another, though it has the appearance of the greatest brutality, can
scarcely be called fighting. I never knew any of them receive the least
hurt in these rencontres; the whole business consists in hauling each
other about by the hair of the head: they are seldom known either to
strike or kick one another. It is not uncommon for one of them to cut
off his hair and to grease his ears, immediately before the contest
begins. This, however, is done privately; and it is sometimes truly
laughable, to see one of the parties strutting about with an air of
great importance, and calling out, "Where is he? Why does he not come
out?" when the other will bolt out with a clean shorned head and greased
ears, rush on his antagonist, seize him by the hair, and though perhaps
a much weaker man, soon drag him to the ground, while the stronger is
not able to lay hold on him. It is very frequent on those occasions for
each party to have spies, to watch the other's motions, which puts them
more on a footing of equality. For want of hair to pull, they {106}
seize each other about the waist, with legs wide extended, and try their
strength, by endeavouring to vie who can first throw the other down.
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
On these wrestling occasions the standers-by never attempt to interfere
in the contest; even one brother offers not to assist another, unless it
be with advice, which, as it is always delivered openly on the field
during the contest, may, in fact, be said to be equally favourable to
both parties. It sometimes happens that one of the wrestlers is superior
in strength to the other; and if a woman be the cause of the contest,
the weaker is frequently unwilling to yield, notwithstanding he is
greatly overpowered. When this happens to be the case, the relations and
friends, or other bye-standers, will sometimes join to persuade the
weaker combatant to give up the contest, lest, by continuing it, he
should get bruised and hurt, without the least probability of being able
to protect what he is contending for. I observed that very few of those
people were dissatisfied with the wives which had fallen to their lot,
for whenever any considerable number of them were in company, scarcely a
day passed without some overtures being made for contests of this kind;
and it was often very unpleasant to me, to see the object of the contest
sitting in pensive silence watching her fate, while her husband and his
rival were contending for the prize. I have indeed not only felt pity
for those poor wretched victims, but the utmost indignation, when I
{107} have seen them won, perhaps, by a man whom they mortally hated. On
those occasions their grief and reluctance to follow their new lord has
been so great, that the business has often ended in the greatest
brutality; for, in the struggle, I have seen the poor girls stripped
quite naked, and carried by main force to their new lodgings. At other
times it was pleasant enough to see a fine girl led off the field from a
husband she disliked, with a tear in one eye and a finger on the other:
for custom, or delicacy if you please, has taught them to think it
necessary to whimper a little, let the change be ever so much to their
inclination. I have throughout this account given the women the
appellation of girls, which is pretty applicable, as the objects of
contest are generally young, and without any family: few of the men
chuse to be at the trouble of maintaining other people's children,
except on particular occasions, which will be taken notice of hereafter.
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
Some of the old men, who are famous on account of their supposed skill
in conjuration, have great influence in persuading the rabble from
committing those outrages; but the humanity of these sages is seldom
known to extend beyond their own families. In defence of them they will
exert their utmost influence; but when their own relations are guilty of
the same crime, they seldom interfere. This partial conduct creates some
secret, and several open enemies; but the generality of their neighbours
are deterred, through fear or superstition, from {108} executing their
revenge, and even from talking disrespectfully of them, unless it be
behind their backs; which is a vice of which almost every Indian in this
country, without exception, is guilty.
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
Notwithstanding the Northern Indians are so covetous, and pay so little
regard to private property as to take every advantage of bodily strength
to rob their neighbours, not only of their goods, but of their wives,
yet they are, in other respects, the mildest tribe, or nation, that is
to be found on the borders of Hudson's Bay: for let their affronts or
losses be ever so great, they never will seek any other revenge than
that of wrestling. As for murder, which is so common among all the
tribes of Southern Indians, it is seldom heard of among them. A murderer
is shunned and detested by all the tribe, and is obliged to wander up
and down, forlorn and forsaken even by his own relations and former
friends. In that respect a murderer may truly be compared to Cain, after
he had killed his brother Abel. The cool reception he meets with by all
who know him, occasions him to grow melancholy, and he never leaves any
place but the whole company say "There goes the murderer!" The women, it
is true, sometimes receive an unlucky blow from their husbands for
misbehaviour, which occasions their death; but this is thought nothing
of: and for one man or woman to kill another out of revenge, or through
jealousy, or on any other account, is so extraordinary, that very few
are now {109} existing who have been guilty of it. At the present moment
I know not one, beside Matonabbee, who ever made an attempt of that
nature; and he is, in every other respect, a man of such universal good
sense, and, as an Indian, of such great humanity, that I am at a loss
how to account for his having been guilty of such a crime, unless it be
by his having lived among the Southern Indians so long, as to become
tainted with their blood-thirsty, revengeful, and vindictive
disposition.
[Sidenote: 29th.]
Early in the morning of the twenty-ninth, Captain Keelshies joined us.
He delivered to me a packet of letters, and a two-quart keg of French
brandy; but assured me, that the powder, shot, tobacco, knives, &c.
which he received at the Fort for me, were all expended. He endeavoured
to make some apology for this, by saying, that some of his relations
died in the Winter, and that he had, according to their custom, thrown
all his own things away; after which he was obliged to have recourse to
my ammunition and other goods, to support himself and a numerous family.
The very affecting manner in which he related this story, often crying
like a child, was a great proof of his extreme sorrow, which he wished
to persuade me arose from the recollection of his having embezzled so
much of my property; but I was of a different opinion, and attributed
his grief to arise from the remembrance of his deceased relations.
However, as a small recompence for my loss, he presented me with four
{110} ready-dressed moose-skins, which was, he said, the only
retribution he could then make. The moose-skins, though not the
twentieth part of the value of the goods which he had embezzled, were in
reality more acceptable to me, than the ammunition and the other
articles would have been, on account of their great use as shoe-leather,
which at that time was a very scarce article with us, whereas we had
plenty of powder and shot.
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
On the same day that Keelshies joined us, an Indian man, who had been
some time in our company, insisted on taking one of Matonabbee's wives
from him by force, unless he complied with his demands, which were, that
Matonabbee should give him a certain quantity of ammunition, some pieces
of iron-work, a kettle, and several other articles; every one of which,
Matonabbee was obliged to deliver, or lose the woman; for the other man
far excelled him in strength. Matonabbee was more exasperated on this
occasion, as the same man had sold him the woman no longer ago than the
nineteenth of the preceding April. Having expended all the goods he then
possessed, however, he was determined to make another bargain for her;
and as she was what may be called a valuable woman in their estimation;
that is, one who was not only tolerably personable, but reckoned very
skilful in manufacturing the different kinds of leather, skins, and
furrs, and at the same time very clever in the performance of every
other domestic duty required of the sex in this part of the {111} world;
Matonabbee was more unwilling to part with her, especially as he had so
lately suffered a loss of the same kind.
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
[Sidenote: 29th.]
This dispute, which was after some hours decided by words and presents,
had like to have proved fatal to my expedition; for Matonabbee, who at
that time thought himself as great a man as then lived, took this
affront so much to heart, especially as it was offered in my presence,
that he almost determined not to proceed any farther toward the
Coppermine River, and was on the point of striking off to the Westward,
with an intent to join the Athapuscow Indians, and continue with them:
he being perfectly well acquainted with all their leaders, and most of
the principal Indians of that country, from whom, during a former
residence among them of several years, he said he had met with more
civility than he ever did from his own countrymen. As Matonabbee seemed
resolutely bent on his design, I had every reason to think that my third
expedition would prove equally unsuccessful with the two former. I was
not, however, under the least apprehension for my own safety, as he
promised to take me with him, and procure me a passage to Prince of
Wales's Fort, with some of the Athapuscow Indians, who at that time
annually visited the Factory in the way of trade. After waiting till I
thought Matonabbee's passion had a little abated, I used every argument
of which I was master in favour of his proceeding on the journey;
assuring him {112} not only of the future esteem of the present Governor
of Prince of Wales's Fort, but also of that of all his successors as
long as he lived; and that even the Hudson's Bay Company themselves
would be ready to acknowledge his assiduity and perseverance, in
conducting a business which had so much the appearance of proving
advantageous to them. After some conversation of this kind, and a good
deal of intreaty, he at length consented to proceed, and promised to
make all possible haste. Though it was then late in the afternoon, he
gave orders for moving, and accordingly we walked about seven miles that
night, and put up on another island in Peshew Lake. The preceding
afternoon the Indians had killed a few deer; but our number was then so
great, that eight or ten deer would scarcely afford us all a taste.
These deer were the first we had seen since our leaving the
neighbourhood of Thelewey-aza-yeth; so that we had lived all the time on
the dried meat which had been prepared before we left that place in
April.
[Sidenote: 30th.]
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
The thirtieth proved bad, rainy weather; we walked, however, about ten
miles to the Northward, when we arrived on the North side of Peshew
Lake, and put up. Here Matonabbee immediately began to make every
necessary arrangement for facilitating the executing of our design; and
as he had promised to make all possible haste, he thought it expedient
to leave most of his wives and all his children in the care of some
Indians, then in our company, who had his orders to proceed to the {113}
Northward at their leisure; and who, at a particular place appointed by
him, were to wait our return from the Copper-mine River. Having formed
this resolution, Matonabbee selected two of his young wives who had no
children, to accompany us; and in order to make their loads as light as
possible, it was agreed that we should not take more ammunition with us
than was really necessary for our support, till we might expect again to
join those Indians and the women and children. The same measures were
also adopted by all the other Indians of my party; particularly those
who had a plurality of wives, and a number of children.
[Sidenote: 31st.]
As these matters took some time to adjust, it was near nine o'clock in
the evening of the thirty-first before we could set out; and then it was
with much difficulty that Matonabbee could persuade his other wives from
following him, with their children and all their lumber; for such was
their unwillingness to be left behind, that he was obliged to use his
authority before they would consent, consequently they parted in anger;
and we no sooner began our march, than they set up a most woeful cry,
and continued to yell most piteously as long as we were within hearing.
This mournful scene had so little effect on my party, that they walked
away laughing, and as merry as ever. The few who expressed any regret at
their departure from those whom they were to leave behind, {114}
confined their regard wholly to their children, particularly to the
youngest, scarcely ever mentioning their mother.
Though it was so late when we left the women, we walked about ten miles
that night before we stopped. In our way we saw many deer; several of
which the Indians killed. To talk of travelling and killing deer in the
middle of the night, may at first view have the appearance of romance;
but our wonder will speedily abate, when it is considered that we were
then to the Northward of 64° of North latitude, and that, in consequence
of it, though the Sun did not remain the whole night above the horizon,
yet the time it remained below it was so short, and its depression even
at midnight so small at this season of the year, that the light, in
clear weather, was quite sufficient for the purpose both of walking, and
hunting any kind of game.[59]
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
It should have been observed, that during our stay at Clowey a great
number of Indians entered into a combination with those of my party to
accompany us to the Copper-mine River; and with no other intent than to
murder the Esquimaux, who are understood by the Copper Indians to
frequent that river in considerable numbers. This scheme,
notwithstanding the trouble and fatigue, as well as danger, with which
it must be obviously attended, was nevertheless so universally approved
by those people, that for some time almost every man who joined {115} us
proposed to be of the party. Accordingly, each volunteer, as well as
those who were properly of my party, prepared a target, or shield,
before we left the woods of Clowey. Those targets were composed of thin
boards, about three quarters of an inch thick, two feet broad, and three
feet long; and were intended to ward off the arrows of the Esquimaux.
Notwithstanding these preparations, when we came to leave the women and
children, as has been already mentioned, only sixty volunteers would go
with us; the rest, who were nearly as many more, though they had all
prepared targets, reflecting that they had a great distance to walk, and
that no advantage could be expected from the expedition, very prudently
begged to be excused, saying, that they could not be spared for so long
a time from the maintenance of their wives and families; and
particularly, as they did not see any then in our company, who seemed
willing to encumber themselves with such a charge. This seemed to be a
mere evasion, for I am clearly of opinion that poverty on one side, and
avarice on the other, were the only impediments to their joining our
party; had they possessed as many European goods to squander away among
their countrymen as Matonabbee and those of my party did, in all
probability many might have been found who would have been glad to have
accompanied us.
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
When I was acquainted with the intentions of my companions, and saw the
warlike preparations that were carrying on, I endeavoured as much as
possible to persuade {116} them from putting their inhuman design into
execution; but so far were my intreaties from having the wished-for
effect, that it was concluded I was actuated by cowardice; and they
told me, with great marks of derision, that I was afraid of the
Esquimaux. As I knew my personal safety depended in a great measure on
the favourable opinion they entertained of me in this respect, I was
obliged to change my tone, and replied, that I did not care if they
rendered the name and race of the Esquimaux extinct; adding at the same
time, that though I was no enemy to the Esquimaux, and did not see the
necessity of attacking them without cause, yet if I should find it
necessary to do it, for the protection of any one of my company, my own
safety out of the question, so far from being afraid of a poor
defenceless Esquimaux, whom I despised more than feared, nothing should
be wanting on my part to protect all who were with me. This declaration
was received with great satisfaction; and I never afterwards ventured to
interfere with any of their war-plans. Indeed, when I came to consider
seriously, I saw evidently that it was the highest folly for an
individual like me, and in my situation, to attempt to turn the current
of a national prejudice which had subsisted between those two nations
from the earliest periods, or at least as long as they had been
acquainted with the existence of each other.
[Sidenote: June. 1st.]
[Sidenote: 16th.]
Having got rid of all the women, children, dogs, heavy baggage, and
other incumbrances, on the first of June we {117} pursued our journey to
the Northward with great speed; but the weather was in general so
precarious, and the snow, sleet, and rain so frequent, that
notwithstanding we embraced every opportunity which offered, it was the
sixteenth of June before we arrived in the latitude of 67° 30', where
Matonabbee had proposed that the women and children should wait our
return from the Copper-mine River.
[Sidenote: 1771. June.]
[Sidenote: 1771. June.]
In our way hither we crossed several lakes on the ice; of which
Thoy-noy-kyed Lake[60] and Thoy-coy-lyned Lake[61] were the principal.
We also crossed a few inconsiderable creeks and rivers,[62] which were
only useful as they furnished a small supply of fish to the natives. The
weather, as I have before observed, was in general disagreeable, with a
great deal of rain and snow. To make up for that inconvenience, however,
the deer were so plentiful, that the Indians killed not only a
sufficient quantity for our daily support, but frequently great numbers
merely for the fat, marrow and tongues. To induce them to desist from
this practice, I often interested myself, and endeavoured, as much as
possible, to convince them in the clearest terms of which I was master,
of the great impropriety of such waste; particularly at a time of the
year when their skins could not be of any use for clothing, and when the
anxiety to proceed on our journey would not permit us to stay long
enough in one place to eat up half the spoils of their hunting. As
national customs, however, are not easily {118} overcome, my
remonstrances proved ineffectual; and I was always answered, that it was
certainly right to kill plenty, and live on the best, when and where it
was to be got, for that it would be impossible to do it where every
thing was scarce: and they insisted on it, that killing plenty of deer
and other game in one part of the country, could never make them scarcer
in another. Indeed, they were so accustomed to kill every thing that
came within their reach, that few of them could pass by a small bird's
nest, without slaying the young ones, or destroying the eggs.
[Sidenote: 20th.]
From the seventeenth to the twentieth, we walked between seventy and
eighty miles to the North West and North North West; the greater part of
the way by Cogead Lake[63]; but the Lake being then frozen, we crossed
all the creeks and bays of it on the ice.
[Sidenote: 21st.]
On the twenty-first we had bad rainy weather, with so thick a fog that
we could not see our way: about ten o'clock at night, however, it became
fine and clear, and the Sun shone very bright; indeed it did not set all
that night, which was a convincing proof, without any observation, that
we were then considerably to the North of the Arctic Polar Circle.
[Sidenote: 22d.]
[Sidenote: 1771. June.]
As soon as the fine weather began, we set out and walked about seven or
eight miles to the Northward, when we {119} came to a branch of
Conge-ca-tha-wha-chaga River[64]; on the North side of which we found
several Copper Indians, who were assembled, according to annual custom,
to kill deer as they cross the river in their little canoes.
The ice being now broken up, we were, for the first time this Summer,
obliged to make use of our canoes to ferry across the river: which would
have proved very tedious, had it not been for the kindness of the Copper
Indians, who sent all their canoes to our assistance. Though our number
was not much less than one hundred and fifty, we had only three canoes,
and those being of the common size, could only carry two persons each,
without baggage. It is true, when water is smooth, and a raft of three
or four of those canoes is well secured by poles lashed across them,
they will carry a much greater weight in proportion, and be much safer,
as there is scarcely a possibility of their oversetting; and this is the
general mode adopted by the people of this country in crossing rivers
when they have more than one canoe with them.
[Sidenote: 1771. June.]
Having arrived on the North side of this river, we found that
Matonabbee, and several others in our company, were personally
acquainted with most of the Copper Indians whom we found there. The
latter seemed highly pleased at the interview with our party, and
endeavoured, by every means in their power, to convince our company of
their readiness to serve us to the utmost; so that by the {120} time we
had got our tents pitched, the strangers had provided a large quantity
of dried meat and fat, by way of a feast, to which they invited most of
the principal Indians who accompanied me, as well as Matonabbee and
myself, who were presented with some of the very best.
It is natural to suppose, that immediately after our arrival the Copper
Indians would be made acquainted with the nature and intention of our
journey. This was no sooner done than they expressed their entire
approbation, and many of them seemed willing and desirous of giving
every assistance; particularly by lending us several canoes, which they
assured us would be very useful in the remaining part of our journey,
and contribute both to our ease and dispatch. It must be observed, that
these canoes were not entirely entrusted to my crew, but carried by the
owners themselves who accompanied us; as it would have been very
uncertain where to have found them at our return from the Copper River.
Agreeably to my instructions, I smoked my calumet of peace with the
principal of the Copper Indians, who seemed highly pleased on the
occasion; and, from a conversation held on the subject of my journey, I
found they were delighted with the hopes of having an European
settlement in their neighbourhood, and seemed to have no idea that any
impediment could prevent such a scheme from being carried into
execution. Climates and {121} seasons had no weight with them; nor could
they see where the difficulty lay in getting to them; for though they
acknowledged that they had never seen the sea at the mouth of the Copper
River clear of ice, yet they could see nothing that should hinder a ship
from approaching it; and they innocently enough observed, that the water
was always so smooth between the ice and shore, that even small boats
might get there with great ease and safety. How a ship was to get
between the ice and the shore, never once occurred to them.
[Sidenote: 1771. June.]