GORDON’S DEATH. CHAOS
“_13th Nov._ 1884.
“I HAVE been away from home just two months—it seems like six, and I
shall be glad when it is over. I called to-day on Lord Lyons but found
him uncommunicative. We talked a while about things at Constantinople,
as to which he affected to know very little, and I told him I thought
the Government would be well advised to make its peace with the Sultan.
He thought this would be easy now that Dufferin had left Constantinople,
and discussed possible or rather impossible appointments of a successor.
Layard, he said, has been put out of all chance by the publication of
his last despatch. He asked me about Goschen, though saying he certainly
would not go back, as he wanted to remain in England. He also talked a
little about Dufferin’s chances of success in India, but said nothing
that was of the least importance.
“There is a report again to-day that Khartoum is taken, and this time it
seems better founded.
“_14th Nov._—We breakfasted with the Wagrams at Voisin’s. They had come
in on purpose from Gros Bois. Afterwards I called on Sheffield, who as
usual told me a great deal. Northbrook and Baring have been concocting a
report to please Gladstone. It will say that everything is going on for
the best in Egypt, and propose some temporary financial arrangements,
the reduction of the Egyptian army, a loan of eight millions, and a
speedy evacuation; all the administration to be in Egyptian hands, and
nothing at all in the shape of a protectorate. On the contrary, Egypt is
to be put under international control as before proposed. This has
throughout been Mr. Gladstone’s policy. Baring has insisted on all
English employés in Egypt reporting in this sense, and refuses to
forward their views if in contradiction. He only wants to flatter
Gladstone and hopes to be transferred to an Embassy. He will very likely
go to Constantinople. Hartington and Dilke, on the other hand, are
determined on a Protectorate, and on pushing on to Khartoum and
establishing a Government there with an English Governor—on staying in
Egypt and treating the whole thing like an Indian principality.
Sheffield says, however, that the Powers won’t stand this. Bismarck is
now hand in glove with the French and will give our Government a slap in
the face. He has given them one about the Congo, and he means to give
another about Egypt. He will probably propose to settle the Egyptian
question over the head of England. He was very angry at the stopping of
the sinking fund having been done without consulting him. It was not
Northbrook’s plan, who had no idea but that of conciliating the European
Powers and the Europeans in Egypt. But when he telegraphed that money
must be had, and proposed that the English Government should supply
£300,000 for immediate necessities, Gladstone settled the matter the
other way, saying that he had promised Parliament that no money should
be expended without their leave. Granville, in all he does, only
consults Mr. Gladstone’s fancies, knowing that his only hold on office
is through him. He has no policy of any kind except to obey the Old Man;
he likes office and he likes his pay, and hangs on. He knows he will
never be in office again. Gladstone only consults the electors. Between
them the whole thing is going to indescribable pot.
“Malet’s appointment to Berlin is simply Bismarck’s nomination. He
refused Morier on the ground that he was an intriguer, and insisted on
having Malet, and our Government, being on their knees to him,
consented. Sheffield is of opinion that we shall have the whole of
Europe on our back in a very short time.
“Now we start to-night for England.
“_15th Nov._—Arrived in London by the early train from Paris. My first
visit as soon as it was light was to Button, who gave me all the news.
Northbrook has come back from Egypt, a more complete failure than any of
his predecessors. He was taken hold of there by the Greeks and other
commercial residents, and wrote a report, recommending a policy of
financial disinterestedness on the part of England. The coupons of the
Suez Canal shares were to be cut, England was to pay the Army of
Occupation, and finally to advance £20,000,000 without security. But
none of his colleagues will hear of such an arrangement, and he has been
made to suppress his Report—and there is some talk even of his retiring
from the Cabinet. He is delighted with the Khedive and the whole gang,
as was sure to be the case. Hartington and Dilke, when he came home,
told him he was an ass, and Button thinks they will get their way in the
end. This way is to guarantee three per cent. on all the debts, and
assume a Protectorate. He says that Gladstone will certainly not listen
to a word against Tewfik, but thinks I may as well write to him, and
propose to bring my new evidence against him. The style of argument we
may expect to be met with is that all Oriental evidence is worthless. At
the time when Churchill was bringing on the case against the Khedive
last year, he, Button, was staying with Northbrook in the country, and
he told him how important it was that the matter should be hushed up.
With regard to native evidence Northbrook said: ‘I have always made it a
rule to listen to all that can be produced, but I do not let it
influence me, I judge by the antecedent probabilities of the case.’ ‘You
refer I suppose to the Baroda case,’ said Button maliciously. ‘Well,
yes,’ he answered—‘that was my method, and I think it the safest one.’
“Then to Gregory’s. Sir William was at Dalmeny with Gladstone, and had a
great deal of talk there with Eddy Hamilton about Egypt, and about me.
Eddy talked nicely about me, but Gregory confirms what Button says, that
Gladstone is as wrapped up in Tewfik as ever. This is our great
difficulty. To Crabbet in the evening.
“_19th Nov._—Again to London. Wolseley is in a mess. The Nile Expedition
can’t get on, and Gordon writes that he can only hold out to a certain
date. Wolseley is going to make a rush for Khartoum with a few hundred
men, but it is thought doubtful whether he will succeed. My letter
offering to re-open the evidence against the Khedive in the matter of
the Alexandrian riot has gone in to Gladstone, having been looked over
by Gregory, and a sentence altered.[91]
“Dined at the Carlton, where I found the big-wigs of the Party very busy
over the compromise of the Franchise Bill. I felt rather like a spy
among them, though heaven knows I care nothing whatsoever about their
politics. Only I fancy they look upon me as a damned Radical. Leconfield
was there and we talked a little about horses.
“_20th Nov._—Called on Stanley of Alderley, who lives in a garret,
leaving all the rooms of his house empty. He says the Ottoman Empire
will outlive the British. _Inshallah!_
“Luncheon with Lady C., who assured me the Prince of Wales is coming
round to my view of things in Egypt, but he is not Prime Minister and
can do nothing. Dined at the Gregorys’, and sat between Layard and the
Servian Minister. The latter assured me the Servian Government was doing
all it could to retain the Mohammedan population, while orderly and law-
abiding, but they would not stay.
“_21st Nov._—Amir Ali, who is in London and whom I saw to-day, tells me
that Cordery is going on as ill as ever at Hyderabad. He talked of a
dinner at the Northbrook Club, at which Dufferin had made a speech and
explained to the Indian Mohammedans present what a great advantage it
was for him, now he was to be Viceroy of India, to have resided so long
at Constantinople, and to be in such cordial relations with the head of
their religion! The Sultan was a most admirable man, and they were the
greatest of friends! There never was a greater humbug than Dufferin.
“_22nd Nov._—Saw Button in the City. He tells me Gordon has sent word to
say he can only hold out six weeks from the fourth of November. This not
on account of provisions, which are plentiful, but of ammunition.
Wolseley consequently intends to make a rush across the desert from
Debbeh, and expects to be at Khartoum with the New Year. All the
telegrams published about Gordon’s recent successes are military lies.
The ‘Times’ is very angry with Northbrook for what he said yesterday in
the House of Lords, and is seeking an occasion to waylay him.[92] Buckle
is not a revengeful man, but it is the ‘Times’ tradition not to forgive.
Chenery used generally to do this himself, waiting his occasion
patiently, and then himself writing the article, which he could do
better than anybody else.
“_25th Nov._—Wrote to Eddy to hasten on an answer from Mr. Gladstone.
Called on Gregory to consult what was to be done. Churchill is going
away to India and Ceylon next week, and I hardly know how to act in
regard to him.
“_26th Nov._—Khartoum is again surrounded by twenty-five thousand men,
and the Mahdi holds the passes between that and Debbeh. If so,
Wolseley’s rush will be a dangerous proceeding. Button tells me he means
to take three thousand men with him and artillery, but I doubt his
getting through and back with so few.
“Mr. Gladstone’s answer has come: ‘In view of my inhibition to refer me
to the Foreign Office, he can only acknowledge the receipt of my
letter.’ My proposal had been that he should himself examine the fresh
evidence against the Khedive Tewfik.
“_27th Nov._—To Robert Bourke’s. We talked over affairs at
Constantinople, which he understands. He is all for coming to terms with
the Sultan about Egypt. ‘If I had anything to do with it,’ he said, ‘it
is the first thing I should do.’ About renewing the charges against the
Khedive, Bourke was very adverse to anything being done. ‘If you proved
the case to demonstration, it could only do harm, for Tewfik is
necessary for English policy in Egypt. Besides, the case is dead now,
and you could not get any one to take interest in it.’ About India he
was curious to know whether Lord Ripon had really _promised_ Salar Jung
to restore the Berar provinces, and seemed to think the Foreign Office
at Calcutta quite right in resisting it.[93] There is little to choose
between the two parties as to these things.
“Next to Randolph Churchill. He is going to India on Wednesday, and I
found him in so open a frame of mind as to Indian politics, that I
agreed to give him letters to some of my friends there so that he may
hear the native side of the case. I think it quite possible he may take
a right view, and if so he will be an invaluable ally. He has just
published in the ‘Pall Mall Gazette,’ a sort of manifesto which is
wildly democratic, and as popularity is his guide in politics it may
well be that he will look to it in India also. He is fond of large and
novel conceptions, and Tory democracy might easily be made a cry there,
too. So I risk it. Nothing can be worse for India than the Whigs.
Talking about Egypt, Randolph told me he had just seen Rothschild who
had news from Berlin that Bismarck had declared his intention of
supporting France in any answer she might give to the English finance
proposals, and Randolph seemed to consider that all the fat would be in
the fire. Button told me yesterday that Rothschild held an Egyptian bill
for a million sterling, and had made up his mind to present it at date,
that is to say about Christmas, and so make the Egyptian Government
bankrupt. I said nothing to Randolph about our new evidence against
Tewfik, as he is so imprudent. He is going to Ceylon, and I have
promised to announce his arrival, and have warned him of the little
split there is among the exiles. In spite of his faults it is impossible
not to like Churchill. He has so much _bonhomie_ and so little
pretension. This is the secret of his success. I am depressed all the
same at the aspect of things. I see no prospect now of getting back to
Egypt. Randolph told me even he dared not go there as the Government
would make it too disagreeable for him, not to say dangerous. He had
thought of spending the winter at Cairo, but he had decided not to risk
it.
“_30th Nov._—Stead writes that he is ‘hungering and thirsting’ to see
me, as he hears I have all the latest news of the Mahdi, and he has an
idea of sending me to make peace with him, and asks for an interview.
“_1st Dec._—Stead came at one, and we had two hours of it. I told him
peace could easily be made with the Mahdi, but it must be through the
Sultan and not Tewfik. He understood, he said, that I was in constant
communication with the Mahdi, and thought that when Wolseley got to
Khartoum I might go and open negotiations, and a deal more which, as he
is going to develop it into an interview for the ‘Pall Mall,’ I need not
write. I heard later from Button that it was he who had suggested the
thing through Reginald Brett, and it appears that he, Button, has all
along been putting it about that I have communications with the Mahdi.
He says that the French will accept the English financial proposals for
Egypt. Malet has been a great success at Berlin. Bismarck has been
pacified by concessions on the Congo. Lord Granville is to make peace
with the Chinese for Mr. Ferry, who in return will accept the proposals.
Italy is to be compensated in Tripoli, and the general portioning of
plunder to begin. I don’t believe the French will accept, as their game
in Egypt is too good a one. Button tells me the proposals were drafted
by Hartington and only accepted by the Cabinet on the distinct
understanding that if they broke down we were to clear bodily out of
Egypt. It is a toss up which way it goes.
“_11th Dec._—(After several days’ shooting in the country, and a visit
to the Wyndhams at Wilbury.) To London and saw Button. He tells me a
deal of news. The French and other Governments, he is sure, will accept
the financial proposals for Egypt. Should this fail there will be a
split in the Cabinet, and Gladstone will go out of office. Hartington,
Northbrook, Dilke and the rest are for guaranteeing the debt. Gladstone
will not do this. They will try to carry things on by letting Egypt go
bankrupt, then if Europe won’t stand this Mr. Gladstone will resign,
Lord Salisbury will pass the Redistribution Bill, and Dissolution will
follow at the end of the year. Button himself is off to Tunis for six
weeks with his brother Mayo—a sporting trip.
“Dined with Bertram Currie. Bertram has the same idea as Button about
the financial proposals; can’t understand the French being such damned
fools as to refuse them. His only wish as an Englishman is to get out of
Egypt; his only fear that we may be trapped into staying. We are the
only thing that stands between Egypt and anarchy, etc., etc. He is not
quite so confident, however, as he used to be, and talked of Northbrook
as having made a fool of himself; Northbrook is so jealous of Dilke or
anybody else going to Egypt that he had insisted on going himself.
“_15th Dec._—Dinner of the National Arbitration and Peace Association in
honour of Hodgson Pratt. I was asked to return thanks on behalf of the
visitors, and I brought forward the question of peace with the Mahdi,
which was very well received. It is arranged I am to write a letter to
Pratt, stating my views, and to have it published. There were about two
hundred people at the dinner, which was given at the Criterion. Pratt is
a most estimable man, and his Association has a laudable object, but I
doubt its succeeding in the face of the growing brutality of the world,
and I am not at all sure that if it did it would not be a bad thing for
the East. The best chance for the East is, that the nations of Europe
should destroy each other.
“_17th Dec._—Broadley called with a long story about presents made by
Ismaïl Pasha to the King of Italy. He, Broadley, is in Ismaïl’s pay in
respect to a lawsuit pending in Egypt. He talked also a good deal about
Rochefort and the Communist party, with whom he is intimate in Paris.
There is a scheme for annexing Morocco, and the Communists are doing all
they can to prevent it.
“At the dinner to Pratt there was some talk of my standing for Greenwich
as Home Ruler at next elections. This is the only platform I could stand
on.
“_19th Dec._—Stead and Appleton (Secretary of the Peace and Arbitration
Society) came to see me, and we had two hours’ discussion. Stead has
just been staying with Auberon Herbert, and was in high feather—a man of
genius in his way—very anxious to expound my whole plan in the ‘Pall
Mall.’ But I would not let him do this if it was to have a chance of
succeeding. It was a brilliant talk, and resulted in our deciding that a
deputation should wait upon the G.O.M. with which I am to be smuggled in
so as to get at him. My letter to Pratt about peace with the Mahdi is
published in the ‘Times’ and ‘Daily News,’ so I am committed to action
if called upon.
“Lunched at the Carlton with Wynford. That noble Lord has his own
explanation of our failure in Egypt. ‘You may take my word for it,’ he
said, ‘it all comes of our officials there working on Sundays, it is a
breach of the decalogue which leads to other breaches.’
“_20th Dec._—Crabbet. Hunted in a snow storm on the Downs. On our return
found a Mr. Wheeler come to interview me for the Press Association. I
declined to let him print anything of my plans. He is an Irishman and an
amusing fellow, and had some good stories about people he had
interviewed. He had had to hunt officially with the Empress of Austria
one season in Cheshire, the Press Association keeping three horses for
him for the purpose. She rode well—but did not choose her own line. Lady
Rock-Savage rode much better. If Middleton, Bay Middleton, who piloted
the Empress, got a fall, the Empress always stopped.
“_22nd Dec._—The ‘Times’ has a leading article on my proposal of going
to the Soudan, politer than is usual with them, but of course not
favourable. Wrote an answer going up in the train, and went to the ‘Pall
Mall’ office and gave Stead leave to write an interview, and then
lunched at the Gregorys’. The only possible way to pull this thing
through is by the press; not that I want at all to go to the Soudan. I
have other things far more important to do. But the Soudan is the thin
end of the wedge and we must drive it in if possible.
“At six o’clock to a meeting of the Arbitration and Peace Committee,
where I found them quite prepared to let things alone. But Karl Blind
backed me up, and it was voted ‘unanimously and enthusiastically,’ that
Mr. Gladstone should be requested to employ my services. Afterwards I
had an interview with a so-called agent of the Mahdi, whom Ismaïl Jowdat
has brought to England. There is a kind of committee here in London of
Oriental sympathizers with the Mahdi, consisting of thirty persons, who
meet every night at a room they have hired for the purpose. Ibrahim Bey
is not an attractive man, an Arabic speaking Egyptian, with the true
Egyptian eyes, but with a curl in his hair and a very low forehead. In
Oriental dress I daresay all this would be concealed, but he wears
French clothes and has discarded even the fez. He is not attractive. His
conversation was more interesting than his face: he assured me there
would be no difficulty in my going to the Mahdi. The best route would be
by Massowa, as the road that way would be open, and he promised to send
word at once, that some of the Mahdi’s men should be on the look out
that way for my coming. Mohammed Obeyd, he said, Arabi’s right-hand man,
is now the Mahdi’s General, and of course would receive me well. He made
his escape after Tel-el-Kebir to Tripoli, and thence to the Soudan.[94]
The Mahdi also knows me well by name. I should have to go by
Constantinople, but arrangements would be made so as to assure me a
quick reception there. The whole thing would take just six weeks.
Ibrahim Bey will go with us, if I like, on Wednesday as part of the
Peace Deputation to Hawarden, but he is hardly a presentable man.
“_23rd Dec._—My ‘Times’ letter is published, and in the morning Stead
sent me a proof of his interview to correct, a ridiculous thing which I
had to rewrite. [The proof was brought by an office boy, with a message
that it was to go to press in an hour, and it was a mere accident that I
was at home and able to stop it. It contained, among other extravagances
put into my mouth, that Egypt would be better annexed than continue ill-
governed as it was, an idea which, if Stead’s, was certainly not mine.
When I saw Stead later in the day and expostulated with him about this,
his answer was characteristic. ‘Well,’ he said, ‘if you did not say it,
it is just what you ought to have said.’]
“_24th Dec._—Christmas Eve. By the 10.10 train to Chester with the Peace
Deputation to see Mr. Gladstone. It was to have consisted of three
persons, but Karl Blind and Dr. Clark missed the train, so I had Martin
Wood to myself. I never had much idea that Gladstone would see any of
us, and I was certain he would not see me. So we first sent a telegram
from Chester to say that ‘Mr. Wood had been deputed by the Arbitration
Society to wait on Mr. Gladstone, and that he had brought two gentlemen
conversant with Soudan affairs with him’—Jowdat, who had come with me,
and me. I made Wood add something about Christmas Eve to give us a
countenance, and, without waiting for an answer, we set off in a fly to
Hawarden. The only chance was to rush Mr. Gladstone before he knew who
we were, and we almost succeeded. We were evidently not expected, and
were received at the door by a young footman new to his work, who said
Mr. Gladstone was at home, and if Wood had had the presence of mind to
go in all might have been well. But he fumbled about for a card, and the
footman disappeared, only to be succeeded by the butler, an old hand,
who promptly said ‘Deputation,’ and with very little ceremony turned us
out. Wood weakly argued and appealed to the man’s feelings. But Mr.
Gladstone was ‘finishing his letters for the post, and then would have
his dinner,’ and we were shown the door. Going back to Chester we
plucked up courage, and drafted a letter, in which we endeavoured to
turn the tables, or at any rate to conceal our defeat. We consoled
ourselves by thinking that we were fighting in a good cause, that Mr.
Gladstone must feel ashamed of himself turning away a deputation of
peace on Christmas Eve. It was the climax of all. Here he was making a
senseless war for no object he dared avow, and afraid to look honest
people in the face. Shade of Midlothian! We sat on at the Chester Hotel
till two, and then took the Irish mail back to London—arriving in the
gray of Christmas morning, and bitter cold.
“_25th Dec._—Down early to Crabbet, feeling ‘the satisfaction of a good
conscience.’ The ‘Pall Mall’ has published my revised interview, but of
course the Government won’t accept my offer.
“_26th Dec._—Martin Wood’s letter, the one we wrote to Mr. Gladstone at
Chester, is in all the papers in the largest type, and the ‘Daily News’
has an inspired letter, placing all the blame of the situation on
Bismarck.
“Hunted with Leconfield’s hounds, the meet at Drungwitch, and had a good
old-fashioned run of two hours, through Plaistow into Sydney wood. Kars
carried me capitally. Anne rode Queen of Sheba.
“_30th Dec._—Hunted with Leconfield at New Bridge, a run of an hour and
twenty minutes, I on Rataplan, Anne on Proximo (two Arabs we had brought
from India). It was a very rough bit of country, and it is really
astonishing that these horses who have never been across half a dozen
fences in their lives, should have gone as they did. Jowdat and Ibrahim
Bey at Crabbet.
“_1st Jan._, 1885.—Jowdat and Ibrahim went away to London after I had
shown Ibrahim the horses. Ibrahim is by way of being an Arab by
birth—that is to say, his family was from Moeyla on the Red Sea, and he
turns out to be no other than that Ibrahim Bey Moeylhy who was Ismaïl’s
private secretary, and who was expelled from Paris by Ferry’s Government
a month ago in deference to the Sultan’s wishes. He is an agreeable man,
and extremely clever. It is arranged that we are to have a Conference
with Jemal-ed-Din at Boulogne, and they explained to me the nature of
the Franco-Russo-Indian Conspiracy, of which Jemal-ed-Din is the head.
If the Sultan does not work with him, they say they can depose him. But
he will work with them. They want to force terms of peace on England.
Otherwise they say there will be a revolt in India. [N.B.—This Ibrahim
El Moelhy, brother to Abd-el-Salam Pasha El Moelhy, was a well-known
character who subsequently played a variety of parts in many notable
intrigues both at Yildiz and Abdin. Besides his talent in this
direction—and he used to remind me of Fakredin in Disraeli’s novel
‘Tancred’—he was acknowledged to be the finest chess player in the East.
His pretence of being an ‘agent of the Mahdi’ had however very little
reality, Jemal-ed-Din alone having influence in that direction.]
“_3rd Jan._—A letter from Selim Faris this morning which disquiets me.
It says that Hassan Pasha Fehmy’s mission from the Sultan, which has
been recently talked of, has for its object to make terms with the
English Government, but that it is intended to support Tewfik, and that
the only alternative is the restoration of Ismaïl, who is patronized now
by Bismarck. Jowdat has got a letter from Halim Pasha’s son, ordering
him back to Constantinople, and warning him against mixing himself up
with Irishmen or Hindus, as such a course might compromise the Prince.
“_4th Jan._—Dined at the Club, where I had a long talk with Marlborough,
who is writing an article on the evils wrought by Christianity. He is
more intellectual than his brother Randolph, but less attractive.
“_6th Jan._—Wolseley’s column has reached Gakdul without accident, and
people are again cock-a-hoop. Leonard Courtney tells me Gladstone is ill
with anxiety about Egypt. The departure of Hassan Fehmy’s mission from
Constantinople is announced.
“_11th Jan._—Button came back last night from Tunis, which he says the
French have ruined,—trade gone, Arab peasantry gone, caravans gone, no
new colonists, old ones in despair. Passing through Paris on his way
home he had seen somebody belonging to the Embassy (Sheffield?), who had
told him that Lord Lyons was furious at the want of policy in Egypt. He
had a policy of his own which it would seem included Arabi’s return, for
Button had been asked whether it would not be possible to get up some
popular demonstration in favour of Arabi. From what he heard at Paris
the difficulty in Egypt is that the rich people evade paying their taxes
and are forty per cent short this year, the peasantry only five per
cent. Lord Lyons’ idea is that Arabi could force the rich to disgorge.
This is exactly in harmony with Knowles’s suggestion to me last year.
“_12th Jan._—A letter from me in the ‘Times,’ in the best place, and a
leading article upon it.” This explained my position towards the Sultan.
“Saw Button. He says the Government has decided nothing. Gladstone does
not mean to retire, or Granville, or Northbrook, or any of them. They
have no policy, except to wait on events. They mean nothing by
coquetting with the Sultan. Hassan Fehmy’s mission will lead to nothing.
They look on the Khartoum expedition as a walk over. But my friends
Ibrahim and Ismaïl are quite sure Khartoum has been taken long ago, and
that the steamers at Shendy are in the Mahdi’s hands.[95]
“_15th Jan._—I have dispatched a letter to the Sultan through Halim
Pasha.
“_17th Jan._—Button tells me the fate of Egypt will be settled this
week. The French counter-proposals have arrived, and Gladstone means to
clear bodily out of Egypt as well as the Soudan. He will not hear of
resigning alone, and Dilke and Hartington have caved in. The ‘Times,’
however, does not give up its policy of staying on in Egypt for lost,
and a campaign is being organized of defiance to Europe. ‘Dilke,’ said
Button, ‘always said the only policy was a policy of bounce, and we are
going to bounce it, at a risk of a war with France. But nobody will move
a finger.’ ‘If you want to bounce,’ I said, ‘bounce behind the Sultan,
and I will go with you.’ Certainly I do not want to see Egypt handed
over to Europe. Mr. Gladstone must remain responsible, and must do
justice before he goes. Met Wolff at the Club, who urged me to bring
forward the case now against Tewfik.
“_18th Jan._—Prepared a memorandum about Tewfik, and tried to find Wolff
to concert measures. Saw Stanley, who will put me in communication with
Hassan Fehmy. Stanley tells me Musurus talks of Tewfik as ‘incapable but
harmless.’
“Lady C. tells me the Prince of Wales is now well disposed towards me,
but says I am to be attacked as soon as Parliament meets. She does not
say by whom, or for what.
“_19th Jan._—There is a telegram in the ‘Daily Telegraph,’ explaining
that Hassan Fehmy’s mission to England is to show an autograph letter
written by the Czar to the Sultan, offering him an alliance. This is
what I have suspected to be Russia’s game. Presided at a meeting of the
East India Association at Exeter Hall, the thing discussed being the age
of entrance to the Civil Service. The meeting was a small one; Stanley
spoke, and Connell, and Tom Hughes, an old twaddler of the first water.
“_20th Jan._—Button’s bouncing article is in the ‘Times.’ He says the
Government will reject the French proposals, at least of a multiple
control in Egypt.
“_21st Jan._—Called on Hassan Fehmy, and found Stanley there. We had a
long talk with the Sultan’s Envoy. Stanley explained who I was, and gave
me every help, for he is entirely without that small jealousy which
besets most men, and cares only for ‘the cause.’ We both urged on Hassan
Fehmy to be firm in his dealing with Lord Granville, showing him in how
much need the English Government stood of the Sultan’s help, as regarded
both Egypt and India, and I promised to keep him informed of all that
goes on. He seemed pleased at finding friends, for he is quite a
stranger here, being a good Turk of the old-fashioned sort, knowing
little French and no English, and never having played before at
diplomacy. His face is most sympathetic, and I like him extremely. He
seems honest and good, but without backbone enough for our Foreign
Office rogues.
“To Bowles at the ‘Vanity Fair’ Office. He advises me to stand for
Parliament, and has suggested Salford, where he says they want a
Conservative Home Rule candidate. He has been nursing the constituency
for two years, but now under the new regulations would not get in
without the Irish vote. With it he says I should certainly be returned.
It is perhaps worth thinking about.
“_22nd Jan._—News of the battle of Abu Klea—Burnaby killed, as it serves
him right, for he was a mere butcher, and eight other officers including
young De Lisle. Here the bloody work begins again. But this time the
butchery will not be all on one side. They have been pretending for the
last four months that the Mahdi had no men with him, and behold 10,000
at the first battle; that the Western Soudanese would not fight like
those of the East, and behold the British square broken by their charge
and 800 men throwing their lives away! They must be under good
discipline too, or they would not have waited so long without attacking.
Now Stewart’s[96] army will at any rate not attempt to reach Khartoum
till Wolseley comes up, and then it will be too late.
“These English soldiers are mere murderers, and I confess I would rather
see them all at perdition than that a single Arab more should die. What
are they? A mongrel scum of thieves from Whitechapel and Seven Dials,
commanded by young fellows whose ideal is the green room of the
Gaiety—without beliefs, without traditions, without other principle of
action than just to get their promotion and have a little fun. On the
other side men with the memory of a thousand years of freedom, with
chivalry inherited from the Saracens, the noblest of ancestors, with a
creed the purest the world ever knew, worshipping God and serving him in
arms like the heroes of the ancient world they are. It is over the death
of these that we rejoice. No, I desire in my heart to see their blood
avenged, and every man of Stewart’s butchering host butchered in their
turn and sent to hell. Gladstone! Great God, is there no vengeance for
this pitiful man of blood, who has not even the courage to be at the
same time a man of iron? What is he that he should have cost the world a
single life? A pedant, a babbler, an impotent old fool.
“Button tells me the idea at the War Office is that Stewart will send
back his camels to Korti, and that then Wolseley will reinforce him with
2,000 men. Omdurman, Gordon’s outpost, is taken, and they will push on
for Khartoum at all risks.
“My idea is that Khartoum has fallen already, and that the whole thing
will end as it deserves in disaster.
“They seem to have come to terms with the Sultan, at any rate about the
Soudan, which they will hand over to him—when they have got it. I hope
Hassan Fehmy will stand firm. He was to see Lord Granville to-day.
“Dined again at Pembridge Crescent, where John Pollen has just returned
from India. Lord Ripon seems fully to have enjoyed his triumph and John
with him. Stanley called in the evening in James Street. He is a good
friend and a good ally, and shares all my bitter feelings against
Wolseley and his cut-throats.
“_23rd Jan._—A long list of killed and wounded published, but no more
news of Stewart. Got down home to Crabbet where there is bright sun
instead of the London fog. The ‘Pall Mall’ publishes ‘from an exalted
source’ (Ismaïl’s?), a fanciful programme of Hassan Fehmy’s terms. I
wish there was any chance of their being the true ones.
“I met Hardinge[97] yesterday at the Club, and talked with him about
Constantinople. I said that Hugh Wyndham deserved great credit for
having brought about a reconciliation between England and the Sultan,
but he laughed at this. ‘Between ourselves,’ he said, ‘Wyndham had
nothing at all to do with it. He had a quarrel with the Sultan two years
ago, and has not been on speaking terms with the Palace since.’ I said:
‘I suppose our little friend Corti managed it for him.’ To this Hardinge
did not answer. Of course it was Corti.
“_24th Jan._—There is no news from General Stewart, except a ‘bazaar
rumour’ that he is surrounded, and the British public is beginning to
get alarmed. Now we shall hear crying and lamentation. Great God! what a
stupid dull beast the world is. It sends an army out to fight against an
innocent people, and an innocent people destroy that army. One would
think that not a single M.P. from Mr. Gladstone downwards had ever read
a word of the history of Greece or heard of Marathon. This stupidity is
more hideous even than their cruelty and lying. But if there is a God
upon the earth He will this time do justice.
“The evening papers announce Hobart’s arrival in London.
“_25th Jan._—Went up to London by the early train to see Hobart. But
first I saw Button, who detailed to me the military situation. It
appears that on the 28th of last month [N.B.—There is a confusion here
as to date. The dispatch referred to is doubtless that of 4th November]
Gordon wrote to Wolseley a long dispatch, in which he said he could not
hold out more than a certain number of days, and for this reason General
Stewart’s expedition was sent. Wolseley would have made it more numerous
than it was if he could have got transport, but he sent every camel he
could lay his hands on. The dispatch was a long one, and stated that
Gordon had steamers at a certain point, about fifteen miles above
Shendy, and proposed that naval officers should be sent to man them. It
particularly mentioned Charlie Beresford as the man to take charge of
them, and for this reason the naval brigade was sent. Gordon had also
written to explain that his reason for dispatching Colonel Stewart and
the rest by river to Dongola was that he understood from Mr. Gladstone,
or rather Lord Granville’s telegram, that no expedition would under any
circumstances be sent to relieve him. All this will be published when
Parliament meets. Button thinks, all the same, that it won’t turn out
the Ministry. He said that the War Office were expecting news hourly,
and that if it did not come to-day, they should consider things had gone
wrong with Stewart. With regard to the diplomatic position, the
Government had accepted the French proposals after all, only protesting
against a Multiple Control; and the French Government had accepted the
acceptance. This is unfortunate, as they may now think they can do
without the Sultan’s help. But our position is still an immensely strong
one, and Button promised to help all he could in the ‘Times’ if we
attacked Tewfik. Buckle is fortunately away, and Button will have things
much more in his own hands till Parliament meets. It won’t be my fault
if we don’t play trumps.
“Luncheon with the Gregorys. Lady Gregory has arranged with Stead that
Layard shall be interviewed in support of the Sultan. At the Clubs
people are in a great state of excitement, waiting news from Metemmeh
which does not come. I found Godfrey Webb among others. We went together
to call on George Currie, who has just bought the little Gothic House in
Park Lane, a really charming one, Gothic though it be, where we found
Alfred Montgomery. Then to 27 Grosvenor Street, where Hobart has taken a
house. With Hobart I had a long conversation; he had seen the Sultan
before he left, and the Sultan’s idea was by hook or by crook to get a
footing in Egypt. The English Government, he said, were ready to
withdraw their troops to Alexandria and Port Said, and to admit Turkish
troops to Cairo. And the Sultan was thinking of sending a contingent to
help Wolseley in the Soudan, under the belief that half the Mahdi’s
people would lay down their arms at the command of the Caliph. I
exhorted Hobart not to let the Sultan do anything so foolish. I know the
situation, and if the Sultan were to join the English the Sultan would
become as Tewfik has become. They would pay no attention to him, and he
would lose all his influence. With the stream he can ride on the top of
the wave; against it he can only be drowned. I urged him to get Hassan
Fehmy to play a strong game and insist as a preliminary to all
assistance that Tewfik should be deposed. He then told me in confidence
that the Sultan had told him in confidence, that he hated Tewfik, but
that he considered it politic to get a foothold in Egypt first on any
terms. Hobart thought that Hassan Fehmy would not be bold enough to
depart from this plan, or propose Tewfik being replaced. However, he
would try, and as he had a private cypher with the Sultan, he could
telegraph to him all my ideas. I asked him how I was regarded at the
Palace, and he said: ‘At first they could not understand what you were
driving at, but now they see you are a friend and accept you as such.’
“Lady C. is making an active propaganda in my favour and in favour of my
ideas. She tells me old Lucan[98] has been with her to-day, and has told
her that the War Office has got news that Stewart is in fact surrounded,
and he will have to capitulate. The news is not exactly official, but
they seem to believe it.
“_26th Jan._—To see Button. He says the acceptance of the French
proposals has stopped the negotiations for the present with the Sultan,
but they will come on again, and he strongly advises that Hassan Fehmy
should declare himself against Tewfik, and promises that if he does the
‘Times’ will bring the matter forward. Buckle is away on his honeymoon
till the 19th February, and Button will have things pretty much his own
way in Printing House Square, so I have drawn up a memorandum for Hassan
Fehmy of the language he should use, and shall try and get him to send
in a dispatch to Lord Granville without delay.
“_27th Jan._—Stanley came to me in the morning, and highly approves my
draft memorandum, and we went together to call on Hassan Fehmy, but he
was out, and I have left the memorandum with Stanley to read to him.
Lady A. sent a message by him to say she wished to see me, and I had
luncheon at her house in Grosvenor Street. She is very anxious about her
son, who is with General Stewart, but I had little to say to comfort
her. She would naturally, she told me, sympathize with the Arabs, and
her son, too, had sympathized with them after the Suakin campaign. But
such is the desire of military glory he had volunteered nevertheless. I
also saw Pembroke yesterday, who has grown a beard, and is looking twice
the man he was. He, too, is in a state of anxiety, for Reggie Talbot and
Heale Phipps, both members of the Wilton Club, are with Stewart. Such
are the glories of war.
“_28th Jan._—The evening papers announce Stewart’s arrival at last at
Metemmeh after more slaughter, another hundred men or so killed and
wounded on the English side, and two thousand they say on the side of
the Arabs. This is infinitely disgusting, and the only thing which seems
to mitigate the evil is, that being now in communication with Gordon by
steamer they may be willing to rescue him, and retire as they said it
was their intention to do. They can perfectly well do this by river,
without any more battles, and the Mahdi has still a large army on the
river bank, between Metemmeh and Khartoum. The Arbitration Association
have elected me to their executive Committee, and have called a meeting
for to-morrow.
“_29th Jan._—Had a long talk with Ibrahim Bey. I asked what could be
done in the way of getting up a demonstration in Egypt against Tewfik.
He said petitions might be addressed to the British Government asking
for his deposition. The Ulema of the Azhar would sign it, except El
Abbasi, the Sheykh el Islam, who is Tewfik’s creature. Some of the
Notables might and a number of village Sheykhs, but not the Mudirs, as
these are Government officials paid by Tewfik. If the English Government
would give the least encouragement every man in Egypt would sign it. As
to Arabi, he said all the poor are for him, but the rich won’t hear of
him. He urged me to go to Paris and talk things over with Jemal-ed-Din.
“Hobart, Whittaker tells me, has just been staying at Sandringham. The
Prince of Wales said to him: ‘I suppose we shall have to get rid of
Tewfik.’ Hobart’s instructions from the Sultan are nothing but a
programme of conciliatory language, and compliments to the Queen and
Prince of Wales. He is only here to advise Hassan Fehmy. Hassan Fehmy’s
audience at Osborne was not a success. The Queen would not talk on
important matters, and was not particularly gracious. I am afraid his
mission will lead to nothing. His only chance was to speak out loudly
and firmly, and insist on Tewfik’s deposition. I have got the peace
people to vote a resolution urging Gladstone to retire from Khartoum,
and make peace with the Mahdi. I drafted a letter for them to Gladstone.
“_30th Jan._—Bowles has published my caricature in ‘Vanity Fair.’ Saw
Brett with Button, he and his master, Hartington, are all for smashing
the Mahdi and keeping Khartoum and Eastern Soudan. If I wanted
evacuation he advised me to send in a memorandum to Chamberlain who has
just been declaring that the Soudan is to be handed over ‘to its own
noble savages.’ Brett is a clever, but unprincipled[99] young man, and
manages all Hartington’s intrigues for him with the press. Button and
Stead are the two he works through most, and their latest achievement
has been getting Temple, who married Hartington’s first cousin
(Lascelles’ sister) made Bishop of London. The ‘Pall Mall’ has been
urging it for the last three weeks, and now it is done. The stupid
public fancies that Stead is a wonderful prophet, when he insists on
this and that policy, and when the policy is adopted. But Hartington
pulls all the strings and gives him the information, and so the campaign
against the Grand Old Man goes on. I am not sure whether Dilke is still
in with them, but I fancy he is. Chamberlain has broken away. Brett,
though of course an enemy to my ideas, sometimes gives useful hints. I
asked him to-day what they were going to do in Lower Egypt. He said:
‘You are going to have English Administration.’
“_1st Feb._—Dined with George Currie in Park Lane; Alfred Seymour was
there, and Newton, the Police magistrate, also Walter Seymour, who is
just starting on another venture to Venezuela, this time with a cargo of
arms to make a revolution. Alfred Seymour has a story of Sir Peter
Lumsden having resigned his mission in Afghanistan rather than carry out
the Government’s concessions on the frontier.
“_2nd Feb._—Wrote the draft of a letter to Chamberlain, urging an
immediate evacuation of Khartoum, but shall keep it till Wilson returns
from Metemmeh with news of Gordon.
“Old Lord Mark Kerr[100] called in the morning, ‘out of neighbourly
feeling’ he said, as he lives almost next door (in James Street). I had
correspondence with him two years ago about Arabi.
“Lunched with Button. He has told me more particulars of the Hartington
intrigue. He says that not only was Gordon sent to Khartoum without a
Cabinet Council, but Wolseley also was sent without one. The whole
expedition has been an executive measure, which not all the members of
the Cabinet have ever agreed to. Similarly the financial proposals for
Egypt have never been agreed to by Lord Northbrook, and the Cabinet has
been going on in this way for a year, each minister running his own
hare. Now, however, Chamberlain will break off and leave the rest,
hoping to come in on the top of the wave with the new elections.
“Letters have come from India showing that Randolph, thanks to my
letters, has been well received, and there is one I am specially glad to
get from Seyd Huseyn at Hyderabad.[101] Salar Jung has invited Randolph,
and he has accepted the invitation.
“_4th Feb._—Button says there are great things brewing all over Europe.
The French Government, although it promised an answer on the Egyptian
finance question last Wednesday, has remained silent. There is a hitch
somewhere in the negotiations. There is a row between Germany and Russia
on account of the King of Bulgaria’s proposed marriage. The Portuguese
have seized both banks of the Congo, being in league with France, etc.
Bismarck is furious because the Congo Conference seems likely to break
up as the London one did. If we have any luck, there may be a good
general European war all round.
“Dinner at Lady C.’s, who is anxious I should go into Parliament as a
follower of Churchill’s. She says the Prince of Wales is angry with me
because I only care about the Arabs in this infernal war. Afterwards to
a party at Lady Stanley of Alderley’s (Lord Stanley’s mother), where I
had some talk with Frederic Harrison, and hope to get him to take part
in a peace meeting. Lady Stanley talked about the war, as to which they
are all very cock-a-hoop now. They can’t take any interest, they say, in
the Arabs, because there are so many of them; when a thousand are
killed, there are always thousands more to take their place. Dilke was
there.
“_5th Feb._—Went to see Lord Mark Kerr, whom I found at breakfast,
walking uneasily round, and eating a mouthful from time to time. He is a
good, excellent man, but vague in his ideas to the verge of insanity.
His instincts are admirable, and he has glimmerings of great thoughts
about the East. He sympathizes with the Arabs as he does with the Indian
natives, and is very angry just now at the Duke of Connaught being
recalled from India instead of being made Commander-in-Chief. ‘The Duke
is not clever,’ he said, ‘but he understands how to talk to a gentleman
in the East—and they should have made him Commander-in-Chief.’ Lord Mark
will help us at any meeting we may get up.
“Then to see Stanley, who urges me to call again on Hassan Fehmy and on
Staal, the Russian Ambassador, who wants to see me. He, too, will help.
On my return I found Mark Napier, who announced the unexpected and
glorious news of the fall of Khartoum. This turns all our plans topsy-
turvy, but to our great advantage, and I rushed off at once to see
Hassan Fehmy, and had the pleasure of being the first to give him the
news. There was another Englishman with him when I arrived, and the
Ambassador put on a _figure de circonstance_ when he heard what had
happened. But as soon as the Englishman was gone he took me by both
hands, and a smile of pleasure broke out over all his face. He promised
me to have nothing to do with ideas of helping with Turkish troops
against the Mahdi, and seemed quite disposed to follow all my advice. I
left him to seek Button, and fortunately found him just come from the
War Office. It seems that Wilson[102] was delayed by the shallowness of
the river, and took four days getting up to Khartoum from Metemmeh. On
arrival he found the citadel dismantled, no flag flying, and the whole
place full of Arabs, who opened fire on him, and then he turned tail,
and by another accident all three steamers ran aground, and there they
still are, Wilson planted on an island, and the news brought in a boat,
as I understand, by Stuart-Wortley. Button says that Stewart’s force at
Metemmeh runs no risk, as it has abundance of provisions, but I can’t
believe this. In any case the expedition has come altogether to grief,
and the outside of what there is to hope Button says, is that Stewart
can be relieved, and the British Forces concentrated for the summer at
Metemmeh. There is no question of an advance now on Khartoum. It is
unknown what has become of Gordon. Indeed, the whole thing is
conjecture, as Wilson did not land. Button tells me that the Rothschilds
got a telegram this morning from their agents saying that there was no
truth at all in the story. But this cannot be, as Button has seen
Wolseley’s dispatches at the War Office.
“Lunched with Mark Napier at St. James’s Club, and have agreed to take
him with me if I am sent to make peace with the Mahdi. This seems not
altogether impossible. I met Austin Lee[103] and reminded him how I had
told him they would have to come to me after all. Also Philip Currie
sent me a note in the afternoon asking me to dinner for Saturday, a
thing he has not done for long. I had just time to run in and see Lady
Gregory that we might rejoice together, and then I was interviewed by
Wheeler for the Press Association, and got away by train home to Crabbet
where young Hardinge has come down to hunt. This has been a day of
consolation, and I could not help singing all the way down in the train.
Why had I so little faith?
“_6th Feb._—A beautiful morning, and we went down to Shoreham, had a
capital run of six miles quite straight over the Downs without a check,
and killed in Newtimber Holt. Hardinge was with us, riding Proximo, and
went all the way close behind the hounds. Harry Brand was out, and we
had a long talk about the Soudan. He says the Government are all for
going on with the war. He himself had been in favour of sending me out
to make peace. But the country would never stand anything now but war. I
told him, if he had any influence with the Cabinet, to use it for the
recall of Wolseley’s expedition, which would certainly suffer great loss
if it stayed. I am strongly of the opinion that Gordon is alive, and
equally of opinion that Wolseley is the worst man in the world to
negotiate for him if he is a prisoner.
“Had a good deal of talk in the evening with Hardinge. He agreed with me
that Dufferin was too fond of humbugging people to succeed in the East.
He had been very idle, too, at Constantinople, leaving all the work of
the Embassy to Wyndham. The Turks, however, were afraid of him, and he
had got a good deal out of them in the way of claims and such like,
though his main policy had failed. Dufferin was sore about Egypt, where
he considered himself to have been a failure. He thought he could have
carried out his programme if he had been left at Cairo longer. Wyndham
had quarrelled with the Sultan by accusing him of intriguing in Egypt.
He had done this in a fit of temper, but the Sultan never forgave.
Hardinge knew all about how Dilke had worked up the Egyptian war, and of
the dirt Malet had been made to eat. He has a poor opinion of Baring.
“_7th Feb._—To London early and saw Hassan Fehmy, whom I found in a
state of entire perplexity to know what to do. I therefore had no
difficulty in persuading him to write a formal dispatch to Lord
Granville, protesting against what was going on in Egypt and Soudan. He
asked me to write the draft for him, and I promised to do so. He gave me
a long account of all that he had said to Lord Granville, which seems to
have been very little to the point. A more hopelessly muddled old
gentleman I think I never met, honest though and anxious to do his duty,
which is far better than to be a clever rogue. However, we will remedy
it all by a dispatch that will make old Granville rub his eyes. Button
is of opinion that Wolseley will not be at all anxious to carry on the
campaign at a great expense, but will rather be for negotiating. His
only idea in this direction is to offer money. Harry reproached me
yesterday with having gone over to the Sultan, but I said: ‘If your
hounds change their fox what is the huntsman to do? Is he to go on by
himself or to go with them?’ Down in the afternoon to Wilbury, a day of
wind and rain. Percy Wyndham is staunch in opposition to the war. Wrote
the draft dispatch for Hassan Fehmy.
“_9th Feb._—At Wilbury. Hunting from Elbarrow, I enjoyed the day more
than any this season.
“_10th Feb._—Button telegraphed to me last night to come to London as
there was something important going on in connection with Hassan Fehmy’s
mission, so I went up. He has seen Brett who tells him some new and
unexpected departure is about to be taken with regard to Egypt. The
Sultan’s mission is once more in favour. But it may mean many things.
The Sultan ought to offer mediation in the Soudan. Lunched with Lady
Gregory, and in the afternoon went with Stanley to take part in the
Indian Reform Association’s deputation to Lord Ripon. After it was over
Stanley and I had a private talk with Lord Ripon, and we begged him to
expostulate with the Government against sending Indian troops to the
Soudan. He said he would certainly use any influence he had in that
direction, but assured us it was not necessary, as no troops would be
sent. Nevertheless it is announced to-night in all the papers.
“Dined with Button at the Marlborough Club. It is announced that Gordon
is certainly dead, and there are sensational accounts of the sack of
Khartoum. I am inclined to think it just as well, in the cause of peace,
that the worst should have happened. It will take away the excuse of a
further advance. Button says they all mean war to the knife, but I am
convinced that in six weeks Gordon will be forgotten, and there will be
a strong reaction against the war; then the Government will slip out of
it. If Gordon was alive and a prisoner, then the excitement would be
kept up till he was released.
“_11th Feb._—George Wyndham is ordered with the Guards to Suakin, and I
have asked Jemal-ed-Din to give him a talisman in case of his being
taken prisoner by the Mahdi. But it is on condition that he does not use
it for any _ruse de guerre_.
“Saw Hassan Fehmy, who described to me a visit he paid yesterday to
Gladstone. Mr. Gladstone had been most charming, but had not, it seems,
committed himself to anything definite. He, the Pasha, was very angry
about the Italian occupation of Massowa, but I could not get out of him
exactly what proposals he had made on the Sultan’s behalf. Button
declares that it was arranged positively three weeks ago that Turkish
troops should occupy Cairo, but the acceptance by France of the
financial proposals stopped this. Now, however, he tells me, as a great
secret, that the proposals have again broken down. And that is the
reason why they are anxious again to arrange matters with the Sultan.
Hassan Fehmy was very cordial, and promised to come down to Crabbet as
soon as these worries are off his hands. I gave him my draft of his
dispatch to Lord Granville which Stanley had translated into French, but
it was written on Sunday when we thought still that no arrangement could
be come to with the Foreign Office. He said, however, that he would keep
it to use in case the present negotiations broke down. Speaking of
Ismaïl Pasha, he said I might trust him not to compromise himself in
that direction, that the Sultan knew very well that Ismaïl was his worst
enemy.
“_12th Feb._—Down again to Wilbury, another day’s hunting from Vernham
Gate, and had a hard run of an hour across very steep hills, and killed
in a wood. Kars carried me well, and I was again in front all the way.
“There is news of another bloody battle in the Soudan. General Earle
killed this time. Morley and Courtney have come out well in favour of
peace, and I am sure the Government will not be allowed to go on with
this butchery. To-night’s ‘Pall Mall’ has an article strongly for
Ismaïl.
“_14th Feb._—Hunted in Savernake Forest.
“_15th Feb._—Wilbury. Major Poore, an old disciple of Urquhart’s,
called, and I had some interesting conversation with him. Urquhart
doubtless was the founder of a remarkable school of political morality,
but his eccentricities injured its effect, and much of his practical
teaching is now old-fashioned.
“_17th Feb._—To London early. I find everybody very angry with Gladstone
for having been to the play the very night the news of Gordon’s death
was received, and I hear that he was hissed in St. James’s Street.
“To Lymington’s wedding with Miss Pease, the Quaker heiress. We may hope
soon to get the Quakers on the side of peace. Hitherto they have been
dead against it.
“Talked with Hobart Pasha at his Club, the Army and Navy. He saw
Gladstone yesterday, who told him that he had never had any ill-feeling
towards the Turks, indeed had rather liked them than otherwise. Harcourt
told him that the Government knew that the Sultan’s only wish was to
restore Ismaïl.[104] As to this Hobart expressed to me his great anger.
They have had nothing to do with Ismaïl, who has spoiled Hassan Fehmy’s
mission.
“_18th Feb._—Button is very anxious to find out what is in the air. I
went accordingly to Hassan Fehmy, and had a few words with him—but he is
a hopeless man. Lord Granville complains of him that he, Hassan,
understands nothing that he says, and that he, Lord Granville,
understands very little of what Hassan says. I can well believe it. He
seemed vexed at being questioned about Ismaïl.
“Dined with Mrs. S., where Philip Currie was. His special business now
at the Foreign Office is the Afghan frontier. This he flattered himself
he knew thoroughly. ‘The Russians,’ he said, ‘have the strongest hand,
but we hold half a dozen good cards which we may play well.’ It will
take better playing than he gave his cards in Egypt to prevent a war.
“_19th Feb._—Looked in at Gregory’s. He is writing a plea for Arabi’s
recall to Egypt in the ‘Nineteenth Century.’ It is generally admitted
now in the light of the Soudan rebellion that the Egyptian war was a
mistake, and Arabi an honest man. Jem Lowther, whom I met to-day, says
the Opposition have decided on a Vote of Censure, and the declaration of
an alternative policy in Egypt. It must be either Arabi or annexation.
He said he himself was for annexation. There is a sensational account in
the ‘Pall Mall’ of a retreat from Metemmeh and the recall of Wolseley. I
hope Buller will get his force back without fighting, as defeat might
now injure the cause of peace. People are much agitated about this at
the Carlton, among others Pembroke. While at a meeting of the Peace
Committee we heard Gladstone hooted on his way to Westminster.
Parliament met to-day, and it must have been a gloomy business for the
Grand Old Man to announce his policy of blood, especially as it will
mean a policy of defeat. General Stewart is dead of his wounds.
“Labouchere sent word to say he wanted to know Ismaïl Jowdat’s address,
and I called on him to-day. He tells me Herbert Gladstone has been at
him to try and find out a way of communicating with the Mahdi. We had a
long talk on the subject. Herbert Gladstone is used by his father as a
go-between, and communicates with the Irish through Labouchere.
Labouchere assures me that many Parliamentary arrangements have in this
way been made up between the Grand Old Man and Mr. Parnell. And he says
it is delicious to hear Mr. Gladstone afterwards denying them in the
House of Commons. I promised him to put the Government in communication
with the Mahdi’s agents whenever they like.
“_20th Feb._—Labouchere writes that he has seen Herbert Gladstone again,
and wants me to advise the Mahdi to constitute some one his regular
agent by sending him credentials. I had already thought of doing this,
and I had another long talk with him about it. The essential, he says,
is that the thing should not be known, as the Government could never
carry a proposal through the House to employ me in treating. But all the
same they would like to treat, and we agreed that the base of
negotiation might be the complete evacuation of the Soudan by the
English and Egyptians, and a restoration of the Wady Halfa frontier.
Suakin might be given to the Sultan, and in any case must be evacuated
by us. On this basis a peace or truce might be effected and Wolseley’s
troops withdrawn. Labouchere was very amusing about the various little
intrigues he had helped to carry on for Mr. Gladstone, and I hope this
one may succeed as well as the others. He says that on one occasion
Gladstone got his own side to vote against him.
“Lady Gregory has told me the whole of her husband’s conversation with
Mr. Gladstone (which he had not told me). It was after dinner on
Tuesday. Mr. Gladstone insisted on talking to Sir William in spite of
friends who tried to interrupt. He began by asking him what he would do,
and Gregory said he would certainly not go to Khartoum. To this Mr.
Gladstone replied: ‘Oh, I think, from all the information in our
possession, that the taking of Khartoum will not be a very difficult
matter.’ ‘The difficulty you think,’ said Sir William, ‘will be after?’
‘Ah, yes,’ said Mr. Gladstone, ‘a twenty times greater difficulty. If I
only knew what was then to be done my mind would be easy.’ He then asked
Sir William whether he thought it would be possible to treat with the
Mahdi. ‘How can we approach such a man? Through what channel and on what
terms?’ ‘There is,’ said Sir William, ‘but one man who could help you
there.’ ‘And who is that? You don’t mean Blunt?’ ‘No,’ said Sir William,
‘not Blunt. I am thinking of Arabi.’ ‘Ah,’ said Mr. Gladstone, ‘that is
a point on which you and I differ. You think Arabi an honest man. I
think him a _consummate blackguard_. Why, I have had in my hands letters
signed by that man in which he offers to barter the liberties of his
country to the Sultan!’ Sir William asked him at what date these had
been written, and Mr. Gladstone said about three weeks before the
bombardment of Alexandria. ‘At that time,’ said Sir William, ‘I suppose
all the Egyptians had been driven into the Sultan’s arms. I do not alter
my opinion of him, which is what it has always been, that he is an
honest man and a patriot.’ ‘Ah,’ said Mr. Gladstone, ‘what would I not
give to believe it with you! If I could only believe him honest _I would
jump at him_.’ This we think rather hopeful, but I fear the old man’s
pride will be too strong for him.
“Ibrahim Bey called again, and I told him I thought it better he should
not come back to James Street for the present, as it might compromise
us, that the Government were in a fair way to treat and that it would
not do to frighten them. He expressed his willingness to go to Suakin on
a mission if required; and perhaps some day we may use him in this way.
“M. Taschaud, a Belgian dignitary, called. He is the promoter of
arbitration and peace abroad, and especially I fancy of his own glory.
He is the author of a pamphlet called the ‘Future of Egypt, by an ex-
plenipotentiary,’ and seems to know people about. He assured me that he
had written this pamphlet as an article for the ‘Fortnightly,’ but that
after it was in print Escott had substituted for it the famous article
signed ‘G.’ This, M. Taschaud says, was certainly written with Mr.
Gladstone’s consent, though not by himself. His ideas of Egypt I do not
share, as they seem to consist of internationalizing it for the profit
of Europe.
“Stanley writes that he has seen Hassan Fehmy, and that it is all right
about the ex-Khedive Ismaïl. So I am satisfied. But I am glad all the
same that they are not thinking now of employing the Sultan to mediate
in the Soudan. He would only make a mess of it. Lunched at the Carlton.
Dined at St. James’s Club with Walter Seymour. Saw Eddy Hamilton looking
pale and harassed. He acknowledged himself pretty near dead beat. I
said: ‘When Wolseley is a prisoner, you will know where to find me.’
“_21st Feb._—Nebbi Ullah[105] called and I urged him to come to the
Soudan Conference and protest against the employment of Indian troops
against the Mahdi. He promised to do so and to get others to speak among
the Indians now in London. I think that will have a good effect. After
this came one Johnstone, who is getting up a large meeting in St.
James’s Hall for the week after next, and who has asked me to preside.
He represents himself as having command of the working men’s
association, and says he can get together a good number of popular
working men speakers. I have promised to preside as he wishes, and it
certainly can do no harm, especially as the meeting is to ask for
Arabi’s recall to Egypt as well as for an abandonment of the Soudan
campaign.
“Then Drummond Wolff called, who wants materials for his speech on the
Vote of Censure. I gave him the text of my letter to Gladstone of last
April proposing to mediate in the Soudan; and urged him strongly to get
the Fourth Party to take up the cause of peace. It was sure to be the
winning cause.
“After him John Morley, who came for the same purpose and stopped to
luncheon. He wanted particularly an argument against the Slave Trade
cry, and to know whether the Mahdi could be induced to treat on a
civilized basis. He told me that Dilke had told him yesterday that Mr.
Gladstone’s speech on Monday in answer to the motion of censure would be
pitched in quite a different key and far more peaceable. He, Morley, is
to follow immediately after Northcote, and then Mr. Gladstone will reply
to both. It is all very well Morley coming forward now as the champion
of peace, but it was his defection from Frederic Harrison and me last
year that decided the Government to send the expedition. If he had
spoken out then as he does now, he would have prevented it. But he
wished to please his constituents at Newcastle with whom the legend of
the Grand Old Man still survives. I did not, however, reproach him with
the past, as it would have done no good.
“At the Carlton I coached a third M.P., Robert Bourke, who seems coming
round now to Arabi. I should not be surprised if the Conservatives took
him up after all.
“Then I called on Cardinal Manning and sat with him an hour in his
private room in which he certainly looks very much in character. It is a
large room, but he has made it habitable with a tall screen lined with
bookcases running round the fire, and ensconced in which he sits. I
never saw him looking better, and complimented him on the effect of his
abstinence. This pleased him. I wanted him to take an active part in
favour of peace, but he would not do this, as he said he was forbidden
by his rulers to take part in politics. But he sympathizes much with my
views, as he has always done, though not very understandingly. Talking
of the English Catholic Laity, he said they were hopelessly dull—most of
them—very old-fashioned Conservatives, and he did not think I should get
much support out of them. The Irish, of course, supported me, but that
was out of hatred to England—and it would not advance my cause. Cardinal
Manning is a link for me with the extreme past, for I have known him
nearly forty years, and I think it is a pleasure for him to see me for
the same reason. He leads a very lonely life, out of harmony with those
about him, and clinging to old recollections. He talked warmly about old
Sussex days and the kindly relations existing there between all classes.
He is very hopeless about England’s prospects, and indeed the news to-
day is enough to make Englishmen gloomy, for Buller and his force seem
surrounded at Abu Klea, and it may well be that even Wolseley may have
to capitulate before the summer is over.
“_22nd Feb._—The ‘Sunday Times’ has a sensational ‘victory’ at Abu Klea,
but it is evidently not worth much, as Buller is still tied by the
leg—‘want of camels.’ This is just what will make all these campaigns
impotent. Then, being unable to move, they will run short of provisions,
and then the hot weather will come. They will be ‘hemmed in’ by the
Arabs, and unless they make peace will have to capitulate. Button tells
me the Government are ready to treat with the Mahdi on almost any terms
he could ask, and advises me to go to Paris and start negotiations
there. I shall go, but must first hear the opening of the Debate of
Censure. With regard to that, Button tells me some of the Cabinet are
very anxious to get beaten. Chamberlain told a friend of his last night
that he would far rather go to the country and explain peace than have
to explain war. If Morley would only accept Mr. Gladstone’s speech on
Monday as a peace speech and withdraw his motion, many of the Whigs
would go over to the Tories and turn the Government out. I have written
an article on Hassan Fehmy’s mission for Button for the ‘Times,’ and I
took it to him to-day. It is against my rule to do this, as I have only
once written an unsigned thing for them, namely, the article on the
Palmer expedition. But this is an exceptional case. Button says the
Conservatives are all talking now of Arabi and are half disposed to take
him up. They would certainly make terms with the Sultan if they came
into office.
“Ferid Bey, the First Secretary of the Turkish Embassy, called. He is
very much against the Mahdi, and believes that but for him the English
would long ago have left Egypt. I did my best to persuade him to take a
broad view, and suggested that if they wanted to treat with Lord
Granville effectively they should mass 20,000 men at Gaza.
“To Crabbet by late train.
“_23rd Feb._—Wrote to Morley repeating what Button had suggested about
his withdrawing his amendment, so as to turn the Government out and have
a good honest opposition to the war, and also about Ibrahim Bey’s
statement published on Thursday. Beta, who I hear is Morier, mentions it
and challenges me to say whether it is authentic, and I have begged
Morley to say from me that it is so.
“We hunted with the Crawley and Horsham hounds from Patching, and had a
pretty run across the down to Steyning, whence we came home, Kars having
cut his fetlock with a flint.
“Up to town in the evening and dined at Lady C.’s. She says all her
friends now are speaking well of me. Met Henry Chaplin at the Carlton,
who thinks Wolseley’s army is lost.
“_24th Feb._—To Button early. He tells me Philip Currie, with whom he
talked, is anxious to get into communication with the Mahdi, but of
course not through me or anybody who can really help him. The Censure
Debate came on last night, and, though Mr. Gladstone was not of course
outspoken, his speech was nevertheless distinctly more peaceable than
the first. It seems, however, to have been a miserable exhibition of the
old hair-splitting arguments, like all the rest he has made on the
Egyptian business. I cannot understand his reputation as an orator. He
certainly has an extreme facility and power of statement, but he neither
touches nor convinces. It is a lawyer’s eloquence, not a statesman’s—at
least this is the impression his speeches have always made on me. Button
thinks nevertheless he will get his majority, but that the Government
will go to pieces on some smaller issue during the Session.
“Called on Stanley to tell him something of my plans, and then went by
the tidal train to Paris.
“_25th Feb._—At the Hotel Wagram. Sanua called last night and we talked
affairs over, and this morning I had two hours with Jemal-ed-Din. I find
there will be more difficulty in treating with the Mahdi now than I
thought, or than would have been the case last year, for the taking of
Khartoum has altered the situation considerably. Also they are much
elated at having killed five English generals, a thing never heard of,
they say, in any war. These they count to be Hicks, Baker, Stewart,
Earle, and now Gordon—and the Mahdi’s terms will be correspondingly
high. Still, Jemal-ed-Din says distinctly that peace can be made if the
English are willing, _first_, to abandon the Soudan, _second_, to hand
over Suakin to the Sultan, _third_, to use their good offices to get the
Italians out of Massowa, and _fourth_, to arrange with the Sultan for
the establishment of Mohammedan Government in Egypt. The recall of Arabi
would much facilitate matters, but any popular Government in Egypt could
be on friendly terms with Mohammed Ahmed. With regard to the method of
treating, Jemal-ed-Din says it is essential that the English Government
should make the first move. The Mahdi could not under present
circumstances send an Embassy to England, or even appoint him (Jemal-ed-
Din) his _wakil_ for that purpose. The Embassy must be sent by England,
and all he can do is to forward it to its destination and recommend it
as a _bona fide_ mission. I asked him about Gordon’s bible, which Mrs.
Allnatt has been very anxious I should try and get back; but Jemal-ed-
Din declines to hold out hopes of its restoration until peace is made. I
begged him, however, to try to obtain it, as if he succeeded it would be
a great proof to our Government of his power. There was an article on
Jemal-ed-Din in yesterday’s ‘Times,’ which is correct as far as it goes,
but Jemal-ed-Din is angry at their having left out all that he said
against Ismaïl Pasha and Prince Hassan’s appointment to the Soudan.
“Had a long talk at the Embassy with Bungo Herbert[106] on the Mahdi
question, but I don’t know that it will do any good, as Lord Lyons they
say has left off expressing any opinion on Egyptian affairs, as his
advice has never been taken. Herbert is his private secretary now,
Sheffield being away.
“_26th Feb._—Jemal-ed-Din and Sanua to breakfast. I read them my letter
to the Sultan, which they highly approve of. About Afghanistan, Jemal-
ed-Din assured me that the talk of a quarrel between Russia and the Amir
was all nonsense; that the quarrel, whenever it came off, would be
against us; that the Amir would give free passage to Russia for the
invasion of India, but neither were ready yet for this.
“There is a telegram in the papers that the Nizam has offered troops for
the Soudan, and at this, too, he laughed. He said they always offered
troops, as they knew they would not be accepted. When Sanua was gone he
told me privately that he had thought over my proposals of negotiations
with the Mahdi, and was sure it could be done. But he would have nothing
to do with it unless the English Government would show its sincerity by
employing me or someone else he could trust to represent them. Then he
would introduce the mission, which must also be accompanied by a
Mohammedan, to a man of high station in Egypt who was in a position to
speak as to terms. He himself was not in such position, and he could do
no more than indicate the way to others who would give the necessary
introductions and safe-conducts to the English agent. It must, however,
be distinctly arranged beforehand that the English Government should
engage itself to protect the persons through whose agency the
negotiations should be carried on. They must not be allowed to suffer at
the hands of the Khedive. He was of opinion that not only a peace might
be made, but also a treaty of commerce, and perhaps even a slave trade
convention—the latter to the extent of guaranteeing the Abyssinians from
slave raids inasmuch as these were illegal. He declined, however, to
enter into communication with any English official on the subject until
I should be first convinced that their intentions were serious, and that
the protection was guaranteed to the Mahdi’s _wakils_. I am well
satisfied with this view of the case, and all the more so from finding
Jemal-ed-Din so cautious in his promises. He does not think it would be
judicious to apply for Gordon’s bible just now.
“Gladstone to-day recants his declaration of abandoning the Soudan. But
all this debate is selling the bear’s skin before it is killed. My
opinion is that the Berber railroad will never be made, except perhaps a
few miles of it, and that as soon as the Nile rises Wolseley will run
for it down the river to Egypt.
“_27th Feb._—Hassan Fehmy’s mission it seems is to be recalled, the fall
of Khartoum having altered the situation. Prince Halim writes again, but
this time not about politics, asking me to get him a pair of horses for
the Sultan to drive. In his letter the other day he mentions having
delivered my letter to His Majesty. The horses must be above all things
‘very quiet,’ as the Sultan wishes to drive them himself.
“Saw Lady Gregory, and had breakfast at the Blounts.[107] Afterwards to
call on Lesseps, but he was not at home. Then to the Embassy, where I
found Walsham, Herbert, Leigh, and another, and talked nonsense with
them for an hour in the Chancery as in old days—also old Atlee, a relic
of the past. Malet is dining to-night at the Embassy. I am dining with
the Wagrams.
“_28th Feb._—Came over to London by the tidal train and went at once to
see Button. The Government have escaped the Vote of Censure again by the
skin of their teeth—a majority of fourteen only. Button was in the House
to the end, and he says the Old Man was quite overcome when the result
was announced. This is the only thing in the world that can make him
feel. The most hideous failure abroad, war with every nation, India in
revolt, the Empire breaking up, the colonies lost—all these things could
not touch him or make him sleep a wink less sound. But an adverse vote
in the House—that was a very much more serious thing. It is a defeat he
is able to understand. It will be the end of him, though Button thinks
he will not immediately resign. The debate, he says, was in its latter
part of a high order. The first two days the Opposition made nothing of
it, and Northcote was miserably weak, and John Morley a mere
opportunist, but Goschen’s speech was the turning point, and from that
point it was brilliant. By far the best defence, curious to say, of the
Government was made by Lord Derby in the House of Lords. It was Harcourt
who did most damage to them, as he was put up on Thursday to explain
their explanations, and did so entirely on peace principles. But this
was probably arranged, as Dilke and Hartington followed suit. The great
question is—will they resign? We discussed the probabilities of a new
Cabinet, and agreed that Lytton ought to have a seat at one of the
administrative departments. Button says public opinion would hardly
stand him at the Foreign Office or India Office, though I am of opinion
that for the former he is just the man. Churchill will have the India
Office, he says; possibly Hicks Beach the Foreign Office; Lytton more
likely the Admiralty. But I rather doubt his taking office at all. The
Ministry will, however, not resign till the Vote of Supply, when they
will be beaten again.
“_1st March._—To the Carlton, where I saw Drummond Wolff. He has put a
question about my peace negotiations last year, and drew an answer from
the Grand Old Man which seems to have been very mixed. Mr. Gladstone
excused himself for having refused to see me at Hawarden on the ground
that I ‘should have had him there at my mercy.’ There is more truth in
this than he perhaps meant.
“_2nd March._—To Button’s, who told me all that had happened on Saturday
at the Cabinet Council. It appears that, Granville having explained that
it was absolutely impossible for him to get on any longer with Bismarck,
and in view of the other complications, all the Cabinet but two had been
in favour of resignation. Mr. Gladstone had quite made up his mind to
this, but Spencer and Trevelyan explained that if they resigned now Lord
Salisbury would dissolve Parliament, and that Parnell would then have
his seventy Home Rule members, and the result would be a revolt in
Ireland; this was the true reason of the Government’s decision to stay
in office. The only thing that does not sound credible in the account is
that it represents the Ministry as having sacrificed party interest for
duty to the country. But it is perhaps easier patriotically to stay in
office than patriotically to resign. The thing moreover cannot last
long, and it will only end by their being kicked out on the Vote of
Supply. It is thought, however, that if Salisbury found himself with a
majority only of one he would carry on the Government without
dissolving. Stead has been persuaded by Dilke not to publish Gordon’s
letters to me. The Government are helping now to get up a memorial to
Gordon and it would not do to publish his private ideas about them.
“_3rd March._—Went down to the India Office, where I had a talk with
Godley about an attack made on me by Lepel Griffin in connection with my
visit to India. He begged me to give him an account of my offer of
negotiation made last year to Gladstone. He said: ‘You know I have for
three years past disapproved of the course that has been taken in
Egypt.’ Nobody knows better than Godley how easily Mr. Gladstone might
have prevented the whole thing if he had listened to me.
“Lady C. tells me that the Prince of Wales is going over to Ireland, as
I understand her, on a mission of pacification. I fancy the idea is to
settle the Irish question eventually on the lines of the Austro-
Hungarian settlement; and the idea might work. I don’t suppose the
Parnellites have any grudge against the Crown, though they have against
the Castle, certainly not against the Prince of Wales. But we shall see.
“Dined at the Carlton next to Jem Lowther, and talked about Egypt and
the Soudan. It is astonishing what crude ideas these Tory leaders have.
People are not wrong in calling them the stupid Party. If I can get into
Parliament I may be able to help them to new notions on Foreign
politics.
“_4th March._—Refused Escott and Bunting and Alfred Austin to write
articles for them respectively in the ‘Fortnightly,’ ‘Contemporary,’ and
‘National Reviews,’ on the Mahdi. I think it best not to write on
current politics in monthly magazines. These magazines are beginning to
get past their best day as organs of publicity. There are too many of
them, and nobody reads them.
“The Wentworths came to dinner, and we went on with them to a meeting in
Westminster Town Hall. It was poorly attended, but the speeches were
decidedly good. Wentworth spoke with something approaching to eloquence,
and Harrison made a really admirable oration. My own speech was
descriptive of the Mahdi and Gordon’s mission. It was well received. The
meeting then was invaded by some Socialists and became very noisy. I
confess my sympathies are with them, as they speak the truth, however
brutally, about governments and financiers. I have been asked to repeat
my speech as a lecture at Cambridge. It was as usual quite different
from the speech I had prepared.
“Met Edward Malet to-day in St. James’s Park. We nodded.
“_5th March._—Button says about the Soudan expedition that Wolseley
would have to come home, first, on account of his eyes, which were
suffering, and they could not afford that he should go blind, as he does
all the work at the Horse Guards, even now that he is in the Soudan,
telegraphing instructions daily—and, secondly, in view of war
complications. The expedition is breaking up rapidly, and it will be as
I said, not a regiment will remain south of Wady Halfa by midsummer’s
day.
“Labouchere, on whom I called, tells me the same story. He had it from
one of the Government that there was no intention at all to make the
railway to Berber. They would make it a few miles out from Suakin,
perhaps to a hill station. But even that I doubt. We discussed the
subject of the negotiations, about which he had written to me. His idea
was that I might send the Mahdi a message from the Radical Party,
advising him to send an agent to propose peace, and asking him what
terms he would accept. But I told him this would never do. The Mahdi
would require to be acknowledged, and would only treat with the
Government. All they could expect of him was that the two
plenipotentiaries should meet in Egypt. He said the difficulty was, that
to do so would be to snub Baring and Wolseley. We finally agreed that I
should once more write to Mr. Gladstone, and place a renewal of my offer
on record. This I must do before the 20th, when new battles are expected
with Osman Digna. I look, however, on the Mahdi as quite safe now, with
the summer before him, and the certain change of public opinion here and
foreign complications for our arms elsewhere.
“_6th March._—Bismarck seems to be interfering once more as honest
broker, and has sent his son Herbert to London; and I notice at the same
time that the telegrams announce Hassan Fehmy as instructed to use
stiffer language to Lord Granville. He is to say that the English
explanations are vague and unsatisfactory. They are at their wits’ ends
at the Foreign Office to know what to do. But their first step will be
to recall Wolseley and his army to Cairo.
“_7th March._—To see Stanley. He has heard that Bismarck has promised
Granville to use his good offices with Russia to prevent any further
advance on the Afghan frontier. Talked the same matter over with Button,
who is very full of the subject, and who gave me a full account of the
position as it has been told him—in the greatest secrecy. It appears
that Bismarck has recently come forward ostensibly to make peace. This
is always the avowed motive of his interventions, but his offers
generally cover some objects of his own. In the present instance he
wants Zanzibar, and Button has it on his ‘best authority’ that in a very
short time the Zanzibar question will be brought forward. The Sultan of
Zanzibar has long wished the English Government to guarantee his son’s
succession to the throne, but we have refused, and now he is appealing
to Bismarck. There is therefore likely to be question of a German
protectorate, and its declaration will coincide with claims by Germany
to other places on the East Coast of Africa. Bismarck’s mode of action
with Lord Granville is to bully him through Malet, for whom he professes
the greatest possible affection, and whom he charges with his explosives
to hurl at Granville’s head. Granville replies, not through Malet, but
through the German Ambassador. Malet is not thought man enough to beard
the lion, though they are pleased with him for the information he gives
them. He is in fact very much in the position of a ‘Times’ correspondent
at Berlin, obliged to make himself agreeable as a condition of his
receiving news.
“Herbert Bismarck’s mission was suggested at New Court [the Rothschilds’
house of business in the City] and carried out through Rosebery, who is
Rothschild’s representative in the Cabinet. At first it was proposed by
the Jews that some one should be sent from London to Berlin, but failing
this they suggested Herbert Bismarck’s visit. The Rothschilds are very
anxious that German influence should predominate as they see in it a
guarantee for England’s remaining in Egypt, and Granville seems to have
given in to the idea, as this morning there is published an abject
apology he made last night in the House of Lords. Button thinks very
likely Bismarck may have promised his good offices with Russia, but does
not think they are sincere, and his real object is Zanzibar and the East
Coast of Africa. On the other hand the Foreign Office, as apart from
Lord Granville, is for a renewal of the Anglo-Franco-Turco Alliance of
1854, with a self-denying clause regarding Egypt. This would enable us
to evacuate Egypt without the fear of French occupation succeeding ours.
They would also mutually oppose Germany’s arrangement with Zanzibar. I
am not sure that this would not be the best solution of the difficulty.
I told him in return about Bismarck’s old scheme of renewing claims to
the Dutch Colonies. [This refers to a principle of German policy, the
details of which I had learned as long before as the late autumn of
1866, when I was staying with Count d’Usedom, then Prussian Envoy at
Florence, at the Villa Capponi outside that city. Usedom was a man of
great enlightenment, and had been the trusted friend of the old King
Frederick William in his Liberal days, and the chief of Bismarck’s
rivals, being especially obnoxious to him on account of his English or
rather Scotch wife, Olympia Malcolm, and his suspected Anglomania. I was
very intimate with both of them, and as they were both very indiscreet I
got to know a great deal of the inner designs of Prussian diplomacy,
making, however, no use at all of my knowledge. Amongst other things
that Usedom told me was this, that it was a settled plan at Berlin to
bring about, in connection with the proposed revival of the German
Empire, also a union with Holland, when Germany, having become a
maritime power, would reassert against England, on Holland’s behalf, a
claim to the old Dutch Colonies.]
“We then talked about the Afghan complication. He said the whole
difficulty came from an absurd habit the Foreign Office had of asking a
great deal more than they were willing to take. This place, Penjdeh, was
outside the real boundary of Afghanistan, but the Foreign Office had
asked for it meaning to yield it later as a concession. But the Russians
in the meanwhile had seized it, and the concession was rendered ten
times more difficult. Button has it (but he made me promise not to
repeat it as he was not even to allude to it in the ‘Times’) from a
certain source that in view of possible accidents, or at the Amir’s
request, Lumsden has received orders to occupy Herat and put it in a
state of defence. I told him, however, that the Russians did not really
mean war, certainly not war with the Amir, but were making a
demonstration in order to detach the Amir from our alliance. This
incident will not lead to war.
“In the afternoon attended a deputation to Lord Ripon given by the
Indians resident in London. Anne was seated on the daïs next Lord Ripon.
The noble Lord made a humbugging speech in which he praised the Nizam
for offering to send troops against the Soudanese. He is already
corrupted by association with his Whig friends in office. Lady Ripon has
asked us to her party next week.
“_8th March._—Down to Crabbet, marking trees in Heathy Ground and
Burley’s Wood, and laying out a new gallop in the Upper Park. This has
been a quiet day, and has done me good, for the excitement of the last
week has made my heart ache. We went to see Pompey, who is very ill and
cannot last long now. His illness gives him a dignity which is touching,
and which I hope we may all have before we die. [Pompey was my black
servant who had been with me for eighteen years.]
“_9th March._—To London, and called on Lady A., whose son now I hope is
safe, at least for the present, as the Buller Division is on its way
back to Korti. I did not like to call on her before.
“_10th March._—Leonard Courtney[108] writes proposing that I should
breakfast with him on Thursday, to talk over possible negotiations with
the Mahdi. From all I hear, the Government are ready to jump at any
possible arrangement, so it is through anybody else but me. Called on
Button, who says war is nearly certain with Russia. But I cannot bring
myself to think Russia means to quarrel with the Amir—with us very
likely, but not with him. I expect it will blow over. Button advises me
to call on Staal.
“_11th March._—Saw Hobart at his club. He tells me the Sultan has
telegraphed to him expressly forbidding him to do anything about sending
troops against the Mahdi. He wanted to know whether the Mahdi was really
opposed to the Sultan, and I satisfied him on that point, and we agreed
to act together in any negotiation of peace that might be arranged.
“_12th March._—Had a long talk at the Russian Embassy with Staal, for
whom I have a great affection. We talked the whole political situation
over, on my part very frankly, and I told him he must not expect a
revolt in India. He of course deplored the prospect of war, which he
seemed to think imminent, though I do not. I told him all about the
Egyptian War and the Mahdi and Gordon, and the absurdities of our
Ministers. He described having been at Walmer, and how he had found Lord
Granville surrounded by dispatch boxes, tied up with different coloured
string, according as they were pressing or not; the very immediately
pressing were tied up with red tape. A proof that the Czar does not mean
war is that the Emperor of Germany has written to him asking him to
preserve peace, which he certainly would not have done unless he knew
the Czar to be willing. For my own purposes I should like there to be a
war with Russia, or at least an alarming demonstration. But my
conversation with Staal will not have had an otherwise than deterring
effect. I told him very plainly that England meant fighting. Nélidof, he
said, had been very nearly recalled from Constantinople, but had now
been sent back there with renewed favour.
“Breakfasted with Leonard Courtney at 15, Cheyne Walk, and discussed
with him and his wife the prospects of negotiating with the Mahdi. I had
brought with me the draft of a new letter I was proposing to write to
Gladstone. He said it was not definite enough, and urged me to recast
it, stating the exact terms which I thought might be accepted as a basis
of negotiation. We also talked over the whole situation and the
relations of the Mahdi with the Sultan, with the National party in
Egypt, and with the Mohammedans of India. His wife is a nice woman and
more enthusiastic than he is, and at leaving I urged her to use her
influence with him to keep him up to the mark. These Parliament people
are absurdly pusillanimous, and though Courtney is the boldest of them
he is only half-hearted to speak his mind. Button tells me that he used
for years to be on the staff of the ‘Times,’ having only left them when
he took office three or four years ago. He was considered one of their
very smartest leader writers, but of very dictatorial ways. He is
evidently a very able man. When I came home I re-wrote my letter to
Gladstone in the sense agreed upon, and, saying _bismillah_, sent it
in.[109] In my covering note to Eddy, I said: ‘The fate of several
empires depends upon the reception it receives’—the Russian, the
Turkish, the Mahdi’s, and our own—also it is the ‘Ides of March.’
“To a party at Mrs. Earle’s and had some talk with Lytton. He is
bringing out his novel in verse, ‘Glenaveril.’ It is to come out in
parts, published by Murray.
“_13th March._—The Gregorys are back from Paris. He approves of my
letter to Gladstone. Then to Labouchere, who tells me the Government are
dying to get out of their Soudan campaign. They decided on going to
Khartoum in the first excitement of their disappointment about relieving
Gordon, and hardly knowing whether he was dead or alive, and they have
ever since been repenting. Lately they have been hoping to get out of
the Suakin campaign by some pretext of sending on the troops to
Afghanistan instead, but they can’t quite get up a case for it. They
have never intended making the Berber railway, but only a few miles of
it, as far, perhaps, as Sinkat. Now Osman Digna is stronger than ever,
and insists upon making raids on Suakin.
“_14th March._—Lady Gregory came to tea, and afterwards I walked home
with her. On my return I found an answer from Downing Street. Eddy
writes that ‘Mr. Gladstone is obliged to me for my letter, but why does
not the Mahdi send a representative to England?’ This looks more like
business than I had expected.
“Dined with Professor Hunter and half a dozen Radicals at the Reform
Club, where it was proposed to me to make a tour of lectures in
Scotland. Hunter engaged to get me good audiences at Aberdeen,
Edinburgh, Glasgow, and other places. There was also much talk about my
going into Parliament with them, but my connection with the Carlton Club
naturally stands in my way.
“_15th March._—Zebehr has been arrested at Alexandria by Wolseley’s
order, just as Button told me he would be six months ago. This is really
too bad.
“The Prince of Wales is going to Berlin to try and effect a
reconciliation with Bismarck. He considers war with Russia inevitable,
‘and a damned good thing too.’ At least such is Lady C.’s account of
what he told her. He had also said that Wolseley was to come back from
Korti, and that the Soudan campaign would come to a natural end in a
very short time. He was all for making peace with the Mahdi.
“_16th March._—To Button, who confirms this news.
“_17th March._—An idle day at Crabbet, except that I attended my
neighbour Sir Curtis Lampson’s funeral. He was always an excellent
neighbour to me, and I sincerely regret him, as I believe most do. I met
the funeral just as it was coming through the Rowfant covers, where I
have so often shot with him. He was a very good sportsman, and, though
seventy-nine, held his gun remarkably straight to the end. He was an
American, a member of the Hudson Bay Company, and bought the Rowfant
estate from the Bethunes some forty years ago to breed silver rabbits on
for his firm. He was made a Baronet in connection with the Atlantic
Cable and the Peabody Trust, whose executor he was. R.I.P.
“_20th March._—The Mudir of Dongola has been joined by the Kababish and
Shaghiyeh tribes, and is going to attack Berber. This is the last we
shall hear of him as Wolseley’s ally, but they are such geese they
suspect nothing. Ibrahim Bey told me a week ago: ‘You will see that in
about ten days the Mudir of Dongola will go over openly to the Mahdi.’
He thought Zebehr’s arrest a stupid move, as he was not really a friend
of the Mahdi’s.
“_22nd March._—Eddy Hamilton writes, giving a message from Mr.
Gladstone, to the effect that, ‘If it is thought the Mahdi is not aware
of the instructions to Wolseley about receiving offers of peace, it
might possibly be arranged that the Arab gentleman should be passed
through the British lines.’ This in answer to a question made on the
sixteenth as to whether he would facilitate Ibrahim’s going to Khartoum
to arrange a mission of peace from the Mahdi.
“The ‘Observer’ announces severe fighting, and that Graham has retired
to Souakin.
“_23rd March._—To Courtney, to try to get him to take a lead against the
Soudan war, but he said he had left the Ministry too short a time to do
this. He thought Morley was the man for it.
“At five to Mrs. Howard. She is of opinion that they mean to treat, and
treat through me, but of course want it to be supposed the desire is all
on the Mahdi’s side. She has seen Leveson, Lord Granville’s brother, who
is decidedly for getting out of the Soudan. So I believe is everybody.
George, however, is all for war; he means to leave Parliament after this
Session. There was news of another battle this morning, in which the
English forces were surprised by Osman Digna.
“_24th March._—The fighting of yesterday has been a very serious affair,
and I think settles Graham’s campaign at Suakin, not on account of the
proof it has given of the courage, skill, and numbers of the Arabs so
much as on account of the destruction of the camels, and especially of
the camel drivers. No native will now dare go outside Suakin, and the
English soldiers will be left to shift for themselves. Whatever else
they can do, they certainly cannot manage camels without help. This will
stop Graham just as it stopped Wolseley.
“Button, whom I saw to-day in the City, tells me they certainly will
send me to treat with the Mahdi. Matters, he says, stand in this way:
the Government has sent in an ultimatum to Russia on the Afghan boundary
question, and the answer will be given in four or five days—Button
thinks it will be refused—and then the Government has made up its mind
to clear straight out of the Soudan, and even out of Lower Egypt, except
Alexandria, handing over Cairo to the Sultan who will send troops in. In
return for this the Sultan will open the Dardanelles and Bosphorus to
the British Fleet, which will attack Batoum, with the idea of advancing
to Baku and so cut off the Caspian communications. This, however, would
not be at once, the campaign being commenced in Afghanistan. They are
ready to fight Russia, if necessary, for three years. The chief
difficulty will be to prevent Austria from advancing on Salonica; but it
has been ascertained that Bismarck will use all his influence to
localize the war and prevent Austria from taking part in it. Bismarck is
not ready for a solution of the Ottoman question. They will then be only
too happy to employ me in making peace with the Mahdi, and my employment
would now, Button says, be a popular thing, and it would not much matter
whether I succeeded or not. At the end of the summer, having evacuated
the Soudan, it would be out of the question their going back there. Only
will Russia fight? I doubt it.
“Ibrahim has explained to us Zebehr’s position. The real reason of his
arrest, he said, was not so much that he had corresponded with the
Mahdi, as his connection with the Senoussis. He has latterly been very
intimate with Ibrahim el Senoussi, Senoussi’s relative and agent at
Alexandria, and in conjunction with Huseyn Pasha, the Tunisian, he has
been engaged in working upon the Senoussi brotherhood to get them to
join the Mahdi, and in his name to attack the French in Tunis. Ibrahim
Bey says, though he naturally sympathizes with Zebehr, it is
nevertheless just as well that this plan has been stopped, as the result
would have been to bring about a community of interests between the
French and English in smashing the Mahdi.
“_25th March._—It appears that our troops lost over three hundred men on
Sunday, besides seven hundred camels and a number of mules and horses,
and one hundred and fifty camp followers. Osman Digna is wielding the
sword of the Lord this time in earnest, and if there is a God in Heaven
he will prevail against the hosts of Mammon.
“Hunted from Barcombe, and had the best run of the season from a wood
north of the Chailey brook to Lewes race-course without a check. There
the fox was headed, and it took us another twenty minutes to kill him in
a gorse cover; I was riding Queen of Sheba, and, though I did not get a
very good start, I was first up at the check. There was some good
fencing which the mare did admirably, including one very stiff timber
jump with ditch beyond, which she raced over. Up the hills she passed
them all but four or five, and once on top of the down she had no
difficulty in going quite to the front; Anne on Dahma was also well up.
“When we came home we heard that Pompey was dying. Thus is pleasure
mingled with grief; Pompey has been nearly eighteen years in my service.
He was an admirable servant.
“_26th March._—There are signs of the Suakin campaign being near an end,
and I feel certain another month will see the whole thing abandoned.
This will be the greatest victory of the Faith since the siege of
Vienna. Arabi writes very _à propos_ about the weak things of the world
confounding the strong, and the triumph of justice in the Soudan.[110]
“To London and lunched with the Howards and sat on talking politics.
George is all for war, but he thinks that Lorne, whom he had just been
with, would willingly put himself forward in an agitation for peace, and
Mrs. Howard will approach him to that effect. Then I walked down with
George to the House of Commons to hear Gladstone make his statement
about the Egyptian Finance Convention. This he did so lamely and tamely
that I went to sleep over it, as I observed others also did.
“Halim Pasha has written to Ibrahim to say that Ismaïl Jowdat, on his
arrival at Constantinople, was met by a message that he was to come to
the Palace. There he was kept twelve days and made to draw up a report
of everything he had seen, heard, or done while in London, and then was
sent home and kept there under arrest. Such is the Sultan’s way.
“Dined at Sydney Buxton’s,[111] where I sat next Mrs. Courtney. She
talked about her work in the east of London, and said she had succeeded
because she had no system. She did not seem clear that it was possible
to improve the condition of the lowest class of people by anything but
individual effort. She thought education might help them to help
themselves; wasn’t sure whether teatotalism was a good thing. To me all
these matters are absolutely hopeless; system has interfered with the
natural law of society, and unnatural misery is the result. Mrs. Buxton,
on the other side of me, told me a story of Hartington having lately
written to a friend to say he could not make out why they were fighting
the Mahdi, as he, the Mahdi, seemed to be the only man who was carrying
out the policy of Her Majesty’s Ministers. Francis Buxton was there, and
we talked about Dilke’s connection with the Joint Note of January, 1882,
and he cited, _à propos_ of it, a conversation he had had with Dilke at
the end of the previous year. He had told Dilke that the Liberal party
would never consent to the annexation of Egypt; to which Dilke had
replied that Egypt might be annexed without calling it at all by that
name. There is no doubt he played all through for annexation.
“_27th March._—Gave Wheeler a translation of Arabi’s letter; I think its
publication will do good. Dined at Mrs. Charles Buxton’s, and had some
talk with Lord Chancellor Selborne. He was ready to admit they ought
never to have gone into Egypt, but thought them bound now to stay and
repair the wrong done. I told him, certainly, they had wounded the man,
and must now take care he was not left to be robbed by every passer-by.
This _à propos_ of the Financial Convention being debated to-night.
“_28th March._—To Button, who showed me a letter he had just got from
Wolseley, dated ‘Camp Korti, March 2,’ narrating his vexation at being
forty-eight hours too late to save Gordon, and his anger with Mr.
Gladstone. He then recounted how his plan had been upset by Burnaby’s
death. He had intended Burnaby to succeed Stewart if anything happened
to Stewart, and had told him his plan, but both of them got killed; and
the rest of ‘our London captains,’ Wolseley said, were good for nothing
to take command of the expedition, so the whole thing had broken down.
History, he said, would judge where the fault lay. He was evidently
sorry for himself and down on his luck. Button tells me it was all in
reality Wilson’s fault, as he wasted three days bombarding Metemmeh and
Shendy; also he ought certainly to have sent in a man with the flag of
truce offered him by the Mahdi. But Wolseley did not mention Wilson’s
name in the letter I saw. Button said he wished he could show me one
Wolseley had written to Gordon about the Government. Wolseley was very
angry now with them all. Button considers the campaign over. They can’t
possibly get further than Tamaï, and war with Russia is almost certain.
“On to Stanley, whom I found in bed, and gave him the news; and then to
Hassan Fehmy, who did not seem aware of all that was happening. But when
I explained he was of course delighted. ‘When we get the Ottoman troops
to Cairo,’ he said, ‘it will be time to proclaim the Mahdi a rebel, but
we have refused to have anything to do with it from Constantinople. That
would not have looked well, and one should never threaten unless one can
execute. We will put down the Mahdi when we are at Cairo.’ This was not
of course my idea, but I left him to his plans, feeling quite sure the
Mahdi would be able to take care of himself.
“_30th March._—A letter has come from Downing Street in explanation of
the offer already made, and I have sent my answer to Eddy. Went to bury
Pompey at Crawley and then to London, and heard Hartington announce the
news of a peaceful character from Russia. This is unfortunate for our
plans.
“_31st March._—Eddy now writes that Mr. Gladstone has left London for
Easter, and so it is impossible I should see him—he is really at
Brighton—and proposes to communicate the substance of my last letter to
Hartington, his _locum tenens_.
“Hunting again, a wonderful scent. The fox took us from Danny to the top
of the hill near the Wind Mills, and along the edge of the downs to the
Dyke, a very severe run, as we went up and down the downs fairly three
times, the last pull up the Dyke Hill stopped every horse but Queen of
Sheba and a thoroughbred carrying eleven stone and Payne the huntsman.
Rode into Brighton and so up to London in time to dine at the Howards.
William Morris was there in morning dress, for he eschews tail coats,
and did most of the talking on his own special subjects—socialism, the
evil of capital, and the rest. This he does excellently well. Mrs.
Howard advises me strongly to see Hartington if I get the chance. He is
quite honest, she says, being a Cavendish, and no Cavendish was ever
able to lie. Humph!
“_1st April._—Button promises to find out Hartington’s ideas about peace
from Brett, in case I hear any more from him.
“Lunched at the Carlton, in the vicinity of members of the Fourth Party.
Wolff tells me that Randolph is expected home on Tuesday.
“_2nd April._—Went to see Lord Lorne at Kensington Palace. I find him
very pleasant, and sufficiently intelligent about Egyptian affairs, and
we talked for an hour. My object was to get him to take the lead in
demonstrations against the Soudan war, but I could not get him to
promise anything definite. He is going to stand for a Metropolitan
Borough, however, and says he will lose no occasion to oppose the war in
his electioneering. This kept me so late that I almost missed my train
for Birmingham, where I had to attend a meeting on the same subject. But
I just hit it off, made my speech, and was back in London by midnight.
“_3rd April._—A letter came yesterday, while I was away, from Downing
Street, and I went to ask Button’s advice about it. It said that the
policy of the Government was one of freedom for the Soudan, and I was
inclined to take it as a mere phrase, but Button strongly advised me to
accept it in all seriousness, so as to pin the Government down to their
declaration, and dispatch Ibrahim to carry the news to the Mahdi. So I
have written my answer in Button’s sense, and shall go to Paris to-
morrow to set things going. _Bismillah!_
“To-day being a Bank Holiday, Button and I, like two clerks, rode out to
Putney and Coombe and back again. The day was fine and enjoyable. We are
expecting a great battle to be fought to-day at Tamaï.
“_4th April._—Osman Digna has made an April fool of Graham, who marched
his whole army of twelve thousand men ‘to the top of the hill,’ and then
found no enemy, and marched them down again. They will have to evacuate
Suakin without a victory. This is just what we most want.
“To Paris by the tidal train, and travelled as far as Dover with Lord
Lorne and his sister (Lady Constance Campbell), who are also going
abroad. We talked on many subjects besides Egypt, such as the Crofter
question in Scotland, the Land question in England, Riel’s revolt in
Canada, and the Irish question. Lord Lorne was very sympathetic on
Eastern matters, advising me only not to mix up Arabi with the Soudan
peace agitation.
“I forgot to say that Button told me yesterday that the Russian answer
about the Afghan frontier is, after all, far from satisfactory. Dufferin
has been given _carte blanche_ to treat with the Amir, who demands a
guarantee for his dynasty, as well as for his dominions.
“Dined at the Hotel Wagram with Jemal-ed-Din, to whom I read the whole
of my correspondence with Downing Street. He approved the line taken,
but insists that the English Government must write a letter to the Mahdi
for Ibrahim to carry. He will think the matter over, however, and decide
in a day or two. There is no hurry just now, as the Mahdi can much
better afford to wait than Mr. Gladstone.
“_5th April, Easter Sunday._—Breakfast with Bitters in the Rue Mazarine,
and in the afternoon coming home I stopped at the Embassy and had a talk
with Sheffield, who was communicative as usual. Among other things, he
told me that Gladstone had been very much in favour of having the
Turkish Pashas in Egypt made to pay up the arrears of taxation. But
Baring and Northbrook had persuaded him that government would be
impossible if they offended these gentry, so they have gone on screwing
the money out of the fellahin, and have raised this ridiculous joint
loan.
“_6th April._—Breakfasted again with Bitters and Godfrey Webb. The
French have been without a Ministry for the last week, but to-day
Monsieur Brisson has formed one; I know too little about French politics
to guess what it portends. Everybody, however, is very angry with Ferry,
the late minister, on account of the Tonquin defeats. The lesson given
to Ferry will not be lost on Gladstone, and will be in favour of peace
in Africa.
“_7th April._—Jemal-ed-Din and Sanua breakfasted with me.
“_8th April._—Breakfasted once more with Bitters, and once more to the
Jeu de paume, where there was a great gathering: old Villeplaine,
Brinquant, O’Connor, and the Henneseys, besides Elcho, Arthur Balfour,
and Bungo Herbert. The Elchos are at the Hotel Mirabeau with Godfrey
Webb and the Miss Tennants, Laura and Margot.
“_9th April._—Breakfasted with the Wagrams. They say peace has been
arranged between France and China. Then to the Hotel Mirabeau. Arthur
Balfour was there, and we talked about the Afghan and Soudan questions,
and while we were talking Elcho came in, having been at the Embassy and
having heard there of the Battle of Penjdeh. We all agreed that this
means war. The newspaper boys on the Boulevard were calling out this
evening, ‘Guerre Russo-Anglaise—grande Victoire Russe.’
“_13th April._—Jemal-ed-Din came early, and I read him a new and
unsatisfactory letter I received last night from Downing Street. He
insists that the Government must write a letter to the Mahdi if they
want him to treat; and he says he will come over to England if necessary
to arrange about it, if only I will guarantee his not being arrested
there. I told him there was no danger of arrest, but his experience in
India has made him suspicious of the English Government. He says there
is no reason whatever now that Arabi should not come back to Egypt if
the opportunity offered of a reconciliation with Tewfik. Tewfik is so
feeble and discredited as to be no longer dangerous, and Arabi would
rapidly regain all his lost influence.
“Back by the tidal train to England.”
N.B.—My correspondence with 10, Downing Street of this date will be
found in Appendix C, and is worth reading. It would have been still
possible that spring to arrange terms of peace directly with the Mahdi,
who was not the impracticable personage he has been represented to be by
our official historians. Under his successor, the Khalifa Abdullah el
Taïshi, all negotiation became much more difficult. But, unfortunately
for both Egypt and the Soudan, the opportunity was let slip and became
final through the Mahdi’s death in July. It was probably Lord Cromer’s
influence, as in the previous year, that decided it.