
[Illustration: BATTLE OF BENNINGTON.
August 16, 1777.]
Rain also kept back the reenforcements that each side was so impatiently
expecting. Stark chafed at the delay, Baum grew more hopeful of holding
out until help could reach him. Burgoyne had, indeed, despatched Breyman
to Baum's assistance at eight o'clock in the morning, with eight hundred
and fifty men and two guns. This corps was toiling on, through mud and
rain, at the rate of only a mile an hour, when an hour, more or less,
was to decide the fate of the expedition itself. The fatigue was so
great, that when urged on to the relief of their comrades, the weary
Germans would grumble out, "Oh, let us give them time to get warm!"
Warner's regiment could not leave Manchester till the morning of the
fifteenth, but by marching till midnight, it was near Bennington on the
morning of the sixteenth. Breyman put so little energy into his
movements that he was nowhere near Baum at that hour. Stark, however,
was strengthened by the arrival of several hundred militia from
Massachusetts, who came full of fight, and demanding to be led against
the enemy without delay. Stark's reply was characteristic: "Do you want
to go out now, while it is dark and rainy?" he asked. "No," the
spokesman rejoined. "Then," continued Stark, "if the Lord should give us
sunshine once more, and I do not give you fighting enough, I will never
ask you to turn out again."
[Sidenote: Aug. 16.]
The day broke clear and pleasant. Both parties prepared for the coming
battle. Stark had the most men, but Baum the advantage of fighting
behind intrenchments, and of having artillery, while Stark had none.
At midday, Stark formed his men for the attack. All were yeomanry, in
homespun, rudely equipped with pouches and powder-horns, and armed with
the old brown firelocks, without bayonets, they had brought from their
homes. Some had served in the preceding campaign, but not one in fifty
had ever fired a shot in anger; while many were mere lads, in whom
enthusiasm for their leader and cause supplied the want of experience.
The work now required of them was such as only veterans were thought
capable of doing. They were to storm intrenchments, defended by the
trained soldiers of Europe; yet not a man flinched when Stark, with a
soldier's bluntness and fire, pointed his sword toward the enemy's
redoubt and exclaimed, "There, my lads, are the Hessians! To-night our
flag floats over yonder hill, or Molly Stark is a widow!"
His men answered with loud cheers, grasped their weapons, and demanded
to be led against the enemy. Stark then gave the wished-for order to
march.
Meanwhile, dismay reigned in Bennington. Every man who could load a
musket had gone out to fight with Stark. Their household goods had been
loaded upon wagons, ready to move off in case the day went against them.
Their wives and little ones stood hand in hand along the village street,
throughout that long summer afternoon, listening to the peal of cannon
and musketry, in fear for those who had gone forth to the battle, and
expecting the moment that was to make them homeless wanderers.
The story of the battle is soon told. Stark so divided his force as to
attack the enemy in front, flank, and rear, at once. The nature of the
ground was such as to hide the march of the several detachments from
Baum's view, but he had no other idea than to keep close in his
intrenchments.
At three in the afternoon, firing began in Baum's rear. This was the
signal that the several attacking columns had reached their allotted
stations. All the Americans then rushed on to the assault. Baum found
himself everywhere assailed with unlooked-for vigor. Never had he
expected to see raw rustics charging up to the muzzles of his guns. In
vain he plied them with grape and musketry. The encircling line grew
tighter and tighter; the fire, hotter and hotter. For an hour he
defended himself valiantly, hoping for night or Breyman to come. At last
his fire slackened. The Americans clambered over the breastworks, and
poured into the redoubt. For a few moments there was sharp hand-to-hand
fighting. The Germans threw down their muskets, drew their broadswords,
and desperately attempted to cut their way out. Most of them were
beaten back or taken. A few only escaped. The Tories and Canadians
fared no better. The victory was complete and decisive.
Now, at the eleventh hour, Breyman was marching on the field to the
sound of the firing. He had taken thirty-two hours to get over
twenty-four miles. Supposing the day won, Stark's men were scattered
about in disorder. Not even Stark himself seems to have thought of a
rescuing force. Some were guarding the prisoners, some caring for the
wounded, and some gathering up the booty. All had yielded to the
demoralization of victory, or to the temptation to plunder. Most
opportunely, Warner's men now came fresh into the fight. This gallant
little band flung itself boldly in the path of the advancing foe, thus
giving Stark the time to rally those nearest him, and lead them into
action again.
At first Breyman gained ground. With steady tread his veterans fired and
moved on, pushing the Americans back, toward the scene of the first
encounter; but Baum was no longer there to assist, the scattered
militiamen were fast closing in round Breyman's flanks, and Stark had
now brought one of Baum's cannon to bear, with destructive effect, upon
the head of the enemy's advancing column.
In no long time the deadly fire, poured in on all sides, began to tell
upon Breyman's solid battalions. Our marksmen harassed his flanks. His
front was hard pressed, and there were no signs of Baum. Enraged by the
thought of having victory torn from their grasp, the Americans gave
ground foot by foot, and inch by inch. At last the combatants were
firing in each other's faces; so close was the encounter, so deadly the
strife, that Breyman's men were falling round him by scores, under the
close and accurate aim of their assailants. Darkness was closing in. His
artillery horses were shot down in their traces, his flanks driven in,
his advance stopped.
As soon as they perceived their advantage, the Americans redoubled their
efforts. The firing grew tremendous. It was now Breyman who was forced
back. Soon all order was lost. Favored by the darkness, he began a
disorderly retreat. In an instant his guns were taken. Exhausted by
fighting two battles in one afternoon, no longer able in the darkness to
tell friend from foe, the Americans soon gave over the pursuit. But, for
the second time, they stood victors on the hard-fought field. All felt
it to be a narrow escape from defeat, for if Breyman had loitered by the
way, he had fought like a lion in the toils of the hunter.
Thus Washington's sagacity had been vindicated, Stark's insubordination
nobly atoned for, Schuyler's worst fears set at rest, by the fortunes of
a single day.
Four cannon, one thousand stand of arms, and seven hundred prisoners,
were the trophies of this victory. The enemy left two hundred of his
dead on the field. Baum's corps was virtually destroyed, Breyman's badly
cut up, Burgoyne's well-laid plans scattered to the winds.
FOOTNOTES:
[33] BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. Both actions actually occurred in the town of
Hoosic, N.Y. (we cannot be held responsible for the absurd variations in
spelling this name), though the troops were formed for the attack within
the limits of Bennington, and Stark's despatch announcing his victory is
dated at this place. A battle monument, designed to be three hundred and
one feet high, is now being built on a commanding site at Bennington
Centre, which is the old village. No more beautiful spot than this
hill-environed valley, overlooked by Mount Anthony, could possibly
commemorate to future centuries one of the decisive conflicts of the War
for Independence.
IX.
AFTER BENNINGTON.
Stark had, indeed, dealt Burgoyne a stunning blow. In a moment all his
combinations were overthrown. Efforts were made to keep the disaster a
secret from the army, but the movements made in consequence of it told
the story but too plainly.
[Sidenote: Aug. 17.]
In the first place, the whole army was hurried up to Batten-Kill in
order to cover Breyman's and Frazer's retreat,[34] for Frazer had been
ordered to recross the Hudson at once. Frazer's position was most
critical; his bridge had been broken by a freshet, and for one whole day
he was cut off from the main army.
[Sidenote: Aug. 18.]
As soon as Breyman's worn-out men had straggled into camp, Burgoyne's
fell back to Duer's again. Meantime, Frazer had repaired his bridge and
hastily recrossed the Hudson. Riedesel's corps was sent back to Fort
Edward. The whole army had thus made a retrograde movement in
consequence of the defeat at Bennington, and now lay in _echelon_[35]
from Fort Edward to Batten-Kill, in the camps it had occupied before the
advance was begun; it had retreated upon its communications; it was put
on the defensive.
Burgoyne had now no choice left but to hold fast his communication with
the lakes, and these could not be called safe while a victorious enemy
was threatening his flank. From this time forward, he grew wary and
circumspect. His councils began to be divided. The prestige of the army
was lowered, confidence in its leaders visibly shaken. Even the soldiers
began to grumble, criticise, and reflect. Burgoyne's vain boast that
this army would not retreat, no longer met the conditions in which it
stood. It had retreated.
As if to prove the truth of the adage that misfortunes never come
singly, most of Burgoyne's Indians now deserted him. So far from
intimidating, their atrocities had served to arouse the Americans as
nothing else could. As soldiers, they had usually run away at the first
fire. As scouts, their minds were wholly fixed upon plundering. Burgoyne
had sharply rebuked them for it. Ever sullen and intractable under
restraint, their answer was at least explicit, "No plunder, no Indians;"
and they were as good as their word.
We find, then, that the battle of Bennington had cost Burgoyne not far
from two thousand men, whether soldiers or Indians. More than this, it
had thrown him back upon his second alternative, which, we remember, was
to halt until supplies could be brought from Canada. This was easily
equivalent to a month's delay. Thirty days of inaction were thus forced
upon Burgoyne at a time when every one of them was worth five hundred
men to the Americans. Such were some of the substantial results of the
victory at Bennington.
To the Americans, the moral and material gains were no less striking or
important. At once confidence was restored. Men no longer hesitated to
turn out, or feared for the result. A most hopeful sign was the alacrity
with which the well-to-do farmers went into the ranks. There was general
appreciation of the fact that Burgoyne had seriously compromised himself
by advancing as far as he had; in short, the re-action was quite as
decisive as that which had followed the victory at Trenton.
FOOTNOTES: