RANDOLPH CHURCHILL AND THE FOURTH PARTY
“_14th April_, 1885.
“TO see Button. He tells me there will not now be war with Russia.
Jemal-ed-Din told me the same thing yesterday and I believe it, for
Russia is now in the position of a man who having had an altercation
with another has boxed his ears. He can afford to apologize. Button
tells me Randolph has returned from India quite in harmony with my
ideas. Lord Ripon’s, Randolph thinks, was the only policy, though
clumsily carried out, and if he had not made reforms when he did we
should be now in the position of having them forced from us as the price
of native loyalty. He is also wholly against the Soudan war. This
accords with a letter from him I got last night.
“I asked Button his advice about my going into Parliament, and told him
I was intending to ask Churchill to support me as a Fourth Party
candidate. But he strongly advised me not to do so. He said, in the
first place, it was doubtful whether I should get in; and, in the
second, Churchill would be sure afterwards to throw it in my teeth.
‘Take his advice if you like,’ he said, ‘but don’t commit yourself as
his supporter.’ I said: ‘Then there is nothing for me but to go to
Parnell.’ This Button thought would be much better. He said: ‘As a
Nationalist you will have a great position, and there will always be
sixty or seventy members who will believe in you on Foreign affairs; I
advise you to do this and have nothing to do with Randolph. Remember how
O’Connell always threw it in Disraeli’s teeth that he had once applied
to him to get him into Parliament. About my correspondence with Downing
Street, he thought they would not give any written message to the Mahdi,
but advised me to continue to treat their assurances as serious, and to
express our readiness to send the messenger.
“At eleven I called on Randolph and found him very glad to see me, and I
really like him better than any of them personally. He told me about
India pretty much what Button had told me of his opinions, and he
entirely took my view of the Hyderabad intrigue. He said if Lord Ripon
had not appointed Salar Jung they would certainly have annexed the
country, and there were still intrigues at work of the old sort. He also
spoke strongly of the great intelligence and good sense of the
‘natives,’ especially of the Mohammedans and Mahrattas. He had seen
Rajah Amir Hassan of Mahmudabad and shared my views about the Mohammedan
university, and he had stayed with Lyall and talked about me with
him.[112] The only thing he had disagreed with was my having said that
Salar Jung had been poisoned; for he said that young Salar Jung had
expressed his disbelief in anything of the sort, and he had talked to
him very confidentially. He then asked me to write a poem for the
Conservative party for Sir Arthur Sullivan to set to music. I asked:
‘With something about the primrose in it?’ He said: ‘Yes, if you
like—but it does not matter so much what it is, so long as it is
patriotic.’ I told him I would think about it, but feared I couldn’t
manage the primrose.
“Then Wolff came in and we talked about Lepel Griffin. Churchill said
that he, Griffin, had shown him his article against me in proof at
Indore, and he had expostulated with him about publishing it, and
Griffin would have stopped it if he could, but it was too late. We also
talked about the Soudan. Churchill promised to write a letter to be read
at the Birmingham meeting if I liked. Next about Zebehr’s arrest and
Tewfik’s intrigues. ‘We must get Tewfik deposed,’ he said, ‘as soon as
Abbas comes of age, and have Arabi back.’ Then I asked to talk with him
in private and Wolff went away. I said I was going to consult him about
getting into Parliament; I wanted to push my ideas, but hardly knew how
to set about it. He said: ‘Oh! I can do that for you whenever you like.
If you will come forward as my supporter you can’t do better, and I am
asked almost every day to recommend candidates.’ I said: ‘What will this
bind me to? You know my foreign politics, but at home I am a Catholic
and a Tory as regards the land question and education, and in Ireland I
am a Nationalist.’ He made a face at the word ‘Nationalist.’ He said:
‘You could not come forward as an avowed Nationalist, but you need not
say much about that. If you say that you have wide opinions on the Irish
question it will be enough, and when you are once in Parliament you can
take your own line.’ ‘But what,’ I said, ‘is Tory democracy? Tell me in
two words, for I don’t think I quite understand it.’ He said: ‘That is a
question I am always in a fright lest some one should put it to me
publicly. To tell the truth I don’t know myself what Tory democracy is.
But I believe it is principally opportunism. But say you are a Tory
democrat and that will do.’ I said: ‘You know me well enough to be sure
that I would not be paid to be in Parliament if I was not free to take
my own line. I had thought of standing as an Irish Home Ruler with
Parnell, but I was in doubt, and thought I would consult you.’ He said:
‘You would lose your influence if you did this. Parnell would require
you to join in his policy of obstruction and you would be discredited.
You had better not commit yourself to that, though you might vote with
him on purely Irish questions. But you should write me out a programme
of your ideas, and I will see if there is a constituency that will
accept them.’ I said: ‘I will think it over and let you know.’ Now I
shall consult Mrs. Howard, who will advise me to go in as a Radical, but
that I can’t and won’t do. I think perhaps, after all, I shall be freest
with Randolph; and certainly his conversation to-day binds me to
nothing.
“F. P. [a young lieutenant R.N. who had been serving with the Naval
Brigade in the Nile campaign] gives me some good accounts of forced
labourers courbashed and chained, under British officers. Four thousand
forced labourers were supplied for the Nile Expedition, half from
Dongola, half from Esneh. They were put to twelve and thirteen hours
labour in the extreme heat of August, only allowed half an hour in the
day to rest; they were small, weak men, and would work only under the
whip. Colonel Grant, in command of the Dongolese, expostulated against
their being so employed. F., who was with the naval contingent, did not
have the men under his own command beaten by English sailors. His remark
was: ‘They did not give it them so thoroughly, but they seemed to mind
it more.’ Many ran away, but were brought back with chains round their
necks. He had found five men one night lying flat with their mouths full
of sand; they would have died if he had not kicked them up and made them
eat. They were kept once five days without food. Colonel Inglefield, in
command of the Esneh men, blew his brains out in a fever in the next
tent to F. He says when Wolseley came up he was quite taken aback at
sight of what the river was. Hammill had surveyed it all and told him of
its being impracticable, and so had every one else who had seen it. He
is very bitter against Wolseley.[113]
“_15th April._—Wrote draft letters to Mr. Gladstone and Eddy Hamilton in
answer to Eddy’s last, and took them to Mrs. Howard, with whom and with
whose daughter Mary I spent four hours talking. She thinks Gladstone is
serious about negotiating with the Mahdi, and that it is paying me a
great compliment to discuss affairs so delicate with me. I am not sure.
She won’t hear of my having anything to do with Randolph, still less
with Parnell, and says that I should be doing no good going into
Parliament at all. If I should render some signal service to the
Government by helping them to make peace or otherwise, they would give
me a seat in the House of Lords; but I should only lose my influence by
going into the House of Commons.
“_16th April._—There is a remarkable letter in to-day’s ‘Daily News,’
giving the account of an Egyptian soldier who had been with Gordon in
Khartoum. According to this, the Mahdi distinctly offered Gordon to
evacuate, and Gordon refused. There are also tales of the capture of
women and children by General Graham, and of his having sent them
prisoners to Massowa. F. P. tells me that, when he was at Suakin last
June, rewards of £1 were offered for the right hands of Arabs brought by
friendly ‘natives’ into the British camp.
“Went to see Stanley, and arranged with him to bring forward the case of
the Massowa prisoners, and then to Labouchere about a series of
questions to be put on Monday as to military barbarities, forced labour,
etc. He tells me that Chamberlain has proposed to him, as representing
the Radical opposition to the Soudan War, that the Radicals should not
object to the Government’s making their railway as far as Sinkat on
condition it goes no further. They would then hand it over to a company
and retire, boasting that they had civilized Eastern Soudan. They want
to be out of the thing, but must have something to show for the money
they have spent.
“Hobart tells me that the arrangement being made with the Sultan is that
there should be a joint English and Turkish occupation of Egypt; the
Turkish general to be provided with an English staff.[114]
“F. tells me stories of how the English soldiers are insulted in the
streets of Cairo. They all hate the Egyptians now, being hated by them.
But the Egyptian soldiers are devoted to their English officers.
“_17th April._—A letter came last night from Downing Street which seems
to ask for direct communication with the Mahdi’s agent. But Button
assures me that an agreement was come to the day before yesterday with
the Sultan of the kind spoken of by Hobart, and thinks the letter means
that they want nothing more of me. It may very likely be so. George
Howard thinks the whole correspondence merely humbug on Gladstone’s
part, and that he has never had any really serious intentions. He has
become an utter unbeliever in Gladstone, and speaks more bitterly
against him than any one I know out of the Carlton Club. He was for
annexation, but says I prevented it by stirring up the Radicals and I
have not done any good to Egypt instead. Mrs. Howard is disgusted at the
arrangement with the Sultan, and half agreed that I was justified now in
making any arrangement I liked with Randolph. Button is angry with
Buckle for not making full use of the news he brings him, and talks of
leaving the ‘Times.’
“_19th April._—Had luncheon at the Carlton Club, where they were going
through the absurdity of Primrose Day. I sat with Randolph, Wolff, and
Borthwick; they wanted me to put one of these flowers in my buttonhole,
but I said I must draw the line somewhere. This worship of an old Hebrew
gentleman under the form of a primrose is certainly one of the most
ridiculous ever imagined. Randolph talked about the arrangement just
made with the Sultan for sending Turkish troops into Egypt, and was all
for an attack on the Government. But I persuaded him not to make any
move against the Sultan. He has made an excellent beginning with the
Indian Mohammedans, and this would not be understood by them. He told me
of his having taken up the cause of the native water carriers at
Benares, who were being impressed for the Soudan campaign, an incident
which shows he has a true instinct with Orientals. I am writing him a
letter stating my political views, and asking him to what extent they
are in harmony with Tory democracy. It will be the manifesto of my
political opinions.
“Down to Crabbet.
“_21st April._—A telegram from Button in the evening saying that the
Khartoum expedition is abandoned, and eleven millions asked for Russian
and Soudan wars.
“_22nd April._—The eleven millions seem to have taken everybody’s breath
away, and war with Russia is considered certain, the garrisons to be
withdrawn from the Soudan.
“Finished a letter to Churchill, giving my political views, home and
foreign, and proposing them as compatible with Tory democracy, and took
it to London to show to Mrs. Howard. Of course she is much against my
sending it; but as I left said: ‘Well, it will be amusing, anyhow, to
see how you get on with him. But I call it an intrigue.’ Button, whom I
saw afterwards, objected on other grounds. He said I could not count on
Randolph that he would not throw me over, and he could not get me into
Parliament. Nobody would believe me sincere in my Home Conservativism,
and Conservatives would not support me. He strongly advised me again to
join Parnell rather than Randolph, people would understand that; I
should have more influence, and besides be quite certain of a seat in
Parliament. He is to meet Randolph, however, on Friday, and will try to
find out what he really means; and in the meanwhile I withhold my
letter.
“_23rd April._—George Wyndham has written home accounts of the enormous
number of the Hadendowas who have been killed. Some of these Hadendowas
had shaved their heads and wore the Mahdi’s uniform, ‘a wonderful
instance of fanaticism.’ They (the English officers) are all sick,
however, of the war.
“Rode in the Park with Sullivan (Sir Edward Sullivan), who tells me Mr.
Gladstone dined with Bertram Currie on Tuesday after the announcement of
the eleven millions war vote. He was in high spirits, and said the
announcement of eleven millions was received by the House ‘with
solemnity.’ He is to give a breakfast to Miss Mary Anderson to-day.
Pembroke was also riding, and came and talked about the Soudan. He could
wish, he said, that after having killed the Arabs ‘we could leave them
some substantial benefit in the shape of a railway.’ What fools the best
of them are.
“A letter has come from Eddy, giving a new opening, it seems, for
correspondence. Consulted Ibrahim about it; he tells me the French are
sending a secret mission to the Mahdi, _via_ Tripoli, and thinks I might
hint this to Downing Street.[115]
“_24th April._—It appears that a dynamite explosion took place yesterday
morning during Mr. Gladstone’s breakfast party with Mary Anderson.
Everybody talks now of war as certain, but Button says it will only be a
withdrawal of Ambassadors for the present. The Turkish arrangement has
fallen through, if it ever existed, through Bismarck’s prohibition to
the Sultan of opening the Dardanelles to our fleet. This, perhaps,
accounts for Eddy’s renewal of correspondence.
“To the House of Commons and saw John Morley and Leonard Courtney, and
urged on them to press the Government to withdraw _immediately_ from the
Soudan, as otherwise the Mahdi may again advance. They said they
understood the Government was intending certainly to do so, but they
would endeavour to get some assurance from them during the debate.
Morley, however, would have nothing to do with urging negotiations with
the Mahdi, whom the Government intended to leave to ‘stew in his juice.’
“Bertram, whom I called on later, tells me that Mr. Gladstone told him
at dinner on Tuesday that his idea was still to neutralize Egypt under a
government of its own, and that he counted on the French to aid in doing
this. Bertram, who doubtless repeats Mr. Gladstone’s tone on these
matters, complained of the _unfair_ conduct of the French. ‘If they go
on much longer,’ he said, ‘Mr. Gladstone will throw the whole thing on
their hands and clear bodily out of Egypt.’ He also talked of perhaps
handing it over to the Sultan, who after all was the legal owner; things
were in a deadlock all round.
“_25th April._—Lady Wentworth came to luncheon, and took me to the
Grosvenor Gallery, private view. The exhibition is not nearly as good as
last year, but there is a fine portrait of Gladstone by Millais, one of
his best, with his eye fixing you like some bird of prey.
“_26th April._—To Mark Napier’s at Fulham for lawn tennis. He showed me
a letter he had received from Sir Charles Wilson, saying it was Awwam
who betrayed Gordon at Khartoum. This is a fine piece of retributive
justice, for it was Awwam whom Colvin persecuted because he had
complained of the rogueries in the Cadastral service. Colvin had him
arrested and put in irons after the bombardment of Alexandria, and tried
by a mock tribunal and exiled to Khartoum. I wrote, when the amnesty was
promised, to Dufferin to complain especially of Awwam’s treatment, and
he referred my letter to Wilson, who did nothing. So Awwam remained at
Khartoum, and now this very Wilson writes complaining that he betrayed
Gordon. Thus is injustice sometimes requited.[116]
“At dinner last night at the Denbighs’ Hobart was very warlike, and
talked of commanding the Turkish Fleet in the Black Sea; the Turks might
at first pretend neutrality, and refuse a passage to English ships, but
would join later. I sat next to Lady Dorothy Nevill, certainly the
pleasantest old woman in London. She is a friend, she tells me, of
Chamberlain’s, who tells her the electors care nothing for foreign
politics; she has also seen Gladstone lately, who is in the highest
spirits at the prospect of a new war. On my other side was Lady Brett,
Reginald Brett’s mother, who says she hears from Berlin that Bismarck
treats Malet like a little boy. Of course he does, he has always known
him as such. Lord Salisbury was also there, but I had no opportunity of
speaking to him.
“The Prince of Wales has written to Lady C., saying he is delighted with
his Irish tour, and is to be back, I think, on Tuesday. I hear, however,
from others, that it has been in reality a fiasco.
“_27th April._—Called on Justin McCarthy, who has a small lodging with
his son in Ebury Street, but he was not up. The Irish girl who opened
the door told me he never got up till the middle of the day, but I could
see him between two and three. Then to Percy Wyndham in Belgrave Square,
who deplores all that is going on in public affairs. He is an upright,
honest man, with ideas too—but just short of the power to lead, so he
has achieved nothing, and will retire after this Parliament. Back to
McCarthy in the afternoon, whom I found with his son. My object in
calling was to propose an alliance with Parnell, but we talked first
about the Mahdi, and I asked to be put in communication with O’Kelly.
This they promised to do, and, as I found them sensible and sympathetic,
I broached the real subject with them. Young Huntley was most cordial;
the elder, Justin, however, had had some experience of English
alliances, and said they had several times been disappointed, as notably
with Lord Robert Montagu. He also was cordial but more cautious; he said
my connection with Arabi was well known; Arabi was a great hero in
Ireland; so was the Mahdi. He thought Mr. Parnell would be very glad to
talk the matter over with me, and he would arrange a meeting. They asked
had I property in Ireland, and they were glad to hear I had none. What
did I think about coercion? Could they count on me to turn out the
Government? I told him that I was quite prepared to follow Parnell’s
lead on all Irish questions short of dynamite; that in England I should
expect to be free. I was a friend of Churchill’s, and should probably
support him. On foreign politics they knew my opinions, and those of
course I could not give up. As a Nationalist I could take up the cause
of Ireland with my heart in it. Also I was a Catholic and opposed to the
present Government. On all these matters they expressed themselves
satisfied, saying that I had given too many proofs of having the courage
of my opinions for them to have any doubt about me. But the first thing
would be to see Parnell.
“I am sure these two are very honest fellows, whatever the others may
be, and they said they had no quarrel with England if they got self-
government. They did not want separation; they did not ask me to be
unloyal to my country. But they were sure to succeed. They would have a
great addition of strength in the next Parliament, and counted on
several English constituencies. They counted, too, on Churchill, who was
in favour of Home Rule, and my being a friend of his would be a
recommendation in Irish eyes. On the whole I think the thing will work,
and I am highly satisfied with my visit. I feel more at home with these
people than in the Carlton Club.
“Down to the House of Commons to hear Mr. Gladstone’s statement about
the war, and on the Vote of Credit. There was a previous debate
connected with it, in which Arthur O’Connor proposed an amendment,
speaking moderately and well. Arthur Balfour, too, spoke with some
eloquence, and there was a division which the Government won by a small
majority. Then Gladstone spoke, a really fine speech, the first fine one
I have heard him make. At the beginning he was not felicitous, as he
involved himself in one of his hair-splitting arguments about his own
consistency, and Harcourt had to pull him vigorously by the coat tails
to get him in hand again. But afterwards he was very clear, to the
point, and impressive. His speech was generally taken in the House as a
declaration of war against Russia; but I think he will try to arbitrate
first. About the Soudan he admitted everything I had been urging for the
past year, and condemned himself most emphatically; the people at
Khartoum had been really against Gordon, they really liked the Mahdi,
and the Mahdi was really establishing a Government; why should they be
disturbed? Why indeed! I am glad to have heard this speech, as I am sure
it is one of the best he ever made—perhaps his last great speech. The
delivery was very remarkable and so dramatic as to suggest the
impression that he must have got it up carefully beforehand with Irving
and Mary Anderson. The effect on the House was decisive, so that the
eleven millions were voted without a dissentient voice. It was a scene
to be remembered. But as a matter of fact, the unanimity was due, I
hear, to the accident of Labouchere and Randolph Churchill being away at
dinner. Both had intended to move amendments. The effect of the speech,
however, was very apparent, for at the beginning the sense of the House,
both on his own and the other side, had been distinctly against Mr.
Gladstone. The triumph was due solely to his eloquence.
“Dined at the Carlton Club.
“_28th April._—Rode early. Then to Mrs. Howard, to tell her my ideas
about Ireland. She does not much approve.
“_29th April._—Button tells me that Wolseley is very angry at the idea
of abandoning the Soudan campaign, says the Mahdi will be up again
shortly and wants to finish him off. To a party at Mrs. T.’s, where I
met Lessar, the Russian agent. He looks his character all over, being a
little, inquisitive, dark, furtive man; but in conversation he talks
frankly enough. I had a few words with him about the collision between
East and West. ‘But what are we to do,’ he asked, ‘when the East won’t
be quiet and we come into collision?’ I said, ‘The West should retire.’
“_30th April._—Things already look more like peace with Russia, and I am
inclined to think the whole thing has been got up by Gladstone in order
to get himself out of the Soudan. I met that great man this afternoon in
Pall Mall; he was nearly run over by a cab crossing in front of the
Athenaeum, and I followed him down the steps, past the Duke of York’s
Column, and along Whitehall to Downing Street. He did not see me, but
walked on, black and gloomy, in black, ill-fitting clothes, like a
schoolmaster or an undertaker. He was followed at a distance of twenty
yards by a detective in plain clothes, who eyed me suspiciously,
especially when I crossed between him and his charge, who, taking out
his latchkey, let himself in at the garden gate and disappeared.
“_1st May._—Button says it is all off with the Turks now, and Hassan
Fehmy wants to be away back to Constantinople. Two days ago I wrote a
violent letter to the ‘Times’ about the atrocities in the Soudan, and I
have arranged with Labouchere that when it appears he shall follow it up
in the House of Commons. I alluded in my letter to the story of the
reward offered at Suakin for human hands. F. P. tells me it was C. who
paid the money for them.
“Button tells me that Mr. Gladstone writes every day to Stead refuting
his advocacy of Russia. But I am not sure the Government has not put
Stead up to it, so as to prepare for a withdrawal from the quarrel.
“_4th May._—My letter was printed in the ‘Times’ this morning. To the
House of Commons, and saw Morley walking with Brett. I had begged him to
put a question to Government about a plan which has been announced for
surrounding and capturing Osman Digna. He told me he had not put the
question publicly, but had received a private assurance that no attack
on Osman Digna was intended; so I hope we have put a spoke in Wolseley’s
wheel. Brett told me the same thing.
“_5th May._—It is announced that Wolseley’s expedition is postponed, and
so my letter seems to have succeeded. Mr. Gladstone made a statement
last night entirely backing out of his quarrel with Russia, and during
the debate that followed Randolph made a remarkable speech, the most
important I have heard him make. It was well prepared and considered,
and was very well received; but it was not oratory of the first water.
As to the matter, it was a violent attack on Russia, with jingo talk
about India. I did not wholly sympathize with this, but it will
certainly have put him on a higher platform with his party.
“Lady C. sees old Lucan very frequently, and he tells her all the War
Office secrets, and she told me they intended a _coup_ at Suakin. But I
hope we have put a stop to that. The Prince of Wales has been to see
her, and she asked him about my going to the Levee and what uniform I
should wear. He said that, as I had been five years in diplomacy, I was
entitled to wear the diplomatic. So I shall go to it, as I am coming out
as a Home Ruler. It seems he is quite pacified about me now, but is only
urgent that I should attend a levee. Old Lucan is very warlike, would
like—‘By God!’—to go at the Russians again himself. He is the last at
the Horse Guards who was a general in the Crimean War. He is eighty.
“_6th May._—General Graham has bungled the whole campaign at Suakin.
Alan Charteris, who has come home from there, says all the troops are
disgusted and want the thing to end. There have been letters in the same
sense from up the Nile, where the men are living, or rather dying, in
bell tents. George Wyndham is enthusiastic about the Arabs, I am glad to
hear. Wolseley keeps on board ship at Suakin, pretending he is unwell.
“Saw Labouchere, who was starting to lay the foundation stone of a
Primitive Methodist Chapel. ‘To such things,’ he said, ‘we are reduced
at election time.’
“Met Parnell by appointment at the House of Commons, and walked up and
down the central lobby with him. He told me that it would not do my
standing for an Irish constituency; there were too many jealousies, and
an Englishman would be looked upon as an interloper, whoever he was.
Everybody was wanting to be in Parliament, and he was afraid of giving a
cause of disunion. ‘My countrymen,’ he said, ‘have the weakness of
quarrelling with each other; it is their national defect.’ ‘Like the
Arabs,’ I remarked. Then he corrected himself, as if he had said too
much. ‘Besides,’ he said, ‘we have always been betrayed by all the
English who have gone with us—every one. Sometimes by our own people,
but always by the English.’ I said: ‘I think you need not fear that in
my case.’ ‘No,’ he said, ‘I do not doubt you; but it would be difficult
to make the others understand. For this reason I do not propose that you
should come forward in Ireland. But if you choose an English
constituency I can promise you, wherever it is, the solid Irish vote.
You would vote with us on all Irish questions, but we should not ask
what you thought on other matters. Get Lord Randolph to nominate you
where there are Irish, and I will do all I can for you.’ I was struck by
Parnell’s frankness and straightforwardness in this conversation, and he
has a special charm of manner which doubtless gives him his power.
“_7th May._—An inordinately busy day, caused by the announcement of a
new ‘victory’ of Graham’s at Suakin. It is a very bad case, the worst
that has happened, for they have surrounded a Bedouin camp, with women
and children and cattle, and have fired into the lot, killing a hundred
and fifty, and intending to exterminate. This has made me so angry I
have not been able to eat all day, and have been galloping over the town
getting up an agitation. My first act was to write to Morley. I reminded
him of his share in the Alexandrian Bombardment, and called upon him to
behave like an honest man and join me. I took the letter to Courtney and
showed it to him and his wife, who took the matter up warmly. And they
sent me on to Burt, the working-man member; he, too, promised me all
assistance. Then I went to Randolph, who was delighted to join in the
fray, and who arranged with Northbrook to support any motion for
adjournment the Radicals might move. And then to Labouchere and the
House of Commons, where I talked to O’Shea[117] and others, so that I
got some of all parties to join me. The upshot of it was that at
question time Morley asked for explanations, and a nice little
discussion followed, and Hartington promised a definite statement of
military policy for Monday. This is very satisfactory, but from all I
hear we shall have to work hard to stop the war, for Wolseley and
Baring[118] are moving heaven and earth to get the campaign renewed, and
Hartington and Northbrook are with them. They fancy they can still make
something commercially profitable out of the Berber railway, and, what
is more important, save their own precious bacon. Gladstone in one of
his answers made a quibble which looks specially ominous. He
acknowledged his statement of policy made last Monday week, but
qualified it by explaining that it was made in connection with the
Russian imbroglio. They certainly have it in their minds to renew the
war, but Button assures me nothing is yet absolutely decided.
“Randolph, when I saw him, talked over the matter of my going into
Parliament. I told him of my conversation yesterday with Parnell, and
showed him the paper I drew up a little while ago, headed ‘Am I a Tory
Democrat?[119] of which he approved as a possible basis of my joining
his party, though he said of course he did not pledge himself to go with
me on all points. He objected a little to my using the word Home Rule.
‘I know, of course,’ he said, ‘it must come to this, but we haven’t
educated the Party up to it yet, and it would have been better to use
some vaguer expression.’ Also he thought the allusion to Midlothian was
unnecessary, or I might have said: ‘If there was anything good in the
Midlothian doctrines.’ Nevertheless he was pleased with the paper as a
whole, and promised me all his support and gave me Middleton’s[120]
address at St. Stephen’s Chambers, and authorized me to tell him that he
had sent me to arrange for a constituency, and that I should be of very
great value to the Conservative Party. This is, perhaps, the very best
combination I could have, for it leaves me absolutely free, and I come
in as an independent Member on all points on which I care to be
independent. The only question is, ‘Shall I come in?’ Randolph also
showed me a letter he had received from Sir Frederic Roberts[121] about
the state of the army in India, which was interesting. It urged, of
course, a large increase of forces if we were to fight the Russians; but
it was a sensible letter. It said that the native army was less good
than it looked; some regiments were very good, but not by any means all.
I feel confident I shall get on with Randolph; all his instincts are
right ones, and he has courage and is absolutely the reverse of a prig.
“_8th May._—Morley has written a line, saying he will bring on the
question of Graham’s victory [over the women and children] again to-
night, and has appointed to meet me at one on Monday. I have decided to
go to the Levee that day, as it will be necessary if I am to stand as a
Conservative, especially as a Home Rule Conservative.
“Had some conversation with Frederic Harrison in the Park. At two I went
to the Peace Association, and arranged for a special meeting to-morrow
to protest against a renewal of the Soudan War. There I learned that
there was to be a great meeting at the Town Hall, Birmingham, and I made
up my mind to go down there and move a resolution. This I did. The
meeting was a fairly large one, perhaps 2,000 people, nearly all
enthusiastic Gladstonians, and the object was to congratulate Mr.
Gladstone on his adhering to principle in settling the Russian quarrel
by arbitration. I asked the Chairman to let me move my resolution
against the Soudan War, and with some difficulty he consented, for it
was not in the order of the day, and he thought it might disturb the
harmony of the occasion. But my speech was a great success, and I
carried my resolution almost unanimously. It was as follows: ‘That this
Meeting deplores the renewal by Lord Wolseley of the war in the Soudan,
and calls upon Mr. Gladstone to fulfil his promise of peace by recalling
Lord Wolseley without delay, and opening friendly negotiations with the
Soudanese leaders.’ It was a bold move, but it succeeded, and I was much
congratulated after it; and several persons expressed to me their
sympathy with Arabi and their desire to have him back in Egypt. I came
back to London by the night train.
“_9th May._—Rode in the park, where Frederic Harrison introduced me to
Lord Dalhousie, with whom I talked about the possibility of negotiating
with the Mahdi. It seems he has Mr. Gladstone’s ear, and it may do some
good. I forgot to say that yesterday I called on Middleton, the
Conservative agent, and arranged with him that I should stand for one of
the Liverpool wards, if he could arrange it with the Conservatives
there. I told him my ideas freely, and he seemed quite reasonable;
Randolph had seen him and explained the whole position to him. So that
thing is settled. I don’t know whether I shall gain most or lose most by
being in Parliament, but I am determined, if I do get there, to lead the
Party in their foreign politics and about India.
“_10th May._—Randolph at the Carlton Club talked again about my
parliamentary prospects, and suggested Southwark as a likely
constituency. I hear, through John Pollen and Ripon, that it is settled
to evacuate the Soudan.
“_11th May._—A great and memorable Monday. The ‘Daily News’ gave a hint
this morning that things stood as John said yesterday, and that the
Government had resolved on a surrender. I went early to Wentworth to
arrange with him to move an amendment to a motion Lord Wemyss is
bringing on in the Lords about the Berber Railway, and then to the
Courtneys’. They seemed ignorant of any pacific intention on the
Government’s part; as also was, or pretended to be, Morley, whom I met
at half past twelve by appointment at the House of Commons. I coached
him in the speech he was intending to make against a continuation of the
war. But I think now he must have been prepared for what was coming,
though probably not for all. Then at half-past four I went again to the
House, and was fortunate enough to find Edward Ponsonby, who gave me the
very best seat in the distinguished strangers’ gallery. From this point
of vantage I listened to every word. We were all prepared for a
surrender, but nobody dreamed of its being so complete. Hartington had
written his speech out beforehand and delivered it plainly, even baldly,
and I don’t know but what the effect was better than if he had used
eloquence. At any rate we believed him, as we should not have believed
Mr. Gladstone. They are to clear out of the Soudan, bag and baggage, at
the very first rising of the Nile; they are to abandon the Berber
Railway and everything, except just Suakin, till such times as they can
make other arrangements with a ‘civilized Power.’ Percy Wyndham asked a
question about this, and whether Suakin was not part of the Ottoman
Empire; and Gladstone gave him one of his roundabout answers: he thought
that Suakin was generally ‘conceived’ to belong to Turkey. However,
Hartington’s declaration was a great ministerial success, and I went
home feeling that at last I had won a real victory.
“Dined with Lady C., who told me that Mr. Gladstone had been to see her
on Saturday, and she had attacked him on his wickedness in killing the
Arabs, and told him a number of home truths. He took it all in good part
however. She asked him what he thought of me, saying we were friends. He
answered that I was ‘personally a charming person, but on politics mad.’
Mad people think others mad.
“_12th May._—What Lady C. told me yesterday gave me the fortunate
inspiration to write to Downing Street to congratulate Mr. Gladstone on
the abandonment of the war, and to add a copy of the new edition of my
sonnets; and two hours later I got a reply from Eddy, evidently in great
good humour, saying that the gift was appreciated, and Mr. Gladstone
‘would turn with pleasure from the Soudan to Proteus.’ These little
interchanges of courtesy in war time are agreeable, and the Old Man
appreciates them, looking on all politics as he does in the light of a
debating club.
“Went to the Levee to-day for the first time for fifteen or sixteen
years. When it was over Staal ran out after me and warmly entreated me
to come and see him. Down to Crabbet in high spirits.
“_13th May._—Ibrahim informed me yesterday that he had received an
invitation from the Sultan, conveyed to him through Jowdat, to go to
Constantinople and be one of his secretaries, and he asked my advice
about accepting. He said he was afraid of what might happen, it was such
a very risky thing, Court favour. I said that, if he looked to his own
interest he had better go and take the chance, but that if he really had
ideas of patriotism he had better stay and be ready to carry a message
when required to the Mahdi. I could not advise him: he must judge for
himself. He says for the present he will stay.
“To London, and called on Mrs. Howard, who is very angry at my
arrangement with Randolph. ‘You must expect no more sympathy,’ she said,
‘in this house.’ However, we parted friends. George, whom I met
yesterday at the Levee, had told her about it. George says I am right
and rejoices, and says I shall ruin the Tory Party.
“_15th May._—Went down with Percy Wyndham to Hampton Court to see the
last day of the great tennis match between Lambert and Petitt. It was
worth any trouble to see, being quite a unique occasion, and I suppose
the tennis court at Hampton Court has not for a hundred years seen such
an assembly. Not only were the dedans and side galleries filled, but the
other galleries over the pent houses had been fitted up with double rows
of seats, all crammed. The play, too, was probably the strongest, if not
the best, ever seen since tennis was invented. Curiously enough the
young man’s play, which has been described as more Lambertish than
Lambert’s, struck me as the less unclassic of the two. I have never
admired Lambert’s style, and Petitt has a really splendid stroke on the
floor when he chooses. In return Lambert was throughout over-matched,
Petitt having an astonishing judgement and precision. The game, however,
to eyes used to the French style, is spoilt by the perpetual underhand
service, which gives no scope to the first stroke; it consisted in a
succession of these with a boasted return—boasted from the gallery wall.
This is and must be ugly, but no other return is possible. Arthur
Balfour, Alfred Lyttelton, Heathcote, and all the players and amateurs
were there, and we came back in the train with the little American who
brought Petitt over, and who told us Petitt’s history. He was a Sussex
boy, perhaps Kent, and had been merely engaged at fifteen to sweep out
the court under one Hulse at Boston. Hulse would not even let him play,
and he taught himself at odd moments. He never played with any one who
could take less than thirty from him till he came to England. All which
makes his success more miraculous. He is now twenty-four.
“Dined with Settna and some Indians and Indian sympathisers, Clark,
Digby, Wood, Foggo, etc., at the National Liberal Club, where we
indulged in some rather wild talk about Indian reform.
“_16th May._—Button has come back from Ireland, and I am glad of it, as
I find it difficult to get on without him. He tells me the Russian
difficulty is not yet over. Randolph Churchill’s violent letter,
published yesterday in the ‘Times,’ was not a mere hasty ebullition, but
Randolph showed it about to his friends before sending it in. These
advised him to cut out the offensive passages, but he deliberately left
them in as he considered they would tell with the electors.
“Harrison tells me that Gladstone explains his rejection of my offers of
negotiation by saying he does not believe those who made them through me
are really in communication with the Mahdi. Called on Staal and talked
the whole situation over with him. He tells me his Government seems to
be making new difficulties, more than he himself thinks justified.
“_17th May, Sunday._—In my conversation with Staal yesterday we
discussed the Egyptian situation. He was very curious to know if Mr.
Gladstone was serious at last about evacuating the Soudan; and I told
him that he was,—as serious, that is, as he ever is. ‘He is a great
comedian,’ Staal said, ‘but I was shocked, when he made his speech on
Monday week, at his extraordinary statement of the position on the
Afghan frontier. And I don’t know what to believe now about his
intentions in Egypt. There are the three questions of the Soudan, Egypt,
and the Suez Canal. About Egypt, I understand that it will eventually be
neutralized; and so will the Canal. But what will become of the Soudan?’
I said: ‘They will certainly end by coming to terms with the Mahdi;
there is no other course.’ ‘But will not the Mahdi invade Egypt?’ ‘No,
if you will establish a popular government.’ He said he believed the
European Governments would be quite willing. About the Canal, he
remarked, the principal difficulty was who should garrison it. The
Sultan insisted upon doing this. I said it required no garrison more
than the Canal Company’s police; and as for the Sultan, ‘_On pourrait
passer outre_.’ This, to which he agreed, is certainly how it will be
arranged sooner or later.
“Luncheon at Lady Dorothy Nevill’s. Drummond Wolff, Lord Haddington,
Jeune, and Ford, just named Minister at Madrid. Randolph came in late.
Afterwards I looked in on Lothian,[122] and tried to get him to take an
interest in negotiations with the Mahdi. His mind, however, is all in a
muddle, though he is well disposed on the main points; and as he is
rather a close friend of Lord Salisbury’s we may perhaps get something
from him in the debate in the Lords to-morrow. It seems odd to me to be
talking seriously with him on serious political questions after all
these years.
“_18th May._—Anne went to the Drawing Room. In the afternoon Lord Wemyss
brought on his Soudan motion in the House of Lords, and Wentworth
opposed it. Wentworth’s speech was good in substance, but it rather
unnecessarily jarred in tone upon the noble Lords it was addressed to,
and called down a thunderbolt from the Duke of Argyll who followed. The
Duke’s oration was splendid as a work of art, well reasoned, eloquent in
every mood, and most impassioned. Though I did not agree with a word of
the argument, I could not help admiring him; but the whole discussion
was, as Wentworth said, academical, and will have no effect whatever on
public opinion. There is no possibility now of a conquest of Africa, in
the interests of civilization, being undertaken by England; the only
danger is from a commercial company, to support which a promoter called
upon me this afternoon. He thought I might use my influence with Osman
Digna to get him to help a railway to Berber as a commercial
speculation, but I of course declined to have anything at all to do with
it.
“I dined after the debate, which we had listened to together, with Percy
Wyndham at the Travellers. He encourages me much to go into Parliament
in support of Randolph, of whom he has a high opinion. ‘You two,’ he
said, ‘if you will stick to your principle of telling the truth at all
cost, may yet save England.’ Only can I get into Parliament really on my
own terms? Philip Currie was dining at another table, and I had some
conversation with him about Egypt and the Afghan question. He is very
polite to me now, and urges me also to go into Parliament. He is very
scornful about the Government, but I believe a good deal of the trouble
has been due to his own mismanagement at the Foreign Office.
“_19th May._—George Wyndham, I am glad to say, is ordered home again
from Suakin, and there is every reason to believe nothing more will be
done against the Arabs. Down to Crabbet and dined with Locker at
Rowfant. Harrison advises me to write what I have to say about
negotiation to Mr. Gladstone—and publish it.
“_20th May._—Dined at Francis Buxton’s, a Radical I like particularly.
He was very urgent I should stand for Parliament; Cyril Flower said he
could put me into a safe seat as a Radical. I am like a donkey between
two bundles of hay—very like the donkey.
“_21st May._—Yesterday we had an Indian meeting in my house to present
Mr. Settna with an address on his return to India, and it was turned
into an address to myself by the Indians present. I made them a speech
in reply which was well received, and advised them to agitate
continually till they got their rights, as there was no party in England
which would do anything for them from any other motive than fear. Some
of them complained that Randolph Churchill, whom I had been extolling as
a sympathiser, had not said a word yet of his desire to help them. And I
wrote to him this morning, _à propos_ of a speech he made last night
declaring for freedom in Egypt and Ireland, and begged him to take an
opportunity soon of saying a word for India; and I met him this
afternoon at the Carlton Club, and he promised me to second Slagg’s
motion for an inquiry into the Indian Government. This is capital, and
encourages me to go on with him in earnest. Sir Robert Peel was there,
very amusing, both of them cutting their jokes at the old Tories. ‘There
won’t be half a dozen of them,’ Randolph said, ‘in the next Parliament.’
He also declared he would contest Birmingham at all hazards, and
expressed his certainty of turning the Government out at the elections.
Now he is off to Paris for a run and to find out what the new French
policy is. The House adjourns to-morrow. Wagram has arrived from Paris,
looking for a house for the summer. We dined together at St. James’s
Club.
“Mr. Egmont Hake called to-day to consult me on various points connected
with the ‘Gordon Diaries’ he is publishing. He admits that Gordon made
great mistakes at Khartoum, both as to men and things. I have promised
him a narrative of my efforts at negotiation for his book.
“_22nd May, and later._—Spent the day with Wagram looking for houses at
Ascot and Windsor. We drove through Windsor Park, which is certainly the
finest thing of its sort in the world. Then down with him to Crabbet,
where he spent Whitsuntide with us. During the week there was absolutely
no move on the political chess-board except that the evacuation of
Dongola is being hurried on, and the evacuation of Suakin stayed—both in
accordance with my programme. Randolph has gone to Paris, where Victor
Hugo is dead; and Hartington and Dilke to Ireland, where Healy is very
much alive. There is an absolute calm after the storm, and the only rock
ahead is a threat by Chamberlain of resignation on the Crimes Act.
“_31st May._—To London to get news. Button was away, and London nearly
empty, but by great luck I hit upon Gregory just returned from Ireland,
and Churchill just returned from Paris. I met Gregory in the street, and
we sat together for half an hour in Hyde Park. He has seen Morley
lately, and finds him quite ready to go against Tewfik, and has put him
in favour of Halim and Arabi’s return. Morley quite admits now that it
would have been possible to get on with Arabi three years ago, and
regrets the part he took against him, which he excuses on the ground of
wanting information.
“Churchill, whom I found at the Carlton Club, approves of a move now in
favour of Arabi, and advises me to make war on Ismaïl, whom the ‘Pall
Mall’ is working for. He also tells me Middleton, the Conservative
agent, is very keen about my joining the Party, and promises to see that
the matter of my candidature is settled soon. He will come to Crabbet
for a symposium I am proposing for one of the Sundays of June or July.
The persons to be invited are Staal, Churchill, Morley, Lothian,
Harrison, George Howard, Burt, Parnell, Pembroke, Gregory, Stanley of
Alderley, Percy Wyndham, Hobart, and Morris. [This imagined party never
came to anything on account of the political upset which immediately
afterwards happened. If I remember rightly I did not even issue all the
invitations.]
“_2nd June._—To London again for the day, but it is like a city of the
dead. The only person I saw was Mrs. Howard. She is half inclined now to
forgive me my political errors, and has invited me to Castle Howard for
next month. She has been seeing something lately of Chamberlain, whom
she attacked about his orchid mania. But he defends himself by saying he
has had an horticultural passion all his life; when he was a little boy
he used to spend his pennies in the market buying pots of daisies.
“_4th June._—Randolph has made a capital speech, with a declaration of
Conservative policy, including an inquiry into the Government of India
and a sort of Home Rule for Ireland. As regards Egypt, he is for
arranging matters with the Sultan, and retaining with his consent the
protection of Egypt. He is educating the Tory Party, and I am educating
him.
“_5th June._—Called on Middleton, the Conservative agent, and told him I
could accept Randolph’s programme almost as it stood, and would write in
that sense. He tells me there is a difficulty about finding me a
Conservative seat with my views on Irish Home Rule. But he asked me to
give him a little longer to make inquiries. He still thinks there may be
an opening at Liverpool, or he might find me a place where I could stand
as an independent candidate with a Tory vote.
“Dined with Whittaker at the Salisbury Club in St. James’s Square.
Hobart and his wife were there, and Villiers the correspondent of the
‘Illustrated London News,’ just back from the Nile campaign. Villiers
gave me much interesting information. He considers the campaign redounds
greatly to Wolseley’s credit, and the credit of all concerned. Like most
correspondents he is more warlike than any soldier, would have eaten the
Arabs’ livers if he could, and has been in all the battles. At the same
time he says the power of the Mahdi is quite unbroken. The Mahdi is a
man of genius and has never made a mistake, and his movement is the most
important there has ever been in Africa. I asked him about the reported
losses of Arabs in battle, and he said they had been absurdly
exaggerated. He knew how generals liked to make big things out of small
ones, and he was quite sure, from first to last and including both
campaigns at Suakin and the Nile, the total Arab loss was under 5,000.
This has consoled me much. He was at Tamaï last year when the British
square was broken, and he is sure there were not above 600 Arabs who
made the charge, nor more than 5,000 altogether opposed to Graham.
“About Sir Charles Wilson’s delay in reaching Khartoum, he said that
Wilson’s fault, if any, was in not pushing home the attack on Metemmeh.
He had attacked Metemmeh, meaning to take it, but found the place too
strong, and after the repulse it would have been very imprudent to send
the steamers away directly, as it would have invited attack on the camp.
Metemmeh, therefore, and Shendi had to be shelled; Khartoum could have
been taken by the Arabs at any time. The Intelligence Department had
been wrong throughout. Villiers seems an intelligent fellow, and, as I
have said, a fire-eating warrior. So his evidence goes for much. He told
me it was certainly true that a reward of £50 had been offered for
Olivier Pain, dead or alive. It was Wolseley issued it, ‘and quite right
too, the man being a soldier of fortune.’ He himself would have been
‘delighted to put a bullet through him, and drag him into camp by the
heels.’ Such are the amenities of ‘war which is not war.’
“_6th June._—Luncheon in Belgrave Square. George Wyndham has written
from Suakin, very angry with me for saying in the ‘Times’ that money had
been paid for dead Arabs’ hands. Only one hand had been brought in, and
it was not of a dead but of a live Arab whom they had gone out and
brought in alive to camp, and nothing was paid for the hand. But that
does not prevent C. from having done the thing last year. Met Harry
Brand in Piccadilly and walked with him up Bond Street. I told him I
thought Randolph the only man who would push reform. But he said the
Government would be in for ever, they would get a majority of fifty more
than they had now after the elections. To a great party at the Foreign
Office for the Queen’s birthday.
“_8th June._—Crabbet. I have finished my letter to Randolph (the one
intended for publication as a manifesto of my opinions), and have
written to him to say I will bring it him to-morrow. He has made another
wonderful speech at Cambridge. I am convinced he will carry the Tory
Party through at the elections.
“_9th June._—This morning the astonishing news came of the Government’s
defeat on the Budget. Nobody at all expected it, and it looks very like
a put-up business. People in London, however, say the reason is that the
Whigs and Radicals have got rusty about voting, having been sent for so
often to defend motions of censure, and now they did not believe in the
danger. Anyhow, the Government are out, and the Carlton Club is agog
with delight.
“I went up by the early train to London, and my first visit was to
Randolph, the hero of the moment (whom I found still in bed). I must say
there never was a man with his head turned less by success than he. We
talked for half an hour, and he read me a very curious letter which
arrived while I was with him from Lepel Griffin. It contained a scheme
of policy for Afghanistan which was briefly this: The Amir’s reception
at Rawal Pindi has been a failure and a mistake; too much fuss had been
made with him, and it had offended the other native princes. Scindia had
said it was ridiculous, and the Maharajah of Cashmere had refused to
come. None of the princes of India were really loyal, except the
Punjabis. The rest disliked us, ‘though,’ said Griffin, ‘I made the most
of their loyalty in my article to encourage them.’ His article was one
about the native army. His scheme for Afghanistan was this: he would
come to an understanding with Russia for its partition, making over to
her the Turcoman provinces and keeping Candahar and Kabul with the
Hindoo Kush for a frontier. This was, I remember, exactly Lytton’s
scheme of securing a ‘scientific frontier.’ Griffin, however, would give
Constantinople to Russia. To this Randolph objected, but he approved of
keeping Candahar, or rather of taking it. I dissuaded him, however,
strongly from meddling with the Afghans, and offered to find out from
Jemal-ed-Din in what way we could make friends with them, and who would
be the most popular Amir to succeed Abd-el-Rahman, if, as Randolph said
was likely soon, he should die.
“We then talked about the prospects of a change of Government, and he
told me the Conservatives would take office and that all had been
arranged. But they did not wish it known, and had sent word to the ‘Pall
Mall’ that they did not mean to come in. Randolph counts on having a
voice in Foreign Affairs, and he asked me whether I would go on a
mission to the Mahdi. I said I would if sent as a regular envoy. Also
there will be no coercion in Ireland. He read my letter, which I had
brought with me, and approved of it all. ‘I agree with it all,’ he said;
but he asked me to leave out the words ‘Home Rule’ in what I said about
Ireland, and insert the words ‘than you _apparently_ are _yet_ prepared
for.’ He also assured me he was keeping Middleton up to the mark about
my candidature, and again recommended Southwark. We agreed that I should
send my letter to the ‘Times’ to-night for publication.
“Then to Button in the City, and arranged about publishing the letter;
and then to Mrs. Howard. She dined last night with Hartington and
Granville and Bright, and assured me they had been all as merry and
unconscious of danger as men could be. Bright told her he was at the
Cabinet which decided on the bombardment of Alexandria; but Lord
Granville had assured him that it would not really take place, and it
had long ago been settled that he was to leave the Cabinet on the first
shot fired in any war. It had been a cause of grief and tears with him
to watch the slaughter which had since occurred, but he had not had the
heart to stand up and denounce his former friends. He had, however,
written to Mr. Gladstone after the war to say that if he allowed Arabi
to be tried by the Egyptian Government it would be a ‘lasting infamy.’ I
am asked to Castle Howard for 21st July.
“Back to Crabbet. We have arranged two parties: one for Staal on the
27th, the other for Randolph on the 4th. Staal did not fancy meeting
Randolph, so we have asked them for separate days. Also a third for the
Club on the 11th of July.
“_11th June._—Anniversary of the Alexandria riots. Arabi is very nearly
now avenged. I shall send a copy of my letter to Randolph to Lothian,
that he may show it to Lord Salisbury, who will probably have the
Foreign Office. Barring accidents, we must win now; at least we have
gained this—Granville will _never_ be in office again till time shall be
no more.
“To London. Harry Brand professes himself in high delight at being out
of office, and I fancy there was a little hocus-pocus in the Government
defeat. To Coombe, where we saw ‘As You Like It’ acted in the open air.
I cannot call it a success; I dislike Shakespeare on the stage, and
especially his comedies. His long-winded Elizabethan jokes after these
three hundred years are inexpressibly flat, and this ‘As You Like It’ is
full of them. Then the open-air representation gave only the forest
scenes, and was a bit monotonous. I doubt if anything is gained by its
being out of doors. The _coup d’œil_ was pretty enough, but in no way
reminded one of a forest, and the actors looked even less real than on a
regular stage. The place chosen was no part of Coombe Wood, but a
suburban garden with lime trees, pretty but tame. The ground, littered
with dry fern, looked like a farmyard, and the actors, wading about in
it, out of place and a trifle absurd. The acting was ordinary English
acting, that is to say bad—mostly professional. Lady Archie’s[123] was
certainly the best; she is a tall, graceful woman, with a good stage
voice, and made herself well heard. These are my criticisms, but the day
was perfect—chequered sunlight and shade, with birds singing, and I
enjoyed it very much.
“Dined with Anne at the Russian Embassy. A pleasant family dinner,
nobody there but ourselves, a secretary, and Monsieur de Lessar. We
talked the political situation over freely, and my impression is that
Lord Salisbury will have trouble in finishing the Afghan frontier
dispute. Staal is evidently much roughed up, especially against
Randolph; and when I asked him whether he would like to meet him at
Crabbet he said he would rather not. He would, however, like to meet
some Conservatives of position; so I have asked Lothian and Pembroke. We
talked about Madame de Novikof, and he acknowledged that she had been
very useful to Russian diplomacy. There was talk also about Ismaïl in a
tone which convinces me that Ismaïl is the Russian candidate. There is a
Christian conspiracy against Islam here in England, consisting of Madame
de Novikof, Stead, and Ismaïl as the Sultan’s chief enemy. Staal said to
me: ‘What they reproach you with is that having been against the Sultan
you have now gone over to him.’ He must have got this from these three.
“_12th June._—My letter to Randolph is in the ‘Times.’ I have sent
copies of it to Lucknow, Bombay, Colombo, and Constantinople; also to
Sanua and Jemal-ed-Din.[124]
“_14th June, Sunday._—Crabbet. The ‘Observer’ has a list of the new
Cabinet, which, if true, would suit me well. Randolph at the India
Office, Northcote, Foreign Affairs; no mention of Pembroke, however,
whom I met on Friday looking very mysterious, as people do who have been
talked to about a place but are not sure of getting it.
“_16th June._—Randolph has made a new row, voting against Northcote with
Beach and others. I suppose Lord Salisbury has not recognized the claims
and policy of the Fourth Party; it is unfortunate, as it seems to
jeopardize the Conservative chance. But I daresay Randolph is right; he
is the only man capable of leading the Tories to victory. Lady C. writes
that the Prince of Wales is highly pleased with my letter to Randolph.
“_17th June._—Randolph was right and he has won, and nothing he has done
yet has given me so high an idea of his genius as a leader. He has
brought Lord Salisbury to his own terms. Stafford Northcote is to go to
the Lords, and Beach is to lead the Commons as Randolph’s lieutenant.
All the old generals are to be put on the pension list, and the young
fellows to command the battle. This will give the Tory Party a chance at
the elections: it would have had none under Northcote. With Randolph at
the India Office and, who knows, Drummond Wolff Under-Secretary for
Foreign Affairs, I ought to be able to pull through my programme. At the
Radical meeting last night, at St. James’s Hall, Vernon Harcourt
incautiously mentioned Arabi’s name, and it was received with vociferous
cheering.
“_18th June._—In London. Just saw Randolph at the Carlton Club and
congratulated him. But he said: ‘It is not a case for congratulations
yet. Nothing is settled.’ The old fogies at the Carlton are in a great
taking about Lord Salisbury having accepted office, and are putting
pressure on him to back out of it. It seems there are negotiations going
on with Gladstone to know whether he will support the Conservatives on
the Budget and other matters, and it is doubtful which way it will go. I
had a long talk with Leconfield, who expressed the usual idea—rather
frightened at Randolph—would sooner not come into office. Pembroke the
same. I am all for a bold course, the only one to win the elections.
“Back to Crabbet; I shall stay here till the crisis is over.
“_22nd June._—Had a talk with Ferid Bey, first secretary of the Turkish
Embassy, who came down to Crabbet. He is very anxious to find out what
Lord Salisbury’s policy is likely to be. I sketched to him my idea of a
settlement for Egypt; but it is clear the Turks have but one notion, to
get Egypt back ‘after the manner of Syria,’ which, Ferid says, is ‘so
well governed.’ I explained to him, however, that, unless they could get
rid of the debt, they could not get rid of European influence, and for
that reason the Sultan must act in concert with some solvent Power,
which could guarantee the interest of the loans, and so undertake a
joint protection. This could only be England. Acting together, peace
could easily be restored in Egypt by the Sultan’s appointment of a new
Viceroy.
“Lord Salisbury is to come into office. Lothian, whom I met at the
Carlton Club, told me it was settled this afternoon. I talked to him
about Eastern policy and Lord Salisbury’s foreign policy. He tells me
the great difficulty with Lord Salisbury is that he is a very shy man,
and hardly ever mixes with people out of his own set, so that he does
not know the real turn opinion is taking. Also, with regard to Egypt, it
will be difficult to get him to go against his words. He was strongly
against Arabi before the war, and has always taken the line that the
Government’s fault was that it did not put him down soon enough. There
will be the difficulty. Lothian is coming down to Crabbet next Sunday
and we shall then know more about it. In the meanwhile I have written to
Jemal-ed-Din, begging him to hold himself in readiness to come over here
should he be wanted. The Wagrams have arrived in London.
“_23rd June._—Sure enough Lord Salisbury is in office. There is talk of
Drummond Wolff going to Egypt in Evelyn Baring’s place. At the Carlton I
found Middleton, who tells me the Conservatives of Southwark will
probably ask me to stand for their division at the elections, and if I
can make sure of the Irish vote I shall certainly be elected. This
sounds well. To a party at Lady Ripon’s, where I met divers
Radicals—Lyulph Stanley, the Courtneys, Sir George Campbell, and others,
all very angry at Randolph’s success. There were Indians there too, but
these were quite willing to take him as an acquisition; he would be
better in any case than Kimberley. The great advantage Randolph has as a
reformer is that he has no respect at all for any one older than
himself; and I expect when he gets strong in his seat after the
elections he will turn the old Indian Council into the street. They say
now at the India Office that they know how to manage him, but we shall
see. Amongst others at the party was the Duke of Argyll, to whom I was
introduced. I began at once with him about his Soudan speech in the
House of Lords, and we had a quarter of an hour’s argument, during the
course of which I told him that the only civilization he was likely to
bring to the Arabs was brandy and venereal diseases. It is difficult to
keep one’s temper with the Duke of Argyll, he is so dictatorial and
_cassant_ in his manner—the very rudest man I ever talked to. Forster
joined us, and I went away without finishing the conversation.
“_25th June._—Robert Bourke is appointed Undersecretary for Foreign
Affairs, and I have written to congratulate him. This is a very distinct
gain. Also Drummond Wolff goes to Egypt, and Baring is to be recalled.
Thus I have many friends in office, for Arthur Balfour also gets a place
and Sidney Herbert.
“Called on Button in his new rooms in Northumberland Avenue. He is
standing for Clapham. He tells me the Conservatives mean now to pay no
attention at all to votes in the House, to be silent in face of
resolutions, and if supply is refused to carry on the Government without
it till the elections. They will keep quiet about their foreign policy
till the recess, and then they will act vigorously. Drummond Wolff is
being sent out as a stop-gap, ‘to report.’ Baring will certainly be
recalled. Eventually the Egyptian question will be settled in accord
with the Sultan. Bismarck will support England. They are talking of
Lytton for Constantinople, but I advised his going to Vienna and sending
Paget to Constantinople. Called also on Percy Wyndham, who is much
interested in the way things are turning and my election prospects. I
regret immensely that he should be leaving Parliament at the very moment
when the outlook is brighter and he likely to be appreciated.
“Lunched at the Alfred Lytteltons—George Curzon, Godfrey Webb, and
others there. Met Eddy Hamilton in fine feather coming out of Lord
Granville’s. He has been made a C. B., which he acknowledges, and given
Welby’s place at the Treasury, which he does not acknowledge.
“To Drummond Wolff’s daughter’s wedding; the bridesmaids in yellow,
representing the Primrose League. Then to Fulham Palace, where Bee
Lascelles, now Mrs. Bishop Temple, was holding a clerical levee, the
garden ‘crawling alive’ with parsons like an ant’s nest. I escaped to a
side alley, feeling out of my element, and ran up against Frederick
Leveson, who had fled there from the same motive. We had not met since
the bombardment of Alexandria, but he was glad to find any one to say
‘How do you do’ to. ‘You are the first layman I have met here,’ he said;
‘it is like a scene out of Trollope.’
“Dined at Frederic Harrison’s and sat next Lord Justice Bowen, and
talked over Lord Randolph’s character. I think I can see the Radicals
are getting a bit uneasy at Randolph’s leadership. If he can succeed in
striking terror in the enemy, confidence will come to our people and we
shall carry the day. Randolph has written, asking me to call on him at
the India Office early next week, which is a sign of good things. They
all say he will change now he is in office, but we shall see. His note
was in answer to one of mine, telling him that Godley was a friend, and
asking him to look up the cases of the Civil Service examinations and
Holkar’s claim. Both these requests were suggested to me by Pollen on
Lord Ripon’s behalf. Lord Ripon supported both cases, but was thrown
over by Lord Kimberley.
“Gordon’s Diaries are out. They are excellent reading, and he pitches
into Malet and Colvin and Dilke to my heart’s content.
“_27th June._—A party at Crabbet—the Staals and Wagrams, Harry Brand,
Stanley of Alderley, and Lothian. I have had much talk with Lothian
about the new Conservative policy in Egypt, and have urged him to press
on Lord Salisbury the necessity of very careful dealing with the matter,
as it is one which might very easily be bungled. It is curious having
Lothian down here for the first time after so many years that we have
known each other intimately. I find Staal much more peaceably inclined
towards the present Ministry. He quite understands Churchill’s
irresponsibility. He seems to distrust Salisbury the more of the two.
‘Now they are in office,’ he said, ‘I shall have to be friends with
them.’
“_28th June, Sunday._—Button came down, riding from London, and we
played lawn tennis. Button rather disquiets me in what he says of Lord
Salisbury’s intention in Egypt. He has counter-ordered the evacuation of
Dongola, and Harry Brand talks of an expedition to Khartoum as an easy
matter. I am afraid they may be tempted to humour Wolseley.
“I have been reading Gordon’s journals, and find him perpetually calling
for Turkish troops. To the last he seems to have underrated his enemy,
both physically and morally. What strikes me most in these journals is
Gordon’s inability to see the far higher moral standing ground of his
opponents. I doubt if he understood the letters sent him; they were
probably not translated to him fairly, and he never would see any of the
Mahdi’s men himself. If he had gone to the Mahdi he could not have
blinded himself to the elevation of the position the Mahdi claimed as
socialistic reformer, and he is content to repeat tales, told him by
Greeks and other scoundrels, of the Mahdi putting pepper under his nails
to promote tears, and other like absurdities. If ever right triumphed in
the world it was at the fall of Khartoum. At the same time the journals
make out a far stronger case for Gordon as against the Government than I
could have expected.
“_30th June._—To London, to see Randolph at the India Office. He had
just been attending his first council and seemed a little oppressed at
the weight of work before him. But he soon cheered up, and talked with
his old frankness and fun about his plans: ‘I am doing all I can now,’
he said, ‘of course to humour the people in the Office and get them
friendly. But they are very slow, and I can see will prove obstructive.
The Secretary of State, however, can always insist, if he chooses, on
having his own way; and I mean to have mine. We must do things by
degrees. If I was to offer to re-open the question of the Civil Service
examinations straight off there would be a howl all over the Office. But
I mean to carry the Queen’s Proclamation into practice, and see that the
natives get admitted into the services. I can tell them that through
you, but can do no more for the present.’
“I asked him about Holkar’s claim. This he professed himself quite ready
to support. ‘Dufferin has promised me,’ he said, ‘not to put the
settlement of this matter into Durand’s hands. All my sympathies are
with Holkar.’ I told him about Staal’s visit and the prospects of peace
with Russia, and advised him to have as little to do with the Afghans as
he could help. But we did not discuss the subject at length. Then we
went on to Egypt, and he said: ‘I am very anxious you should see
Drummond Wolff without delay. Drummond Wolff is very keen to work in the
way we want, and I am beginning to get Lord Salisbury round to our
ideas. Lord Salisbury and I are on the best possible terms; like father
and son,’ he said with a queer smile. Also he went on: ‘I told Lord
Salisbury we should have to get rid of Tewfik the other day, and it
quite startled him. He never seems to have thought of it before, but I
think he will come to it; we must do it little by little. My idea about
Egypt is—only you must promise me you will not repeat it, for if it was
to get about it would spoil everything—that Tewfik should be deposed by
the Sultan, and his son put up under English guardianship. We would then
recall Arabi, at first as a simple citizen,—afterwards, when we saw how
it did, as Minister. But there must be a protectorate.’ I said: ‘Why not
call it something else, an alliance?’ ‘No,’ he said, ‘I think it best to
call a spade a spade. We will call it what it is, a protectorate.’ I
said: ‘You will require very delicate handling to get the Sultan to do
exactly what you want. He is difficult to deal with and a little mad;
and whatever is done should be through his initiative.’ To this he
entirely agreed.
“He then asked about Dongola and Suakin, whether it would not be best to
get the Sultan to occupy them with his troops. With regard to Suakin, I
said: ‘Certainly, yes; but not Dongola. Any troops left at Dongola would
certainly be attacked.’ And I strongly advise him to accept Lord
Granville’s line of Wady Halfa as the boundary of Egypt. If he did so
there was very little chance of Egypt being invaded this year. A joint
occupation with the Turks in Lower Egypt would be a smaller risk, but I
would not advise it. The Sultan’s intervention should be a moral one.
Randolph is keen also to make peace with the Mahdi, which he said would
be a feather in their caps before the election. And he approved the idea
of Ibrahim going as forerunner to prepare my way before me. I am to talk
all this over, however, with Drummond Wolff when he returns from
Woodstock on Saturday, and afterwards see Lord Salisbury. ‘You need not
mind,’ he said, ‘putting yourself forward in this matter; you are an
authority on Egypt and have a right to be heard.’ Nothing could have
been more satisfactory than all this conversation. With regard to
Ismaïl, Randolph spoke very strongly: ‘I will never consent,’ he said,
‘to his restoration. I should consider it a personal disgrace to be
connected with the restoration of such a scoundrel. As to Halim I know
nothing, and I prefer Tewfik’s boy with a Regency.’ I promised to be
secret on all he had told me, and to act in concert with him and
Drummond Wolff, and I have written to Wolff to propose seeing him Monday
or Tuesday.
“_1st July._—The ‘Times’ opens fire at Drummond Wolff, and I fear may
spoil our sport, so I have written a short letter about the charges
against the Khedive, and have sent it to Churchill to know whether he
approves its publication. I am for attacking Tewfik now; if they commit
themselves with him they will never get rid of him. The ‘Morning Post’
has an article in favour of Ismaïl. Randolph has sent back word, through
Hope (my private secretary), that if I had written my letter a fortnight
ago he would have approved it; now he cannot approve it. So I have kept
back the letter; it is useless fighting the battle by myself.
“To Argyll Lodge, where I had another talk with the Duke, but in more
amicable terms. All the same, it is an uncomfortable house to visit,
through the absurd pride of its inhabitants.
“_3rd July._—Wrote to Robert Bourke giving an account of my
correspondence with Downing Street about the Mahdi.
“_4th and 5th July, Sunday._—Our annual Lawn Tennis meeting; those
present were Eddy Hamilton, Wentworth, Frederic Harrison, Elcho, Jack
Napier, Mark Napier, Kingscote, Sandys, Seymour, Mallock, Farquhar,
Button, and George Dallas.
“Button tells me Randolph has been a great success at the India Office;
he has also won his election at Woodstock most triumphantly, and the
party prospects are good. Not so I fear those of Egypt. Button talks of
their keeping on Tewfik there ‘for a year.’ If so, he will be kept on
altogether.
“_6th July._—Saw Drummond Wolff at the Carlton Club. He tells me he is
going to Constantinople before he goes to Cairo, which is as it should
be. He is annoyed at the set made at him in the ‘Times,’ and I explained
to him that ‘a Twenty Years’ Resident’ was none other than our friend
Moberly Bell. He asked me about the possibility of treating with the
Mahdi, and I have agreed to bring Jemal-ed-Din from Paris to talk things
over with him. We are to have another and more serious discussion of the
Egyptian business as soon as he has seen Lord Salisbury.
“Saw Middleton, the Tory agent, who tells me my name is the only one
before the Conservatives of Southwark, and they will probably choose me
as their candidate. But there are certain ‘fossilized Tories’ who are
suspicious of me.
“Down to Coombe Wood to see Mrs. Batten act Amaryllis in ‘The Faithful
Shepherdess.’ As a _féerie_ it was pretty, much prettier than ‘As You
Like It.’ Mrs. Batten looked very well, but the best was a little Indian
lady, calling herself the Princess Helen of Kappartalla, very pretty,
very graceful, and clever. The piece, like the other, was spoilt by the
professionals. When it was over I stopped to dine with Bertram Currie
[N.B.—He was member of the Indian Council], whose house was close by.
Bertram gave me an account of Randolph’s first council at the India
Office, which took place on Tuesday just before I saw him. Bertram’s
account was that he was much frightened and said nothing, absolutely
nothing. To him, Bertram, he was very humble in a private interview
afterwards: ‘There is one thing,’ Randolph had said, ‘of which I am
profoundly ignorant, and that is finance.’ And so he will be humble till
the day he feels his legs and can strike them. According to Button, he
has held the same language with Ashley Eden and Rawlinson and all of
them.
“_7th July._—Lord Salisbury has made his statement about Egypt, which is
far from satisfactory, inasmuch as he engages himself to support Tewfik.
It makes a true settlement once more impossible. Nothing, however, can
be done but to accept the position, and I shall not move further in the
matter till I am in Parliament. There are difficulties at Southwark,
which wants a ‘fossilized Tory’; still, Middleton thinks it all right.
If I don’t get in this time I shall leave English politics alone, as I
am too old to wait for another chance. Perhaps it will be better so, and
in any case I leave it to God’s providence for good or for evil.
“_8th July._—To a political meeting at East Grinstead, where I made my
maiden speech as a Conservative. This commits me to party politics, a
thing I have avoided all my life.
“_9th July._—Ibrahim has received a letter from Jemal-ed-Din hinting
that, if nothing is done in Egypt in the sense we hope for from
Randolph, he will go off to Afghanistan to raise up trouble against
England. I have consequently written to Wolff, urging him to get Lord
Salisbury to commence negotiations with the Mahdi and sending him my
correspondence with Downing Street.[125]
“Dined at the Gaskells with Anne, and took in Lady Iddesleigh, late Lady
Northcote,[126] and she questioned me closely about the Mahdi and the
Sultan and Arabi; and afterwards I had some conversation, and Anne had
more, with her husband, who is now Foreign Secretary. Lady Iddesleigh
professed great sympathy with Arabi, and with my ideas generally of a
settlement. She also said she thought it would be a good thing to get
Tewfik to retire on an honourable pension. She is a chatty old woman of
the old-fashioned sort, and talked nicely and simply of her pleasure in
Sir Stafford’s being made an earl. His relations had always looked for a
peerage for him, and an earldom of Iddesleigh had long been an extreme
ambition. His lordship seems to have talked in much the same strain to
Anne about Egypt, and I augur well of their willingness to converse. My
taking Lady Iddesleigh in to dinner was evidently pre-arranged, as it
was not properly my place.
“The Mahdi’s death is reported, and the arrival of Huseyn Khalifa at
Alexandria to tender submission to Tewfik. But Ibrahim says he must have
brought a summons to the Khedive to become a Moslem.
“_13th July._—Went to see Wolseley arrive from Egypt at Victoria
Station. There was no great crowd, perhaps two hundred persons on the
platform and three hundred outside. There was a feeble attempt at
cheering from his friends, and I heard a few hoots, certainly no
enthusiasm. Wolseley looked older than when he went away, and rather
careworn. Last time he came back from Egypt it was for a ridiculous
triumph down Pall Mall, with the Grand Old Man waving his handkerchief
like a madman from a window, fresh from Tel-el-Kebir. Now he drives away
from the station with half a dozen little boys running after his
carriage. I like him better as he is. I should like best of all to see
him hanged.
“_14th July._—To Middleton’s at twelve o’clock to hear my fate at
Southwark. I don’t think it has been Middleton’s fault, but the
Southwark electors at a meeting last night were told I was an out and
out Home Ruler, and that frightened them out of their wits, and they
have selected another candidate. I see nothing for it but to put up with
the disappointment. My failure to get into Parliament will put an end to
my political career, as I have pretty well exhausted the good I can do
with letter writing in the ‘Times,’ and require a new weapon.
“_16th July._—A deputation has come to me from Camberwell, which has
been offered to me instead of Southwark. I told them very frankly what
my position and views were: that I was a Roman Catholic and Home Ruler
in Ireland, but a devout believer in Randolph and Church and State in
England. They asked me whether I was in favour of Fair Trade and duties
on imported manufactures. And I said that if the Conservative Government
proposed such duties I would support them; but I was not clear how Fair
Trade would work. They asked next about Sir Wilfrid Lawson’s Local
Option. I said I had no intention of voting for it. This is the only
point on which I have had a doubt, but I think I am not called upon to
vote for this particular Bill. After all, England is a Christian country
and must have its beer.
“On Ireland they were at first a little staggered by my using the word
‘Home Rule,’ but I said I preferred to call a spade a spade; and I
believed the Irish were right in asking a separate Parliament; they did
not wish for a complete separation. But I was an advocate for the right
of nations to govern themselves, and I could make no exception about
Ireland. On the School Board quarrel I was entirely with them; and I
think it a real good fortune for me to have this particular cause to
defend of religious education, for it is one I wholly sympathize with,
and it is of a piece with my Mohammedan teaching in India. Finally,
after an hour and a half’s talk, we parted mutually satisfied, and I am
to attend a local meeting this day week and give my final answer. I am
to pay my own expenses, but they have promised me an easy time of it in
the way of work.
“This settled, I went at once to Randolph at the India Office and told
him all, and agreed with him that he should write a letter to the
Camberwell Committee congratulating them on their choice of me as
candidate. I found Randolph very cheerful: ‘They will never make an
official of _me_,’ he said, with a funny smile. We talked about Egypt:
‘Tewfik,’ I said, ‘will be a terrible handicap to Lord Salisbury’s
programme; but I suppose you are obliged to keep him.’ ‘We shall see
about that,’ he answered; ‘only we must have patience. Drummond Wolff is
the man to get it done through.’ Then he asked about Arabi, whether I
would answer for him as honest, and he would work with us in an honest
way; and I said ‘he would for the good of the country, but not to
prepare the way for annexation.’ About his own department he told me he
was in great trouble to know what sort of game the Amir was playing in
Afghanistan, and he asked me to try and get him information. And I
offered to bring Jemal-ed-Din from Paris, and talk that matter and Egypt
over with him. He was much pleased at this, and said he would see him at
my house. I expect the India Office people are a bit frightened at my
coming to see Randolph, but they are extremely polite to me.
“Later I met Wolff at the Carlton Club. He wanted to know whether Arabi
would come back to serve under Tewfik, and whether he would serve with
Sherif or Nubar. I said I would find out, and I have written to Arabi
asking him, and begging him to telegraph ‘Yes’ or ‘No.’ Wolff also
wanted to hear about the Mahdi. ‘Lord Salisbury will hear what Wolseley
and Baring have to say,’ he said, ‘but he won’t necessarily do what they
advise; and if he wishes, he will make peace with the Mahdi in spite of
them.’ I promised Wolff to introduce some people at Constantinople who
could be of use there. All this sounds well. Then I saw Huntley McCarthy
and arranged with him about the Camberwell Irish, of whom there seem to
be a thousand or so. [N.B.—This was a great exaggeration.] And then to
Cardinal Manning, who gave me his best wishes and promised to write to
the Camberwell priest.
“_18th July._—To Castle Howard, travelling in company with Mrs. Morris.
In the carriage with us were the Speaker, his wife, and daughter. We
arrived at Castle Howard in floods of rain, which made it look gloomy
enough. But the site of the house is good, the chief block quite
perfect, and the inside a gem. Since the house has been built, however,
I suppose it has never been treated in such a way as it is now;
everything is cut down to the barest necessity of existence: no one to
open the gates at the lodges, not a servant to be seen except at meals,
and no footman with the carriage. The gardens are neglected—they look
the better for it; and the park has been railed off and is being mown
for hay. On the other hand, I doubt if the house ever was cheerfuller.
There were some twenty children and young persons under twenty in it,
and there was a deal of boating on the large pond and tennis on the
lawns. The only person to receive us at the door was Mrs. Howard. She
has made up some rooms for herself in one of the wings, but the whole
house is occupied from one end to the other. The men staying here are
tutors or undergraduates, friends of Charley’s, and all is essentially
_bourgeois_ and communistic. I like it the better.
“_19th July, Sunday._—George took me round the house and showed me the
pictures. They are an admirable collection, good specimens of every
school. The Velasquez of two children, an Infanta and a Dwarf, is, I
think, the most remarkable; and there is a very interesting picture of
Newmarket in the reign of Queen Anne, which shows the horses of the day
to have been big sixteen hand horses, with heads of the Spanish type.
There are some good marbles too, and the rooms are finely decorated.
Mrs. Howard talks of doing away with the formal parterres in front of
the house, but I have persuaded her that this would be sacrilege. She is
very angry with me for having put on Tory armour for the election, or
rather Radical armour for the Tory cause, and especially for going
against the School Board, of which she and her mother and brother Lyulph
are fierce champions.
“_20th July._—Mary Howard’s birthday, and I wrote her a sonnet. She is a
wonderful child with her philanthropies, and has been founding a society
of girls in the neighbouring villages for their mutual good and the
furtherance of virtue. She preaches to them for an hour and an hour and
a half at the time, and has got together about a hundred of them. She
has genius and beauty and a blameless heart, and is of the sort which
might convert a world. The sonnet has pleased the child, who is ready
for all martyrdom. In the afternoon she entertained her village friends
with a concert, and made them a little speech afterwards, very simply
and nicely. I know nobody else who could do this without ridicule.
“I have been avenging myself for the political anger I have aroused in
the house by writing my Tory democratic electoral address, and by
threatening to date it from Castle Howard.
“_21st July._—A bright day at last, and the place has changed as if by
magic, for it is dependent on the sun for its charms. Mrs. Howard took
me for a drive of four hours, visiting village parsons, in pursuance of
a scheme she has for giving holidays in the country to three or four
hundred girls from Leeds. While in the carriage I read her my address,
and she was so angry I thought she would have stopped the carriage and
put me down to walk home. Old Lady Stanley, her mother, came in the
evening; she is a valiant old lady, and fought the cause of the School
Board at dinner and the cause of Gladstone and her party, which she
loves above principle.
“_22nd July._—Back to London. Sheykh Jemal-ed-Din is expected in James
Street, and I went down at once to the India Office where I was
fortunate enough to find Randolph just coming from the House. I met him
at the door of the Office and walked with him up to his room. He looked
fagged and ill and complained of the stairs, though in truth it was only
one flight and not a steep one. He promised to meet Jemal-ed-Din at my
house to-morrow at half-past ten, and I explained to him exactly who he
was, with the history of his doings in Egypt and India. ‘He is in the
black book,’ I said, ‘of every one here, and an enemy of England. But if
he was not he would be of no use to us.’ I asked him about the Civil
Service examinations for India in reference to a report in yesterday’s
‘Pall Mall’ of his having decided to take the matter up. But he told me
this was not true; he intended to meddle very little with details, but
to push on a general inquiry into the state of the Indian Government.
‘Everything here,’ he said, ‘is at a deadlock, owing to the uncertainty
of Afghanistan and Egypt.’ I did not stay with him for more than a few
minutes for he seemed quite exhausted.
“_23rd July._—Jemal-ed-Din arrived in the night, and at half-past ten
punctually Randolph came to James Street; he was all right again and in
his usual spirits. Before introducing the Afghan I read Randolph over my
Electoral Address, of which he highly approved, correcting only a few
words, that is to say, making me leave out the qualifications about the
_South_ of England in speaking of my belief in Tory popularity, and the
allusion to Lord Salisbury having made ‘an alliance with the Irish
leaders.’ He was also doubtful about my saying anything regarding an
Irish Parliament. All the rest he approved, and said it was original and
good. He said he was in favour of import duties on manufactured goods. I
asked him whether he had any special scheme himself for ameliorating the
condition of the poor, and he said ‘No, but Lord Salisbury has.’
“Then I showed him Pollen’s letter, communicating Lord Ripon’s message
about agricultural banks in India and the Oxford examinations. He said
that I might tell Lord Ripon that he was favourable about both matters,
and especially about the agricultural banks, and that if he would draw
him up a scheme on paper he would support it. But he had not the
necessary knowledge on either subject to push it without assistance, nor
the time to get the questions up. He seemed pleased at Lord Ripon’s
having communicated with him. I also mentioned the case of Suchait Singh
and the Pundit of Vizianagram, and he told me to send the details to
Moore, his secretary. About Lepel Griffin he said he could not quarrel
with him, but he was writing to him by this mail, and would suggest to
him that he should make me some apology.
“Then we sent for Jemal-ed-Din, whom Randolph received with great
politeness and made him sit by him on the sofa. They talked in French,
but I soon perceived that Randolph knew very little of the language, and
I had to translate for them. Randolph first asked about the Mahdi’s
death, whether it was true, and Jemal-ed-Din said he thought not, but
even if true it would make little difference, as the Soudanese would
choose a successor. Randolph asked who that would be. _Jemal-ed-Din_:
‘It would not be Osman Digna, but one of the Mahdi’s companions, a man
of religion; Osman Digna would be the General but not the Khalifa. All
would be done as on the occasion of Mohammed’s death, when the most
religious man was chosen.’ Randolph then asked about Afghanistan, what
the Amir’s position was. And Jemal-ed-Din’s account was briefly this:
Abd-el-Rahman, he said, was a good general but he was not a great
politician, though neither was he a fool. He had the majority of the
Afghans with him, but nothing would be easier than to get up revolts
against him. The Afghans were simple-minded people—_peuple
naïf_—ignorant of politics and always ready to fight. The Russians might
make a revolt through Ishak Khan or a dozen others of the sons of Shere
Ali and the princely house. Nothing would be easier. The Russians had no
intention of fighting the Afghans this year, but would make friends with
some of these princes and raise disturbances. They would represent
themselves as allies against the English and would promise the provinces
of Cashmere and Peshawar if India revolted. The Afghans would believe
them. _Randolph_: ‘Do the Afghans hate us more than the Russians?’
_Jemal-ed-Din_: ‘The Russians have done no harm to the Afghans. The
English have made three wars on them.’ _Randolph_: ‘But do not you
consider that the Russians have done more harm to Islam than we have
done?’ _Jemal-ed-Din_: ‘The Russians have swallowed up a few
principalities, the Crimea, Circassia, and among the Turcomans, but
England has destroyed the great empire at Delhi, it has invaded Egypt,
the Soudan.’ _Randolph_: ‘It was the Mahrattas that destroyed the Mogul
Empire.’ _Jemal-ed-Din_: ‘The Mahrattas came and went. Nadir Shah
invaded India, but he was a Moslem. You remained and you destroyed the
Empire. There are three reasons why the Mohammedans of India have hated
you more than the Russians: Firstly, because you destroyed the Empire of
Delhi; secondly, because you give no salaries to the _imams_ and
_muezzins_ and keepers of the mosques, which the Russians are careful to
do; and you have resigned the Wakaf property and do not repair the
sacred buildings.’ _Randolph_: ‘We repair some of the mosques.’ _Jemal-
ed-Din_: ‘Only when they are works of art, not for the sake of religion.
And, thirdly, because you give no high offices of rank in the army to
Mohammedans. The Russians do this.’ _Randolph_: ‘There are many
Mohammedans in the highest offices in the Native States of India.’
_Jemal-ed-Din_: ‘The Native States are not British India. What the belly
has not swallowed it does not digest.’ (Here we laughed.) _Randolph_:
‘Then you think England a greater danger to Mohammedans than Russia?’
_Jemal-ed-Din_: ‘I do not say so; I have spoken of the past. England has
done more harm to us than Russia, but Russia is now more dangerous. If
the Russians remain, I do not say at Penjdeh or Tulfikar or Merushak,
but at Merv still five years, there will be no more Afghanistan and no
more Persia and no more Anatolia and no more India. All will have been
swallowed. They will leave Penjdeh and the rest, but it will matter
nothing; they will remain in Merv.’ _Randolph_: ‘This is true. But what
would you have us do?’ _Jemal-ed-Din_: ‘You must make an alliance with
Islam, with the Afghans, the Persians, the Turks, the Egyptians, the
Arabs; you must drive the Russians back out of Merv to the Caspian Sea.
To make friends with the Mohammedans you must leave Egypt. There is no
danger for Egypt from foreign nations. You hold Cyprus, you hold Aden,
what do you fear? Nor from the Mahdi. With a Mohammedan government in
Egypt the Mahdi is not a danger. Then you must make alliance with the
Mohammedans, who would believe you their friend.’ _Randolph_: ‘Could we
send troops or officers to Afghanistan to help the Afghans against
Russia?’ _Jemal-ed-Din_: ‘If you send troops, as for instance to
Candahar, even with the Amir’s consent, it will be the right of any
Moslem to go to the top of a hill and raise a revolt against you. He
would say you were come under pretence of a friendship to take
possession; and all would believe him. You might, however, send
officers, a few officers, for these could not take possession. They
would be servants of the Amir. But remember, if the Russians stay five
years at Merv it will be too late; you should attack them not through
Afghanistan but by the other side; then the Mollahs would preach a
_jehad_ to join you against the Russians.’
“The conversation lasted about three-quarters of an hour, and Randolph
then went away. He did not say much to Jemal-ed-Din, but to me he
expressed himself, as I went with him to the door, much pleased with the
Seyyid’s frankness and the justness of his views. He promised to send
Wolff to see him. Also he recommended me to write to Lord Salisbury,
asking to be supported in my claim to return to Egypt this autumn. I am
cited to appear before a Court there (in connection with my property) in
October, and this gives me a good excuse.
“I then saw Justin McCarthy at the House of Commons, and asked him about
that portion of my Electoral Address which related to Ireland. He
approved. Thence I went to Cardinal Manning, who warmly approved my
address which I read to him. But he objected to my declaration in favour
of an Irish Parliament, assuring me that the Irish did not want one. He
had just seen six Irish bishops, who all declared this to be the case;
he, the Cardinal, had written to Rome in this sense. He wanted local
self government for Ireland,—not a Parliament which he considered would
be a prelude to separation. He has given me a card of introduction to
Canon McGrath of Camberwell, who will tell me what it is the Irish of
Camberwell want.
“Partly on this account, partly through what Mr. Palmer, the secretary
of the Camberwell Association told me, I altered this part of my
programme, making it more vague and leaving out the word ‘parliament.’
Palmer came while we were at dinner, and frightened us by announcing
that two new Conservative candidates had been started, and complaining
that Randolph had not sent the letter he promised. It was almost time
for the meeting, but I sent Hope to Randolph’s house and then to the
House of Commons, where he saw him but could not get the letter from
him, as he said my allusion to the Irish Parliament would be a Cabinet
question. This very nearly upset our coach, but fortunately I had made
my speech before Hope arrived at the meeting, and had won the confidence
of the delegates. There was some close questioning about my Irish ideas,
and I reduced my policy to one of ascertaining Irish wishes and giving
Home Rule as far as possible in accordance with them. Also one old
gentleman declared he could not be party to selecting a Roman Catholic.
But the rest were strongly for me. We, that is the two other candidates,
local people, and myself were turned out into the street for twenty
minutes while the voting was going on (a rather ridiculous proceeding,
during which we compared notes as to our chances), and at the end of it
I was called back and was declared selected by sixteen to one. Three had
not voted, having gone round the corner to allay thirst, but they were
also held to be my supporters. So I may consider it a considerable
triumph.”