month or five weeks; during which time she always remains in a small
tent placed at a little distance from the others, with only a female
acquaintance or two; and during the whole time the father never sees the
child. Their reason for this practice is, that children when first born
are sometimes not very sightly, having in general large heads, and but
little hair, and are, moreover, often discoloured by the force of the
labour; so that were the father to see them to such great disadvantage,
he might probably take a dislike to them, which never afterward could be
removed.
The names of the children are always given to them by the parents, or
some person near of kin. Those of the boys are various, and generally
derived from some place, season, or animal; the names of the girls are
chiefly {94} taken from some part or property of a Martin; such as, the
White Martin, the Black Martin, the Summer Martin, the Martin's Head,
the Martin's Foot, the Martin's Heart, the Martin's Tail, &c.[AB]
[Sidenote: 23d.]
[Sidenote: May. 3d.]
On the twenty-third, as I hinted above, we began to move forward, and to
shape our course nearly North; but the weather was in general so hot,
and so much snow had, in consequence, been melted, as made it bad
walking in snow-shoes, and such exceeding heavy hauling, that it was the
third of May before we could arrive at Clowey,[56] though the distance
was not above eighty-five miles from Thelewey-aza-yeth. In our way we
crossed part of two small Lakes, called Tittameg Lake and Scartack Lake;
neither of which are of any note, though both abound with fine fish.
FOOTNOTES:
[Z] Mr. Norton was an Indian;[45] he was born at Prince of Wales's Fort,
but had been in England nine years, and considering the small sum which
was expended in his education, had made some progress in literature. At
his return to Hudson's Bay he entered into all the abominable vices of
his countrymen. He kept for his own use five or six of the finest Indian
girls which he could select; and notwithstanding his own uncommon
propensity to the fair sex, took every means in his power to prevent any
European from having intercourse with the women of the country; for
which purpose he proceeded to the most ridiculous length. To his own
friends and country he was so partial, that he set more value on, and
shewed more respect to one of their favourite dogs, than he ever did to
his first officer. Among his miserable and ignorant countrymen he passed
for a proficient in physic, and always kept a box of poison, to
administer to those who refused him their wives or daughters.
With all these bad qualities, no man took more pains to inculcate
virtue, morality, and continence on others; always painting, in the most
odious colours, the jealous and revengeful disposition of the Indians,
when any attempt was made to violate the chastity of their wives or
daughters. Lectures of this kind from a man of established virtue might
have had some effect; but when they came from one who was known to live
in open defiance of every law, human and divine, they were always heard
with indignation, and considered as the hypocritical cant of a selfish
debauchee, who wished to engross every woman in the country to himself.
His apartments were not only convenient but elegant, and always crowded
with favourite Indians: at night he locked the doors, and put the keys
under his pillow; so that in the morning his dining-room was generally,
for the want of necessary conveniences, worse than a hog-stye. As he
advanced in years his jealousy increased, and he actually poisoned two
of his women because he thought them partial to other objects more
suitable to their ages. He was a most notorious smuggler; but though he
put many thousands into the pockets of the Captains, he seldom put a
shilling into his own.
An inflammation in his bowels occasioned his death on the 29th of
December 1773; and though he died in the most excruciating pain, he
retained his jealousy to the last; for a few minutes before he expired,
happening to see an officer laying hold of the hand of one of his women
who was standing by the fire, he bellowed out, in as loud a voice as his
situation would admit, "God d----n you for a b----h, if I live I'll
knock out your brains." A few minutes after making this elegant
apostrophe, he expired in the greatest agonies that can possibly be
conceived.
This I declare to be the real character and manner of life of the late
Mr. Moses Norton.
[45] He was a son of Richard Norton, an Englishman, and a former
Governor of Fort Prince of Wales, by an Indian woman. He was undoubtedly
a man of forceful character, and was able to retain the confidence of
the directors of the Company in London, but whether he was the moral
degenerate described by Hearne is uncertain.
[46] _Populus tremuloides_ (Michx.).
[47] The name by which the Chipewyan Indians of Fort Churchill know this
lake is Nueltin (meaning Frozen-Island) Lake, which name seems to have
been corrupted on Mackenzie's map into "North Lined Lake." On the Cook
map it is marked Menishtick Lake, which is simply the Cree name for
Island Lake. There is no record of any one having visited Island Lake
since Hearne's time, but in 1894, while on the way to the Kazan River, I
explored two of the upper branches of the Thlewiaza River, which flows
into the lake, and was told by the Indians that the distance
north-eastward down the river to this lake was not very great. This
information, if correct, would place the lake rather farther south than
it is placed by Hearne.
[48] _Lepus americanus_ (Erxleben).
[49] Between Island Lake and the Cathawhachaga River, the map indicates
that he crossed Fatt Lake, which is probably the lake now known to the
Indians of Reindeer Lake as Twal-kai-tua or Fat-fish Lake, and said by
them to lie east of Kasba Lake, though its exact position has not been
determined. On the Pennant and Mackenzie maps it is called Wiethen Lake.
[50] The Cathawhachaga or Kazan River would appear to have been crossed
about five miles below where it leaves Kasba Lake, as it is here about a
quarter of a mile wide, while between this place and the lake it is for
the most part a swift stream varying from one to three hundred yards in
width. His crossing-place would therefore be in latitude 60° 37' N.,
while his own latitude for the crossing-place, as given on his map, is
61° 32' N., which would be far out on the barren lands, beyond the
northern limit of the woods. Thus, almost as soon as he left the track
followed by him on his former journey, his surveys become very
inaccurate. This is so much at variance with the approximate accuracy of
his surveys on his second journey, that either the Elton quadrant
carried by him was quite useless, or else he did not make use of it at
all.
[51] Cossed Whoie, spelt Cassad on the Cook map, and Cassed on the
Pennant map. This lake lies at the source of the Kazan River, and is now
known as Kasba Lake. He crossed it north of the point where the Kazan
River flows from its eastern side. My survey of the lake, made in 1894,
did not extend north of its outlet, but, judging from what I could see
of it, and from the information obtainable from the Chipewyan Indians of
the vicinity, the width here given for the lake is much too great.
[52] The-whole-kyed (Whoie) or Snowbird Lake, known to the Indians of
Lake Athabasca as Thel-wel-ky Lake. The course from Kasba Lake is given
in the text as W. by S. and W.S.W., and the time occupied in travelling
it as thirteen days, while on Hearne's map the course is shown as
westward and the distance twenty miles.
[53] The name Whooldyah'd Lake had been applied to the lake at the
source of Dubawnt River, which I explored in the summer of 1893. The
lake was known to the Indians of the vicinity as Pelican Lake, and they
assured me that there was no lake on the river of the name of
Whooldyah'd or Pike Lake. The identification of this lake with the one
crossed by Hearne is reasonably, but not perfectly, certain.
[54] It had taken him thirteen days to travel from Wholdiah Lake to this
camp, and, assuming a rate of four miles a day, he was fifty-two miles
west of that lake. As his course was about westerly, his position would
be in latitude 60° 20' north and longitude 11° 30' west of Churchill.
[55] The exact position of this lake (Thelewey-aza-yeth) has not yet
been determined. In the text it is given in latitude 61° 30' north,
longitude 19° west of Prince of Wales Fort, while on the map it is
placed in latitude 61° 15' and 19° 30' west of Prince of Wales Fort, or
one hundred and fifty miles west of Wholdiah Lake. The direction
travelled from the crossing of Wholdiah Lake is shown as a little south
of west, and as the south end of the latter lake is in latitude 60° 20',
it is reasonable to suppose that Thelewey-aza-yeth Lake is at least a
degree farther south than it is shown on the map, and, judging from the
known approximate position of Hill Island Lake, which he crossed on his
way back from the Coppermine, it is much farther east than the position
assigned to it on the map.
[AA] The stone here meant is fourteen pounds.
[AB] Matonabbee had eight wives, and they were all called Martins.
[56] Lake Clowey is marked on the map as discharging by a stream into
Great Slave Lake, but its exact position is not known. On the map it is
placed in latitude 62° 50', which is probably not very far from its
correct position. From the description here given, it would appear to be
near the divide between the watershed of Great Slave Lake and Thelon
River. L'Abbé Petitot in _Géographie de L'Athabaskaw-Mackenzie_
identifies the Clowey River, which flows from this lake into Great Slave
Lake, with the T'ézus-dèssé or Poudrerie (Snowdrift) River, which flows
into Christie Bay of Great Slave Lake.
{95} CHAP. V.
Transactions at Clowey, and on our Journey, till our Arrival at
the Copper-mine River.
_Several strange Indians join us--Indians employed building
canoes; description and use of them--More Indians join us, to
the amount of some hundreds--Leave Clowey--Receive intelligence
that Keelshies was near us--Two young men dispatched for my
letters and goods--Arrive at Peshew Lake; cross part of it, and
make a large smoke--One of Matonabbee's wives elopes--Some
remarks on the natives--Keelshies joins us, and delivers my
letters, but the goods were all expended--A Northern Indian
wishes to take one of Matonabbee's wives from him; matters
compromised, but had like to have proved fatal to my
progress--Cross Peshew Lake, when I make proper arrangements for
the remainder of my journey--Many Indians join our party, in
order to make war on the Esquimaux at the Copper
River--Preparations made for that purpose while at
Clowey--Proceed on our journey to the North--Some remarks on the
way--Cross Cogead Lake on the ice--The Sun did not set--Arrive
at Congecathawhachaga--Find several Copper Indians
there--Remarks and transactions during our stay at
Congecathawhachaga--Proceed on our journey--Weather very
bad--Arrive at the Stoney Mountains--Some account of them--Cross
part of Buffalo Lake on the ice--Saw many musk-oxen--Description
of them--Went with some Indians to view Grizzlebear Hill--Join a
strange Northern Indian Leader, called O'lye, in company with
some Copper Indians--Their behaviour to me--Arrive at the
Coppermine River._
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
The Lake Clowey is not much more than twelve miles broad in the widest
part. A small river which runs into it on the West side, is said by the
Indians to join the Athapuscow Lake.
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
{96} On our arrival at Clowey on the third of May, we found that the
Captain's brother, and those who were sent a-head with him from
Theley-aza River, had only got there two days before us; and, on account
of the weather, had not made the least progress in building the canoe,
the plan of which they had taken with them. The same day we got to
Clowey several other Indians joined us from different quarters, with
intent to build their canoes at the same place. Some of those Indians
had resided within four or five miles, to the South-East of Clowey, all
the Winter; and had procured a plentiful livelihood by snaring deer, in
the manner which has been already described.
[Sidenote: 18th.]
[Sidenote: 19th.]
[Sidenote: 20th.]
Immediately after our arrival at Clowey, the Indians began to build
their canoes, and embraced every convenient opportunity for that
purpose: but as warm and dry weather only is fit for this business,
which was by no means the case at present, it was the eighteenth of May
before the canoes belonging to my party could be completed. On the
nineteenth we agreed to proceed on our journey; but Matonabbee's canoe
meeting with some damage, which took near a whole day to repair, we were
detained till the twentieth.
Those vessels, though made of the same materials with the canoes of the
Southern Indians, differ from them both in shape and construction; they
are also much smaller and {97} lighter; and though very slight and
simple in their construction, are nevertheless the best that could
possibly be contrived for the use of those poor people, who are
frequently obliged to carry them a hundred, and sometimes a hundred and
fifty miles at a time, without having occasion to put them into the
water. Indeed, the chief use of these canoes is to ferry over unfordable
rivers; though sometimes, and at a few places, it must be acknowledged,
that they are of great service in killing deer, as they enable the
Indians to cross rivers and the narrow parts of lakes; they are also
useful in killing swans, geese, ducks, &c. in the moulting season.
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
All the tools used by an Indian in building his canoe, as well as in
making his snow-shoes, and every other kind of wood-work, consist of a
hatchet, a knife, a file, and an awl; in the use of which they are so
dextrous, that every thing they make is executed with a neatness not to
be excelled by the most expert mechanic, assisted with every tool he
could wish.
[Illustration: INDIAN IMPLEMENTS
_Reference_
A _The Bottom of the Canoe_
B _The Forepart_
C _The Frame compleat_
D _A set of Timbers bent and lashed in their proper
shape for drying_
E _A Canoe compleat_
F _A Paddle_
G _A spear to kill Deer with in the Water_
H _The method of carrying the Canoe in Summer_
_S. H. delin._
_Reference to the Skeleton_
1 _The Stem_
2 _The Stern Post_
3 _Two forked Sticks supporting the Stem and Stern_
4 _The Gunwalls_
5 _Small Rods placed between the Timbers and the Birchrind_
6 _The Timbers_
7 _The Kelsin_
8 _Large Stones to keep the Bottom steady, till the sides
are sewed to_
]
In shape the Northern Indian canoe bears some resemblance to a weaver's
shuttle; being flat-bottomed, with straight upright sides, and sharp at
each end; but the stern is by far the widest part, as there the baggage
is generally laid, and occasionally a second person, who always lies
down at full length in the bottom of the canoe. In this manner they
carry one another across rivers and the narrow {98} parts of lakes in
those little vessels, which seldom exceed twelve or thirteen feet in
length, and are from twenty inches to two feet broad in the widest part.
The head, or fore part, is unnecessarily long, and narrow; and is all
covered over with birch-bark, which adds considerably to the weight,
without contributing to the burthen of the vessel. In general, these
Indians make use of the single paddle, though a few have double ones,
like the Esquimaux: the latter, however, are seldom used, but by those
who lie in wait to kill deer as they cross rivers and narrow lakes.[AC]
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
During our stay at Clowey we were joined by upward of two hundred
Indians from different quarters, most of whom built canoes at this
place; but as I was under the protection of a principal man, no one
offered to molest {99} me, nor can I say they were very clamorous for
any thing I had. This was undoubtedly owing to Matonabbee's informing
them of my true situation; which was, that I had not, by any means,
sufficient necessaries for myself, much less to give away. The few goods
which I had with me were intended to be reserved for the Copper and
Dogribbed Indians, who never visit the Company's Factories. Tobacco was,
however, always given away; for every one of any note, who joined us,
expected to be treated with a few pipes, and on some occasions it was
scarcely possible to get off without presenting a few inches[AD] to
them; which, with the constant supplies which I was obliged to furnish
my own crew, decreased that article of my stock so fast, that
notwithstanding I had yet advanced so small a part of my journey, more
than one half of my store was expended. Gun-powder and shot also were
articles commonly asked for by most of the Indians we met; and in
general these were dealt round to them with a liberal hand by my guide
Matonabbee. I must, however, do him the justice to acknowledge, that
what he distributed was all his own, which he had purchased at the
Factory; to my certain knowledge he bartered one hundred and fifty
martins' skins for powder only; besides a great number of beaver, and
other furrs, for shot, ball, iron-work, and tobacco, purposely to give
away among his countrymen; as he had certainly as many of these articles
given to him as were, in {100} his opinion, sufficient for our support
during our journey out and home.
[Sidenote: 20th.]
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
Matonabbee's canoe having been repaired, on the twentieth we left
Clowey, and proceeded Northward. That morning a small gang of strangers
joined us, who informed my guide, that Captain Keelshies was within a
day's walk to the Southward. Keelshies was the man by whom I had sent a
letter to Prince of Wales's Fort, from Cathawhachaga, in the beginning
of July one thousand seven hundred and seventy; but not long after that,
having the misfortune to break my quadrant, I was obliged to return to
the Fort a second time; and though we saw many smokes, and spoke with
several Indians on my return that year, yet he and I missed each other
on the barren ground, and I had not seen or heard of him since that
time.
[Sidenote: 21st.]
As Matonabbee was desirous that I should receive my letters, and also
the goods I had written for, he dispatched two of his young men to bring
them. We continued our journey to the Northward; and the next day saw
several large smokes at a great distance to the Eastward on the barren
ground, which were supposed to be made by some parties of Indians bound
to Prince of Wales's Fort with furrs and other commodities for trade.
[Sidenote: 22d.]
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
On the twenty-second and twenty-third, we proceeded to the North, at the
rate of fourteen or fifteen miles a day; and in the evening of the
latter, got clear of all {101} the woods, and lay on the barren
ground.[57] The same evening the two young men who were sent for my
letters, &c. returned, and told me that Keelshies had promised to join
us in a few days, and deliver the things to me with his own hand.
[Sidenote: 24th.]
The twenty-fourth proved bad and rainy weather, so that we only walked
about seven miles, when finding a few blasted stumps of trees, we
pitched our tents. It was well we did so, for toward night we had
excessively bad weather, with loud thunder, strong lightning, and heavy
rain, attended with a very hard gale of wind from the South West; toward
the next morning, however, the wind veered round to the North West, and
the weather became intensely cold and frosty. We walked that day about
eight miles to the Northward, when we were obliged to put up, being
almost benumbed with cold. There we found a few dry stumps, as we had
done the day before, which served us for fewel.[AE]
[Sidenote: 26th.]
[Sidenote: 1771. May. 27th.]
[Sidenote: 28th.]
{102} The weather on the twenty-sixth was so bad, with snow and thick
drifting sleet, that we did not move; but the next morning proving fine
and pleasant, we dried our things, and walked about twelve miles to the
Northward; most of the way on the ice of a small river which runs into
Peshew Lake.[AF][58] We then saw a smoke to the Southward, which we
judged to be made by Keelshies, so we put up for the night by the side
of the above-mentioned Lake, where I expected we should have waited for
his arrival; but, to my great surprise, on the morrow we again set
forward, and walked twenty-two miles to the Northward on Peshew Lake,
and in the afternoon pitched our tents on an island, where, by my
desire, the Indians made a large smoke, and proposed to stay a day or
two for Captain Keelshies.
[Illustration: _Photo: J. W. Tyrrell, 1900._
LAST WOODS ON EAST SHORE, ARTILLERY LAKE]
[Illustration: _Photo: J. W. Tyrrell, 1900._
WEST SHORE, ARTILLERY LAKE
IN LAT. 62° 56']
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
In the night, one of Matonabbee's wives and another woman eloped: it was
supposed they went off to the Eastward, in order to meet their former
husbands, from {103} whom they had been sometime before taken by force.
This affair made more noise and bustle than I could have supposed; and
Matonabbee seemed entirely disconcerted, and quite inconsolable for the
loss of his wife. She was certainly by far the handsomest of all his
flock, of a moderate size, and had a fair complexion; she apparently
possessed a mild temper, and very engaging manners. In fact, she seemed
to have every good quality that could be expected in a Northern Indian
woman, and that could render her an agreeable companion to an inhabitant
of this part of the world. She had not, however, appeared happy in her
late situation; and chose rather to be the sole wife of a sprightly
young fellow of no note, (though very capable of maintaining her,) than
to have the seventh or eighth share of the affection of the greatest man
in the country. I am sorry to mention an incident which happened while
we were building the canoes at Clowey, and which by no means does
honour to Matonabbee: it is no less a crime than that of having actually
stabbed the husband of the above-mentioned girl in three places; and had
it not been for timely assistance, would certainly have murdered him,
for no other reason than because the poor man had spoken disrespectfully
of him for having taken his wife away by force. The cool deliberation
with which Matonabbee committed this bloody action, convinced me it had
been a long premeditated design; for he no sooner heard of the man's
arrival, than he opened one of his wives' bundles, and, with the
greatest {104} composure, took out a new long box-handled knife, went
into the man's tent, and, without any preface whatever, took him by the
collar, and began to execute his horrid design. The poor man
anticipating his danger, fell on his face, and called for assistance;
but before any could be had he received three wounds in the back.
Fortunately for him, they all happened on the shoulder-blade, so that
his life was spared. When Matonabbee returned to his tent, after
committing this horrid deed, he sat down as composedly as if nothing had
happened, called for water to wash his bloody hands and knife, smoked
his pipe as usual, seemed to be perfectly at ease, and asked if I did
not think he had done right?
[Sidenote: 1771. May.]
It has ever been the custom among those people for the men to wrestle
for any woman to whom they are attached; and, of course, the strongest
party always carries off the prize. A weak man, unless he be a good
hunter and well-beloved, is seldom permitted to keep a wife that a
stronger man thinks worth his notice: for at any time when the wives of
those strong wrestlers are heavy-laden either with furrs or provisions,
they make no scruple of tearing any other man's wife from his bosom, and
making her bear a part of his luggage. This custom prevails throughout
all their tribes, and causes a great spirit of emulation among their
youth, who are upon all occasions, from their childhood, trying their
strength and skill in wrestling. This enables them to protect their
property, and particularly their wives, {105} from the hands of those
powerful ravishers; some of whom make almost a livelihood by taking what
they please from the weaker parties, without making them any return.
Indeed, it is represented as an act of great generosity, if they
condescend to make an unequal exchange; as, in general, abuse and insult
are the only return for the loss which is sustained.