[923] _Epigrammes_ (1599), iv. 23:
_In Ed: Allen._
_Rome_ had her _Roscius_ and her Theater,
Her _Terence_, _Plautus_,_Ennius_ and _Me_[n]_ander_,
The first to _Allen_, _Phoebus_ did transfer
The next, _Thames_ Swans receiu’d fore he coulde land her,
Of both more worthy we by _Phoebus_ doome,
Then t’ _Allen Roscius_ yeeld, to _London Rome_.
[924] Heywood, _Apology_, 43.
[925] Fuller, _Worthies_ (ed. 1840), ii. 385.
[926] S. Rowland, _Knave of Clubs_ (1609), 29:
The gull gets on a surplis
With a crosse upon his breast,
Like Allen playing Faustus,
In that manner he was drest.
[927] Heywood, _Epistle_ to _The Jew of Malta_ (1633), ‘the part of the
Jew presented by so vnimitable an Actor as M^r Allin’; and _Prologue_,
And He, then by the best of Actors [_in margin_ ‘Allin’] play’d:
... in Tamberlaine,
This Jew, with others many, th’ other wan
The Attribute of peerelesse, being a man
Whom we may ranke with (doing no one wrong)
Proteus for shapes, and Roscius for a tongue,
So could he speake, so vary.
[928] E. Guilpin, _Skialetheia_ (1598), _Epig._ xliii,
_Clodius_ me thinks lookes passing big of late,
With _Dunston’s_ browes, and _Allens Cutlacks_ gate.
[929] _Henslowe Papers_, 155.
[930] For this myth, cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Marlowe.
[931] Tarlton, 22, ‘How Tarlton made Armin his adopted sonne, to
succeed him’. The earliest extant edition of _Tarlton’s Jests_ is that
of 1611, but the Second Part, here quoted, was entered in _S. R._ on 4
Aug. 1600.
[932] Extract in Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 321; the unique copy of this
edition is described in his _Calendar of Shakespeare Rarities_ (1887),
145.
[933] Reprinted in the Shakespeare Society’s _Fools and Jesters_ (1842).
[934] _Variorum_, iii. 159, 241, 242; _M. S. C._ i. 345.
[935] Jeaffreson, ii. 107, 110, 114, 120, 128, 220.
[936] Harleian Soc. _Registers_, ix. 62; xvii. 131.
[937] Collier, _Actors_, xxxi.
[938] _M. S. C._ i. 344.
[939] McKerrow, _Nashe_, i. 255.
[940] Collier, iii. 364.
[941] The biographical material collected by C. C. Stopes, _Burbage and
Shakespeare’s Stage_ (1913), is supplemented by the lawsuit records
in C. W. Wallace, _The First London Theatre, Materials for a History_
(1913, _Nebraska University Studies_, xiii. 1).
[942] _Variorum_, iii. 199, 476; Collier, iii. 367; P. C. Carter,
_Hist. of St. Mary Aldermanbury_, 9, 11, 21, 58, 86, 87.
[943] _Variorum_, iii. 200, from P. C. C.; Collier, iii. 376.
[944] Collier, iii. 376, 380.
[945] _Varioram_, iii. 211.
[946] _Henslowe Papers_, 61.
[947] Collier, iii. 406; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.
[948] _Variorum_, iii. 482, from P. C. C.; Collier, iii. 409.
[949] Collier, iii. 389.
[950] H. R. Plomer in _10 N. Q._ vi. 368, from _London Archdeaconry
Wills_, vi, f. 22.
[951] Heywood, _Apology_, 43.
[952] Fleay, 190; cf. _The Sharers Papers_.
[953] Collier, iii. 457; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.
[954] _K. B. P._ i. 104, ‘Were you neuer none of Mr. Monkesters
schollars?’
[955] Collier, iii. 411.
[956] Fleay, 85; Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 133.
[957] Collier, iii. 473; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvii.
[958] _Variorum_, iii. 472; Chester, _London Marriage Licenses_.
[959] _Variorum_, iii. 187.
[960] Ibid. 188.
[961] Ibid. 187.
[962] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 31.
[963] _Variorum_, iii. 198, 475; Collier, iii. 308; P. C. Carter, _St.
Mary, Aldermanbury_, 11, 58, 86, 87. Malone misread Beavis as Beatrice.
An earlier John (1598) and a Swynnerton (1613) died as infants.
[964] _Variorum_, iii. 191.
[965] _D. N. B._ s.v.; Wood, _Athenae_, iii. 277.
[966] _O. v. H._ 16; cf. C. W. Wallace, in _The Times_ for 2 and 4 Oct.
1909.
[967] _N. U. S._ x. 311.
[968] _Kemps Nine Daies Wonder. Performed in a Daunce from London to
Norwich_ (1600) is reprinted with a biography by A. Dyce (1840, _Camden
Soc._) and in Arber, _English Garner_^2, ii (_Social England_), 139,
and E. Goldsmid, _Collectanea Adamantea_, ii (1884). Dissertations are
J. Bruce, _Who was ‘Will, my Lord of Leycester’s Jesting Player’?_
(1844, _Sh. Soc. Papers_, i. 88); B. Nicholson, _Kemp and the Play
of Hamlet_ (_N. S. S. Trans. 1880–6_, 57); _Will Kemp_ (1887,
_Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxii. 255).
[969] Collier, iii. 391.
[970] Ibid. 395.
[971] Ibid. 396.
[972] Ibid. 397; _Bodl._; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.
[973] Norman, 91.
[974] For further details of his later career, cf. Collier and _D. N.
B._
[975] Downes, 24.
[976] Wright, 10.
[977] _Variorum_, iii. 211; Collier, iii. 403.
[978] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317.
[979] Collier, iii. 423.
[980] Henslowe, ii. 302; _Henslowe Papers_, 36, 41.
[981] Collier, iii. 322, 325; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxv.
[982] _Variorum_, iii. 470.
[983] S. Lee in _Nineteenth Century_ for May 1906, quoting a manuscript
by Smith in private hands, with the title _A Brief Discourse of y^e
causes of Discord amongst y^e Officers of arms and of the great abuses
and absurdities comitted by painters to the great prejudice and
hindrance of the same office_. Northampton did not get his title until
1604.
[984] Collier, iii. 323.
[985] _N. U. S._ x. 308, 312; cf. ch. xvi (Globe).
[986] Henslowe, i. 72.
[987] _Variorum_, iii. 506; Collier, iii. 363.
[988] Collier, iii. 358; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.
[989] Henslowe, i. 178; ii. 303.
[990] Cf. s.v. Phillips.
[991] Collier, iii. 488; J. 348; _Bodl._
[992] _Variorum_, iii. 514; P. Cunningham in _Sh. Soc. Papers_, ii. 11;
Collier, iii. 478.
[993] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 314.
[994] Collier, iii. 482; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.
[995] Collier, iii. 483.
[996] App. I (ii).
[997] Collier, iii. 481.
[998] Henslowe, i. 29.
[999] _Henslowe Papers_, 120.
[1000] Collier, iii. 381.
[1001] _Variorum_, iii. 477; Collier, iii. 385.
[1002] _N. U. S._ x. 317; _O. v. H._ 32.
[1003] J. O. Halliwell, _Tarlton’s Jests ... With ... some Account of
the Life of Tarlton_ (1844, _Sh. Soc._; the Jests are reprinted with a
few additions in Hazlitt, _Jest-Books_, ii. 189) and _Papers respecting
Disputes which arose from Incidents at the Death-bed of Richard
Tarlton, the Actor_ (1866).
[1004] Collier, iii. 460; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.
[1005] C. W. Wallace, _Globe Theatre Apparel_ (1909).
[1006] _M. L. Review_, iv. 395, from _Hist. MSS._ iv. 299.
[1007] Downes, 21.
[1008] Wright, _Hist. Hist._ 405.
[1009] _S. P. D._ 1637–8, p. 99.
[1010] Cunningham, l.; _Variorum_, iii. 238.
[1011] Cunningham, l.; Wright, _Hist. Hist._ 411.
[1012] _Variorum_, iii. 484, from _P. C. C._
[1013] Collier, iii. 447.
[1014] Henslowe, i. 152; _Henslowe Papers_, 61.
[1015] Collier, iii. 451.
[1016] _Variorum_, iii. 214.
[1017] Collier, iii. 443.
[1018] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 313.
[1019] _Mediaeval Stage_, i. 383; ii. 184, 190, 380. It is, of course,
doubtful whether the ‘theatrum nostrae civitatis’ at Exeter was
permanent.
[1020] Ordish, 12, attempts to affiliate the ring type of baiting-place
and theatre to Roman amphitheatres, Cornish ‘rounds’, and other
circular places used for mediaeval entertainments. But a ring is so
obviously the form in which the maximum number of spectators can see an
object of interest, that too much stress must not be laid upon it as an
evidence of folk ‘tradition’.
[1021] Cf. ch. xviii.
[1022] _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 221.
[1023] G. Fothergill in _10 N. Q._ vi. 287, from _Guildhall MS._ 1454,
roll 70, ‘And wyth 22^s 2^d for money by them receyved for the hyer of
Tryntie Halle for playes, the warmanthe [ward-moot] inquest and other
assemblyes within the time of this accompt’.
[1024] Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Vennar.
[1025] Several galleried inns are illustrated in W. Rendle and P.
Norman, _The Inns of Old Southwark_ (1888), and by Ordish, 119
(Tabard), Baker, 200 (Four Swans), Adams, 4 (White Hart). Probably,
however, none of these are pre-Restoration. The only ones still extant
are the George in Southwark and a much later one in Theobalds Road (_V.
H. Surrey_, iv. 128).
[1026] _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 190, 223.
[1027] Cf. ch. ix.
[1028] Flecknoe tells us _c._ 1664 (App. I) that the actors, ‘about the
beginning of Queen Elizabeth’s reign ... set up Theaters, first in the
City (as in the Inn-yards of the Cross-Keyes, and Bull in Grace and
Bishops-Gate Street at this day is to be seen)’.
[1029] Cf. App. C, No. xvii.
[1030] App. C, Nos. xv, xvii; App. D, No. xxii.
[1031] Cf. s.v. Hope.
[1032] K. D. Hassler, _Die Reisen des Samuel Kiechel_ (1866) 29,
‘Werden auch täglichen commedien gehalten, sonderlichen ist lustig zu
zusehen, wann der Königen comedianten agiren, aber einem frembden,
der düe sprach nicht kan, verdrüslich, das ers nicht verstöth; es hat
öttliche sonderbare heüser, wölche dozu gemacht sein, das ettwann drey
genng ob ein ander sein, derowegen stöts ein grosse menge volckhs dohin
kompt, solcher kurzweil zuzusehen. Es begibt sich wol, das süe uf
einmal 50 in 60 dalr ufhöben; sonderlichen wann süe was neyes agiren,
so zuvor nicht gehalten worden, mues mann doppelt gelt gebenn, und
wehrt solchs vast alle tag durch düe wochen, onangesehen es freytag wüe
auch samstags zu halten verbotten, würt es doch nicht gehalten.’ Cf.
Rye, 87. Kiechel appears to have been in London from 12 Sept. to about
29 Oct. and from 14 to 17 Nov. 1585.
[1033] Lambarde, _Perambulation of Kent_ (1596), 233. The passage is
not in the first edition of 1576.
[1034] _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 222; cf. ch. xiii (Oxford’s).
[1035] P. 2. Malone, in _Variorum_, iii. 46, refers the event to a date
soon after 1580; but there is no justification for this in the text.
[1036] Cf. p. 477.
[1037] Rye, 216, from _Itinerarium_ in Beckmann, _Accessions Historiae
Anhaltinae_ (1716), 165:
‘Hier besieht man vier spielhäuser,
Darinnen man fürstelt die Fürsten, Könge, Keyser,
In rechter lebens gröss, in schöner kleider pracht,
Es wird der thaten auch, wie sie geschehn, gedacht.’
[1038] Text by H. B. Wheatley, _On a Contemporary Drawing of the
Interior of the Swan Theatre, 1596_ (_N. S. S. Trans. 1887–92_, 215),
from _Utrecht Univ. Library MS. Var._ 355, ff. 131^v, 132, with
facsimile reproduction of drawing. The passage was first made known
by K. T. Gaedertz, _Zur Kenntniss der altenglischen Bühne_ (1888).
The reproduction of the drawing published by Gaedertz and further
reproduced from him in many modern books is not an exact facsimile;
the only material difference is that the engraver has made the figure
at the door of the loft rather more obviously a man than it is in the
original. Letters of the early part of the seventeenth century from
de Witt to Buchell, who was his fellow-student at Leyden in 1583, are
also in the Utrecht Library (Gaedertz, 57). The last sentence of the
passage appears from ‘narrabat’ to be a report by Buchell either of
something not directly copied by him or of de Witt’s conversation; but
the rest is pretty clearly from ‘ea quae alio loco a me notata sunt’ a
verbatim extract from a manuscript of de Witt’s own. If so, ‘adpinxi’
further shows that the eye-witness of de Witt and not the imagination
of Buchell is the source of the drawing. Gaedertz, 63, indeed suggests
that the drawing is an original given by de Witt to Buchell, but as
Wheatley, 219, points out, this is impossible, as the paper is the same
as that used in the rest of the volume. There remains the question of
date. De Witt is traceable at Amsterdam in Nov. 1594, at Utrecht in
the winters of 1595 and 1596, and in 1599, and at Amsterdam again in
March 1604 (Gaedertz, 58). His visit to London obviously falls between
Nov. 1594, when the Swan was still only an intention, and Dec. 1598,
when the Theatre was pulled down. Gaedertz, 55, puts it in the summer
of 1596, largely because Shakespeare, whom he thinks de Witt would
certainly have mentioned if he had met him, may have been in Stratford
about that time. This is hopeless. Nor does the further suggestion of
Gaedertz that a lameness from which de Witt was suffering in Dec. 1596
was due to his travels carry much conviction. But he is not likely,
before that year, to have appended the words ‘A^o. 1596’ to his notice
of Sir John Burgh’s tomb. If this is intended to be the date, not of
his visit, but of the tomb, it is an error. Camden, _Reges ... in
Ecclesia ... West-monasterii sepulti_ (1600), gives the final words
of the inscription as ‘G. B. A. M. P. anno Dom. 1595’, and although
the tomb itself has disappeared since 1868 and some modern guides date
it 1594 or 1598, Camden is confirmed by J. C[rull], _Antiquities of
Westminster_ (1711), 198. Burgh’s death, also given on the monument,
was 7 March ‘1594’. On the whole 1596 is the most probable date for
de Witt’s visit. Arend van Buchell was himself a traveller, and his
_Diarium_ has been edited (1907) by G. Brom and L. A. van Langeraad.
But he did not visit England.
[1039] The emendation is due to Wallace (_E. S._ xliii. 356). Adams,
168, suggests that ‘cijn’ is Flemish for ‘swan’, but the dictionary
gives ‘zwaen’, which is perhaps what de Witt wrote.
[1040] Cf. plan of the manor in Rendle, _Bankside_, i.
[1041] Cf. p. 456.
[1042] Hentzner, 196.
[1043] _Survey_ (ed. Kingsford), i. 93. In 1603 the words ‘as the
Theater, the Curtine, &c.’ are omitted from the body of the passage.
[1044] _Survey_, ii. 73. This passage was omitted altogether in 1603.
The early draft in _Harl. MS._ 538 (Kingsford, ii. 369) runs, ‘Neare
adjoyning are builded two houses for the shewe of Activities, Comedies,
tragedies and histories, for recreation. The one of them is named the
Curtayn in Holy Well, the other the Theatre.’
[1045] G. Binz in _Anglia_, xxii. 456 (from Platter’s narrative written
in 1604–5 of his travels in 1595–1600, now in the Basle University
Library): ‘Den 21 Septembris nach dem Imbissessen, etwan umb zwey
vhren, bin ich mitt meiner geselschaft [:v]ber dz wasser gefahren,
haben in dem streüwinen Dachhaus die Tragedy vom ersten Keyser Julio
Caesare mitt ohngefahr 15 personen sehen gar artlich agieren; zu
endt der Comedien dantzeten sie ihrem gebrauch nach gar [:v]berausz
zierlich, ye zwen in mannes vndt 2 in weiber kleideren angethan,
wunderbahrlich mitt einanderen.
Auf ein andere Zeitt hab ich nicht weit von unserem wirdtshaus in
der Vorstadt, meines behaltens an der Bischofsgeet, auch nach essens
ein Comoedien gesehen, da presentierten sie allerhandt nationen, mit
welchen yeder zeit ein Engellender vmb ein tochter kempfete, vndt
vberwandt er sie alle, aussgenommen den teütschen, der gewan die
tochter mitt kempfen, satzet sich neben sie, trank ihme deszwegen
mit seinem diener ein starken rausch, also dasz sie beyde beweinet
wurden, vndt warfe der diener seinem Herren den schu an kopf, vnndt
entschliefen beyde. Hiezwischen stige der engellender in die Zelten,
vnndt entfuhret dem teütschen sein gewin, also [:v]berlistet er
den teütschen auch. Zu endt dantzeten sie auch auf Englisch vnndt
Irlendisch gar zierlich vnndt werden also alle tag vmb 2 vhren nach
mittag in der stadt London zwo biszweilen auch drey Comedien an
vnderscheidenen örteren gehalten, damitt einer den anderen lustig
mache, dann welche sich am besten verhalten, die haben auch zum meisten
Zuhörer. Die örter sindt dergestalt erbauwen, dasz sie auf einer
erhöchten brüge spilen, vnndt yederman alles woll sehen kan. Yedoch
sindt vnderscheidene gäng vnndt ständt da man lustiger vnndt basz
sitzet, bezahlet auch deszwegen mehr. Dann welcher vnden gleich stehn
beleibt, bezahlt nur 1 Englischen pfenning, so er aber sitzen will,
lasset man ihn noch zu einer thür hinein, da gibt er noch 1^d, begeret
er aber am lustigesten ort auf kissen ze sitzen, da er nicht allein
alles woll sihet, sondern auch gesehen kan werden, so gibt er bey einer
anderen thüren noch 1 Englischen pfenning. Vnndt tragt man in wehrender
Comedy zu essen vndt zu trinken vnder den Leüten herumb, mag einer vmb
sein gelt sich also auch erlaben.
Die Comedienspiler sindt beim allerköstlichsten vnndt zierlichsten
bekleidet, dann der brauch in Engellandt, dasz wann fürnemme herren
oder Ritter absterben, sie ihren dieneren vast die schönesten kleider
verehren vndt vergaben, welche, weil es ihnen nicht gezimpt, solche
kleider nicht tragen, sondern nachmahlen, den Comoedienspileren vmb ein
ringen pfenning ze kaufen geben.
Was für zeit sie also in dem Comoedien lustig alle tag können
zubringen, weisset yeglicher woll, der sie etwan hatt sehen agieren
oder spilen....
... Midt solchen vndt viel anderen kurtzweilen mehr vertreiben die
Engellender ihr zeit, erfahren in den Comedien, wasz sich in anderen
Landen zutraget, vndt gehendt ohne scheüchen, mann vndt weibs personen
an gemelte ort, weil mehrtheils Engellender nicht pflegen viel ze
reysen, sondern sich vergnügen zehausz frembde sachen ze erfahren vnndt
ihre kurtzweil ze nemmen.’
[1046] C. A. Mills in _The Times_ (11 April 1914) from the travels of
‘a foreign nobleman, to be published by J. A. F. Orbaan from a _Vatican
MS._’. Mills says that the visit was to the Globe, but the passage
quoted does not exclude the Rose or Swan.
[1047] G. von Bülow in _2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans._ (1892), vi. 6, 10, from
MS. _penes_ Count von der Osten of Plathe, Pomerania; cf. Wallace,
_Blackfriars_, 105, who identifies the _Samson_ play, rightly, with
that of the Admiral’s men at the Fortune (cf. p. 180), and that at
the Blackfriars, wrongly I think, with Chapman’s _The Widow’s Tears_.
He assumes that the theatre visited on 13 Sept, was the Globe, but it
might have been the Rose.
[1048] ‘13. Den 13 ward eine comedia agirt, wie Stuhl-Weissenburg
erstlich von den Türken, hernacher von den Christen wiederum erobert....
14. Auf den Nachmittag ward eine tragica comoedia von Samsone und dem
halben Stamm Benjamin agirt. Als wir zu dem Theatro gingen ...’.
[1049] Cf. ch. xii (Chapel).
[1050] Grosart, _Dekker_, iv. 210 (S. R. July 1608, printed 1609). The
‘two houses’ are, of course, those of York and Lancaster. Note the
final puns.
[1051] Cf. ch. x. Fynes Moryson says in his _Itinerary_, iii. 2. 2
(_c._ 1605–17), ‘The Theaters at London in England for Stage-plaies
are more remarkeable for the number, and for the capacity, than for
the building,’ and in the continuation (_c._ 1609–26, C. Hughes,
_Shakespeare’s Europe_, 476), ‘The Citty of London alone hath foure or
fiue Companyes of players with their peculiar Theaters capable of many
thousands, wherein they all play euery day in the weeke but Sunday....
As there be, in my opinion, more Playes in London than in all the
partes of the worlde I haue seene, so doe these players or Comedians
excell all other in the worlde.’
[1052] _Epigram 39._ Both Curtain and Swan are named by W. Turner in
_Turners Dish of Stuffe, or a Gallimaufry_ (1662), but this cannot be
dated; cf. ch. xv (Shank):
That’s the fat fool of the Curtain,
And the lean fool of the Bull:
Since Shancke did leave to sing his rhimes,
He is counted but a gull:
The players on the Bankside,
The round Globe and the Swan,
Will teach you idle tricks of love,
But the Bull will play the man.
[1053] Jodocus Sincerus, _Itineris Anglici brevissima delineatio_ in
_Itinerarium Galliae_ (1617), 370; cf. Rye, 131, who gives the first
edition as 1616.
[1054] K. Feyerabend in _E. S._ xiv. 440, from manuscript in Cassel
Library (cf. Rye, 143), ‘Zu Londen sind 7 theatra, da tägliche, die
sonntäge ausgenommen, comoedien gehalten werden, unter welchen die
vornehmste der glbs [_sic_, for _globus_], so über dem wasser liegt.
Das theatrum, da die kinder spielen, ist auf diesseit des wassers,
spielen um 3 uhr, aber nur von michaelis bis auf ostern; hier kostet
der eingang einen halben schilling nur, da an andern orten wohl eine
halbe kron. Diese [nämlich der Globus, _Ed._, but surely in error]
spielen nur bei lichtern und is die beste Cumpani in London.’ The
baiting is also mentioned; cf. p. 457.
[1055] _Henslowe Papers_, 72, 79.
[1056] Taylor, _The True Cause of the Watermen’s Suit concerning
Players,_ _and the reasons that their Playing on London side is their
extreame hindrances. With a Relation how farre that suit was proceeded
in, and the occasions that it was not effected_, reprinted by Hindley,
ii, No. 15, from Taylor’s _Works_ (1630), probably originally printed
in 1614.
[1057] It cites Caesar’s promotion and describes the agitation by the
watermen as taking place in ‘January last, 1613’, i. e. 161¾. Probably
it was written in the winter of 1614, and touched up before 1630, since
it refers to Bacon and Somerset as ‘then’ Attorney-General and Lord
Chamberlain respectively. Bacon’s term of office was from 27 Oct. 1613
to 7 March 1617, Somerset’s from 10 July 1614 to 2 Nov. 1615.
[1058] There is, I suppose, no reason why Randolph’s _Muses Looking
Glass_, 1. i. 55, should not have been written before Salisbury Court
was built. Herein a ‘brother’ is said to pray--
That the Globe,
Wherein (quoth he) reigns a whole world of vice,
Had been consum’d: the Phoenix burnt to ashes:
The Fortune whipp’d for a blind whore: Blackfriars,
He wonders how it ’scaped demolishing
I’ th’ time of reformation: lastly, he wish’d
The Bull might cross the Thames to the Bear Garden,
And there be soundly baited.
[1059] Stowe, _Annales_ (1631), 1004. In the extract in Harrison, ii.
49*, the period covered is given in error as 1553–1613.
[1060] Cf. App. I.
[1061] S. A. Strong, _Catalogue of Letters at Welbeck_, 226.
[1062] Harrison, iv. 212, from _Phillipps MS._ 11613, f. 16, _penes_ J.
F. P. Fenwick, of Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, written about 1656–8.
The writer is not quite accurate in some of his earlier dates.
[1063] Ward, iii. 280; Lawrence, ii. 138.
[1064] Baker, 135, gives an enlarged reproduction under the name of the
Theatre; but that is an obvious mistake.
[1065] Rendle, _Bankside_, 1.
[1066] [Nicholas Goodman?] _Hollands Leaguer or an historical Discourse
of the Life and Actions of Dona Britanica Hollandia the Arch-Mistris
of the wicked women of Evtopia_ (1632), sig. F 2; cf. C. W. Wallace in
_Engl. Stud._ xliii. 392.
[1067] Stowe, _Survey_, ii. 52.
[1068] I cannot agree with Dr. Martin (_Surrey Arch. Colls._ xxiii.
186), who sees, both in the Delaram and the ‘Hondius’ engravings, an
east to west highway running north of the cylindrical building, which
he takes for Maid Lane.
[1069] The somewhat wanton suggestion of Dr. Martin (loc. cit. 188)
that the engraver mistook the Rose for the Globe is sufficiently
refuted by the fact that the Rose was extinct or at least long disused.
[1070] I do not know on what ground Adams, 458, says that Visscher’s
view was drawn several years before it was printed, ‘and represents the
city as it was in or before 1613’.
[1071] Martin, loc. cit. 192, again suggests that the houses are
misnamed. He thinks that the Rose has been called the Globe in error
and the Globe the Bear Garden, and that the unnamed house is the Globe.
I cannot follow him in thinking that Merian represents the western
house of the group as south of Maid Lane; all three are clearly to the
north.
[1072] Adams, 458, thinks that Merian worked upon Visscher, ‘with
additions from some other earlier view not yet identified’. If so, this
might perhaps go back to 1605.
[1073] Cf. p. 463.
[1074] Rendle, _Bankside_, xxx.
[1075] Cf. p. 433.
[1076] B. Marsh, _Records of the Worshipful Company of Carpenters_,
iii. 95. I have to thank Mr. Marsh for this reference.
[1077] _Sloane MS._ 2530, f. 11 _et passim_.
[1078] App. C, No. xviii.
[1079] Gosson, _Schoole of Abuse_, 40. The date renders very hazardous
the identifications of _Ptolemy_ with the _Telomo_ shown at Court by
Leicester’s men on 10 Feb. 1583, and of _The Jew_ with R. W.’s _Three
Ladies of London_ (1584), which leads Fleay, 36, 40, to infer that
Leicester’s men played at the Bull from 1560 to 1576.
[1080] App. D, Nos. lx-lxii.
[1081] Tarlton, 13, 24.
[1082] Birch, _Elizabeth_, i. 173, from _Lambeth MS._; Spedding, viii.
314.
[1083] Cf. App. I.
[1084] Machyn, 238.
[1085] Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 277. The play may have only been rehearsed,
so that the identification of it by Fleay, 36, with _The Irish Knight_
shown at Court by Warwick’s men on 18 Feb. 1577 is untenable, and with
it vanishes all ground for the assignment of the inn by Fleay, 40, to
Rich’s men in 1568–70, Lane’s in 1571–3, Warwick’s in 1575–80, and
Hunsdon’s in 1582–3.
[1086] Tarlton, 24.
[1087] Harben, 65.
[1088] Tarlton, 21. Apparently the Queen of Sheba, and not Pocahontas,
was the original _Belle Sauvage_.
[1089] App. C, No. xiv.
[1090] App. C, No. xxii. The description reads like a compliment to
Lyly, but does not justify the inference of Fleay, 39, that the Chapel
boys played at the Bel Savage from 1559 to 1582.
[1091] Arber, ii. 526.
[1092] _Sloane MS._ 2530, ff. 7, 10, 11, 14; cf. the quotation from G.
Silver, _Paradoxe of Defence_ (1599), in Adams, 13.
[1093] Wallace, _N. U. S._ xiii. 82, 89.
[1094] Tarlton, 23.
[1095] App. D, No. ci. Fleay, 89, has no other material than these
notices and an unjustifiable assumption of identity between the two
companies for assigning the house to Leicester’s (1586–8) and Strange’s
(1589–91).
[1096] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317; cf. p. 425.
[1097] Stowe, _Survey_ (ed. Kingsford, ii. 262, 369), ends his account
of Holywell in the 1598 edition, ‘And neare therevnto are builded two
publique houses for the acting and shewe of Comedies, Tragedies, and
Histories, for recreation. Whereof the one is called the Courtein,
the other the Theatre: both standing on the South-west side towards
the field’. This is omitted from the 1603 edition, probably not so
much, as has been suggested, because Stowe shared the Puritan dislike
of the stage, as because in 1603 the Theatre was gone and the Curtain
little used. Stowe’s draft (_c._ 1598) in _Harl. MS._ 538 runs, ‘Neare
adjoyning are builded two houses for the shewe of Activities, Comedies,
tragedies and histories, for recreation. The one of them is named the
Curtayn in Holy Well, the other the Theatre.’ No contemporary map shows
the Theatre, although that of Agas (_c._ 1561) gives a good idea of the
Halliwell district before it was built. The representation from the
seventeenth-century ‘Ryther’ map, given as the Theatre by Baker, 135,
is presumably the Curtain.
[1098] Braines (1915), 4; Stopes, 185.
[1099] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 345; Braines (1915), 5, 21.
[1100] Latin translations of parts of the lease are recited in
pleadings of 1600 and 1602 (Wallace, 166, 268), and the description of
parcels agrees with that in the draft lease of 1585, similarly recited
in 1600 (Wallace, 169); cf. Braines (1915), 8.
[1101] The position of the well in Chassereau’s _Survey of Shoreditch_
(1745) seems to me to bear out this identification, although, as
Braines (1915), 4, points out, we do not know Chassereau’s authority.
Under Burbadge’s lease all Giles Allen’s tenants in Holywell were to
have access to the well. Stowe, _Survey_, i. 15, describes the holy
well as ‘much decayed and marred with filthinesse purposely laide
there, for the heighthening of the ground for garden plots’. It is
clearly distinct from Dame Agnes a Cleere’s well, which was outside
Holywell, towards the north (Stowe, _Survey_, i. 16; ii. 273; Stopes,
192).
[1102] _Tarlton’s News out of Purgatory_ (S. R. 26 June 1590), in
_Tarlton_, 54, 105, ‘I would needs to the Theatre to a play, where
when I came, I founde such concourse of unrulye people, that I thought
it better solitary to walk in the fields, then to intermeddle myselfe
amongst such a great presse. Feeding mine humour with this fancie,
I stept by dame Anne of Cleeres well, and went by the backside of
Hogsdon, where, finding the sun to be hotte, and seeing a faire tree
that had a coole shade, I sat me downe to take the aire, where after I
had rested me a while, I fell asleepe.... And with that I waked, and
saw such concourse of people through the fields that I knew the play
was doon.’
[1103] Braines (1915), 27. Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 351, put the site
on the present Deane’s Mews, but this is too far south, and does not
allow for the interposition of Rutland’s holding between Holywell Lane
and Allen’s. The shoring up of the barn to the Theatre is testified to
in Wallace, 227, 231, 243. The exact site therefore cannot have been
far east of the Curtain Road, which apparently occupies the strip of
void land held by Burbadge between the old priory wall and the ditch
bordering Finsbury fields.
[1104] Wallace, 134, 141, 153.
[1105] Ibid. 39.
[1106] Ibid. 139.
[1107] Wallace, 142 (Miles), 152 (Nicoll).
[1108] App. D, No. xxxiv.
[1109] Wallace, 135.
[1110] Ibid. 140.
[1111] Ibid. 151 (Nicoll).
[1112] Ibid. 152 (Nicoll).
[1113] Wallace, 73 (Bett), 102, 119 (Ralph Miles), 137 (Collins), 143
(Robert Miles), 152 (Nicoll), 157.
[1114] Ibid. 53, 107, 111 (Hyde), 73 (Bett), 143 (Robert Miles), 103,
120 (Ralph Miles). Brayne’s will was proved 10 Aug. 1586 (Wallace, 14).
[1115] Ibid. 104 (Ralph Miles), 146 (Robert Miles).
[1116] Ibid. 16, 55, 108 (Hyde), 73 (Bett), 145 (Miles).
[1117] Ibid. 46.
[1118] Wallace, 86 (Bett), 115 (Bishop), 122 (Ralph Miles).
[1119] Ibid. 109 (Hyde), 134 (Griggs), 137 (Collins), 106 (Ralph
Miles), 139, 148 (Robert Miles).
[1120] Ibid. 83 (Bett), 88 (Gascoigne), 90 (James).
[1121] Ibid. 87 (Bett).
[1122] Griggs (Wallace, 134) puts Brayne’s expenditure at 1,000 marks
and Burbadge’s at under £100; Collins (Wallace, 137) agrees as to
Brayne’s and puts Burbadge’s at about £50; Miles (ibid. 141) says
Brayne spent £600 or £700 in cash or credit and Burbadge about £50 in
cash and material; Lanman (ibid. 148) had heard that the building cost
1,000 marks; Giles Allen (ibid. 164) valued it at £700 in 1599.
[1123] Robert Miles put Burbadge’s total profits from tenements and
play-house in eight or nine years before 1592 at 2,000 marks, but in
1600 he only put the aggregate profits of James and Cuthbert from the
play-house by itself at 1,000 marks (Wallace, 147, 263). Giles Allen
(ibid. 198) put them at £2,000. Ralph Miles in 1592 had heard that
Burbadge had received £700 or £800 in rents and profits since Brayne’s
death in 1586 (ibid. 106). John Alleyn, a more disinterested witness,
confirms this estimate, putting the figure at £100 or 200 marks a year
for the five years before 1592 (ibid. 102).
[1124] Wallace, 76 (Ellam), 77 (Hudson).
[1125] Ibid. 47.
[1126] Wallace, 59 (C. Burbadge), 62 (J. Burbadge), 97, 114 (Bishop),
100, 126 (Alleyn), 105, 121 (Ralph Miles).
[1127] Ibid. 49, 66.
[1128] Ibid. 101, 127 (Alleyn). The two depositions are not quite
consistent as to dates. From that of 6 Feb. 1592, one would infer that
the dispute between Burbadge and the Admiral’s was at the time of
the contempt of 16 Nov. 1590. The second, of 6 May 1592, apparently
corrects the first, by giving the date of the insult to the Lord
Admiral as ‘about a yere past’. The point is of importance, as bearing
upon the length of the stay of the Admiral’s and Strange’s (cf. ch.
xiii) at the Theatre. No doubt Mrs. Brayne, who came ‘dyvers tymes’ to
the Theatre, continued her applications after laying her affidavit of
contempt.
[1129] Wallace, 153.
[1130] Wallace, 156.
[1131] Ibid. 161, 263. Miles still held Burbadge’s bonds in 1600.
[1132] Ibid. 137, ‘iron worke which the said Braynes bestowed vppon the
same Theater’.
[1133] Cf. ch. xviii.
[1134] Wallace, 62 (Burbadge), 88 (Bett), 125 (Alleyn), 149 (Lanman).
[1135] Cf. pp. 358, 362. This evidence outweighs the rather slight
grounds on which T. S. Graves, _The Shape of the First London Theatre_
(_South Atlantic Quarterly_, xiii. 280), conjectures that it may have
been rectangular.
[1136] G. Harvey, _Letter Book_, 67, suggests in 1579 that he may be
asked by Leicester’s, Warwick’s, Vaux’s or Rich’s men, or ‘sum other
freshe starteup comedanties’ for ‘sum malt conceivid comedye fitt for
the Theater, or sum other paintid stage’ (cf. p. 4). It is a pity he
was not more precise.
[1137] Cf. App. C, Nos. xxii, xxx. Fleay, 40, 88, 145, identifies _The
Play of Plays_ in which Delight was a character with the _Delight_
shown at Court by Leicester’s on 26 Dec. 1580, and _Caesar and Pompey_,
which Gosson does not quite clearly assign to the Theatre at all,
with the _Pompey_ shown by Paul’s on 6 Jan. 1581; and conjectures
successive occupations by Leicester’s (1576–83), Paul’s (1582), Queen’s
and Hunsdon’s (1584), Queen’s and Oxford’s (1585), Queen’s (1586–93),
Chamberlain’s (1594–7). He was unlucky in omitting the Admiral’s from
his guesses.
[1138] Cf. App. D, Nos. xliii, xliv.
[1139] Wallace, 201 (Cuthbert Burbadge), 239 (Smith), 240 (May), 242
(Tilt).
[1140] Ibid. 11.
[1141] Cf. App. D, No. lxxiv.
[1142] Nashe, _Pierce Penilesse_ (_Works_, i. 197). Harington,
_Metamorphosis of Ajax_ (1596), speaks of a vulgar word ‘admitted
into the Theater with great applause by the mouth of Mayster Tarlton,
the excellent comedian’. It was near the Theatre that the writer of
_Tarltons Newes of Purgatorie_ (Tarlton, 54) had his dream of the dead
actor.
[1143] Cf. App. C, No. xl.
[1144] Lodge, _Wits Miserie_ (1596), ‘pale as the visard of the ghost
which cried so miserably at the Theator, like an oister wife, Hamlet,
revenge’. In T. M., _Black Book_ (1604), is a mention of ‘one of my
divells in D^r Faustus, when the olde Theatre crackt and frighted the
audience’. This was presumably before 1592, as _Dr. Faustus_ seems to
have been continuously in Henslowe’s hands from the beginning of that
year. Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 363, quotes an allusion of Barnaby Rich
in 1606 (_Faultes Faults, and Nothing Else but Faultes_, 7) to ‘Gravets
part at the Theatre’, but this must not be pressed as a reference to
the long-destroyed house.
[1145] _Sloane MS._ 2530, ff. 6, 11, 12, 46; cf. App. D, Nos. lxii,
lxviii.
[1146] Cf. ch. xi, p. 371.
[1147] T. W., _Sermon at Paul’s Cross_ (3 Nov. 1577), ‘Beholde the
sumptuous Theatre houses’; Northbrooke (S. R. 2 Dec. 1577), 85,
‘places ... builded for such Playes and Enterludes, as the Theatre and
Curtaine is’; Stockwood, _Sermon at Paul’s Cross_ (24 Aug. 1578), ‘the
Theatre, the Curtayne, and other places of Playes in the Citie ...
the gorgeous Playing place erected in the fieldes ... as they please
to have it called, a Theatre’; _News from the North_ (1579), ‘the
Theaters, Curtines ... and such places where the time is so shamefully
mispent’; T. Twyne, _Physic for Fortune_ (1579), i. xxx, 42, ‘the
Curteine or Theater; which two places are well knowen to be enimies
to good manners: for looke who goeth thyther evyl, returneth worse’;
Stubbes (S. R. 1 March 1583), i. 144, ‘flockyng and runnyng to Theaters
and Curtens ... Venus pallaces’; Field (1583), ‘the distruction bothe
of bodye and soule that many are brought unto by frequenting the
Theater, the Curtin and such like’; Rankins (1587), f. 4, ‘the Theater
and Curtine may aptlie be termed for their abhomination, the chappell
_adulterinum_’; Harrison, _Chronologie_ (1588), i. liv, ‘It is an
evident token of a wicked time when plaiers wexe so riche that they can
build suche houses’.
[1148] App. D, Nos. XXXV, lxxiv. It appears to have been thought a
good example to frequenters of the Theatre that the locality should
occasionally be used for a public execution. Stowe, _Annales_ (1615),
749, 750, records the hanging of W. Gunter, a priest from beyond the
seas, ‘at the Theater’ on 28 Aug. 1588, and of W. Hartley, another
priest, ‘nigh the Theator,’ on 1 Oct. 1588; cf. Halliwell-Phillipps,
i. 351, from _True Report of the Inditement of Weldon, Hartley, and
Sutton, who Suffred for High Treason_ (1588).
[1149] Sir A. Ashley to Sir R. Cecil (_Hatfield MSS._ vii. 504).
[1150] Cf. ch. ix. In addition to the occasions described above,
the Theatre and Curtain are particularly referred to in the City’s
complaint to Walsingham on 3 May 1583, and in the Council’s inhibitions
of 29 Oct. 1587, where the ‘Liberty’ of Holywell is clearly pointed at
in the allusion to ‘places priviledged’, and 23 June 1592 (App. D, Nos.
lxix, lxxx, xc).
[1151] App. D, No. xlii. The County records also contain entries of a
recognisance by ‘James Burbage of Shorditch gent.’, Henry Bett, and
[Cuthbert] Burbage in the Strond, yeoman’, on 6 April 1592, for the
former’s appearance at the next Middlesex sessions, and a similar
recognisance of ‘James Burbage of Hallywell, yeoman’, on 11 Sept. 1593
(Jeaffreson, i. 205, 217); but there is nothing to show the nature of
the proceedings.
[1152] Cf. App. C, No. xxv.
[1153] App. D, No. cx.
[1154] E. Guilpin, _Skialetheia_, sat. v:
‘but see yonder,
One, like the unfrequented Theater,
Walkes in darke silence and vast solitude’.
[1155] Wallace, 169, 183, 191, 214, 218.
[1156] Ibid. 72, 76, 226.
[1157] Ibid. 232, 235.
[1158] Wallace, 195, 203, 212, 216, 220, 238. Robert Miles took
occasion of the negotiations to renew his old claim by petitioning
in the Court of Requests for an interest in the new lease. The
proceedings, so far as preserved, are inconclusive (ibid. 158).
Meanwhile Cuthbert Burbadge was co-operating with Giles Allen in
defending a claim made by the Earl of Rutland to the ‘debateable’
ground, and remained a party to the consequent litigation in 1602, long
after the Theatre had disappeared (Stopes, 184).
[1159] Wallace, 184, 196, 204.
[1160] Ibid. 221.
[1161] Ibid. 164, 179, 197, 217, 222, 238, 278. The dates are not
quite certain; possibly the 20 Jan. of _Allen v. Street_ was an error.
Allen’s Answer in the Court of Requests places the whole transaction
‘aboute the feast of the Natiuitie’, and this in his Star Chamber suit
becomes ‘aboute the eight and twentyth day of December’, without any
suggestion that more than one day was occupied.
[1162] Ibid. 163.
[1163] Ibid. 181.
[1164] Wallace, 186, 215, 220.
[1165] Ibid. 285.
[1166] Ibid. 267, 275.
[1167] Aubrey, ii. 12, on the authority of J. Greenhill, says that Ben
Jonson ‘acted and wrote, but both ill, at the Green Curtaine, a kind
of nursery or obscure play-house, somewhere in the suburbes’ (I thinke
towards Shoreditch or Clarkenwell), and on that of Sir Edward Shirburn
that Jonson killed Marlowe, ‘on Bunhill, comeing from the Green-Curtain
play-house’. Hoxton, where Jonson killed Gabriel Spencer, is of course
not far from Bunhill, and both are in the Holywell neighbourhood.
Probably Aubrey, in giving a name to the theatre, is babbling of green
frieze, rather than green fields. Steevens and Malone (_Variorum_, iii.
54) committed themselves to the view that ‘the original sign hung out
at this play-house was the painting of a curtain striped’.
[1168] Thomas Wilkins was perhaps related to George Wilkins the
dramatist, who was buried at Shoreditch 9 Aug. 1613. Sir William Allen
is not known to have had anything to do either with Edward Alleyn or
with Giles Allen, the ground-landlord of the Theatre. Lanman was 54 on
30 July 1592. We cannot assume that the name is merely an orthographic
variant of that of Laneham.
[1169] Reproduced in Ordish, 40.
[1170] Reproduced in Baker, 36, 135, with a photographic enlargement of
the building, wrongly identified with the _Theatre_. It is shown as a
round or hexagonal structure, with a large flag, standing in the middle
of a square paled plot; but too much stress must not be laid on what is
probably only a cartographic symbol. Immediately south of it is Bedlam.
Kiechel tells us that the house had three galleries, and de Witt that
it was an ‘amphitheatrum’ (cf. pp. 358, 362). In the epilogue to _Three
English Brothers_ (1607) it is a ‘round circumference’.
[1171] Cf. p. 393.
[1172] Fleay, 40, 88, 145, 201, 300, assigns it as follows: Sussex’s
(1576–83), Arundel’s and Oxford’s (1584), Howard’s and Hunsdon’s
(1585), Oxford’s (1586–8), Pembroke’s (1589–97), Chamberlain’s
(1597–9), Derby’s (1599–1600), uncertain company (1601), Queen Anne’s
(1604–9), Duke of York’s (1610–23). But, of course, this _is_ guessing.
[1173] Tarlton, 16. If _Tarlton’s Jig of a Horse Load of Fools_, taken
from a manuscript of Collier’s (Tarlton, xx), is genuine, that also was
given at the Curtain.
[1174] _Sloane MS._ 2530, ff. 4, 12, 43, 44, 46.
[1175] Guilpin, _Skialetheia_ (S. R. 8 Sept. 1598), Sat. v:
if my dispose
Perswade me to a play, I’le to the Rose,
Or Curtaine, one of Plautus comedies,
Or the patheticke Spaniards tragedies;
and in the _Preludium_, of a ‘Cittizen ... comming from the Curtaine’.
[1176] _Scourge of Villainy_ (1598), xi. 37 (_Works_, iii. 372):
Luscus, what’s play’d to-day? Faith now I know
I set thy lips abroach, from whence doth flow
Naught but pure Juliet and Romeo.
Say who acts best? Drusus or Roscio?
Now I have him, that ne’er of ought did speak
But when of plays or players he did treat--
Hath made a commonplace book out of plays,
And speaks in print: at least what e’er he says
Is warranted by Curtain plaudities.
[1177] Cf. p. 365.
[1178] Jeaffreson, i. 259.
[1179] Heath, Epigram 39; Wither, _Abuses_, i. 1; ii. 3.
[1180] Cf. App. C, No. lix.
[1181] _Variorum_, iii. 54, 59; Ordish, 106, from _Vox Graculi_ (1623)
and Jeaffreson, iii. 164.
[1182] A writer in the _Daily News_ for 9 April 1898 identifies the
site of the theatre, without giving any evidence, as ‘between Clock
Passage, Newington Butts, Swan Place, and Hampton Street’; cf. _9 N.
Q._ i. 386.
[1183] App. D, Nos. xlvi, lxxvi, xcii.
[1184] Cf. p. 373.
[1185] C. W. Wallace in _N. U. S._ xiii. 2, ‘as shown by a contemporary
record to be published later’.
[1186] _A Woman is a Weathercock_, III. iii. 25.
[1187] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 60, ‘Among the early Surveys, 1
Edward VI, we see that this was not merely a name--the place was a
veritable Rose Garden, and paid £1 3_s._ 4_d._ by the year, and the
messuage called the Rose paid £4’.
[1188] _Close Roll 6 Edw. VI_, p. 5, m. 13; cf. Rendle, _Bankside_, xv;
_H. P._ 1.
[1189] _Egerton MS._ 2623, f. 13, quoted in Henslowe, ii. 25. But in
ii. 43 Dr. Greg misdescribes the Rose as on the west of the Barge,
Bell, and Cock.
[1190] _Henslowe Papers_, 1.
[1191] Ibid. 2.
[1192] Henslowe, i. 209.
[1193] Cf. Dekker, _Satiromastix_, 1247, ‘th’ast a breath as sweet as
the Rose, that growes by the Beare-garden’.
[1194] G. L. Gomme, _The Story of London Maps_ (_Geographical Journal_,
xxxi. 628), ‘1588. Henchley.--Item, we present Phillip Henchley to
pull upp all the pylles that stand in the common sewer against the
play-house to the stopping of the water course, the which to be done by
midsomer next uppon paine of x^s yf it be undone. x^s (done)’. Wallace,
in _The Times_ (1914), says that these records mention the theatre
as ‘new’ in April 1588, and show other amercements during the next
eighteen years.
[1195] Dr. Greg, in Henslowe, ii. 46, is, I think, successful in
showing that all the dated building entries belong to 1592 and not to
1591 or 1593. I suppose the scattered entries with the date ‘1591’ to
have been written in first, and the continuous account under the date
‘1592’ added later, probably after Henslowe had changed the year-date
in his play-entries, which seems to have been on 6 May.
[1196] Henslowe, i. 7.
[1197] App. D, No. xcii.
[1198] The words ‘Chomley when’ appear with other scribbles by Henslowe
on the first page of the diary (Henslowe, i. 217).
[1199] Cf. p. 402.
[1200] Henslowe, i. 4.
[1201] Henslowe, i. 178.
[1202] Ibid. ii. 55.
[1203] Wallace, in _The Times_ (1914).
[1204] Rendle, _Bankside_, xv, quotes
In the last great fire
The Rose did expire,
and adds ‘but when that was, I am not clear’. It reads like Collier.
[1205] I cannot endorse the suggestion of Dr. Martin (cf. p. 378)
that the ‘Globe’ of Visscher (1616) was really the Rose. Baker, 165,
reproducing a cut from Hollar (1640), also misnames the Globe as the
Rose.
[1206] Young, ii. 241.
[1207] _Variorum_, iii. 56. I should have been happier if Malone had
quoted _verbatim_, but I do not see that Adams, 160, explains away the
statement by suggesting that a source for Malone’s ‘error’ is a note on
p. 66, where he again cites Herbert for fencing at the Red Bull in 1623.
[1208] _E. S._ xliii. 341; _Index to Remembrancia_, 277. It appears
from _Hatfield MSS._ vi. 182, 184, that in May 1596 Langley was
concerned in some negotiations about a missing diamond claimed by the
Crown; cf. p. 396.
[1209] Printed from a contemporary copy in the Guildhall by W. Rendle
in Appendix to Part II of _Harrison’s Description of England_ (_N. S.
S._, 1878) and Adams, 162. The original is held by the steward of the
manor.
[1210] App. D, No. cii.
[1211] Cf. p. 361, and for the reliability and value of the record as
evidence for the structure and staging of theatres, chh. xviii, xx.
[1212] _S. v. L._ 352, ‘the said howse was then lately afore vsed to
have playes in hit’.
[1213] Ibid., ‘the Defendant should be allowed for the true value
thereof out of the Complainantes moytie of the gains for the seuerall
standinges in the galleries of the said howse which belonged to them’.
As ‘which’ may follow on ‘moytie’, I see no reason for Wallace’s
inference (360) that the galleries were structurally divided between
the two parties, instead of the takings being shared.
[1214] Cf. ch. xiv (Pembroke’s) and ch. xxii (Nashe).
[1215] _S. v. L._ 353 (6 Feb. 1598), ‘the said Defendant hath euer
synce had his said howse contynually from tyme to tyme exercysed with
other players to his great gaines’.
[1216] App. D, No. cxiv.
[1217] App. D, No. cxv.
[1218] App. C, No. lii.
[1219] Cf. p. 362.
[1220] App. D, No. cxxiii.
[1221] Manningham, 130; Gawdy, 93.
[1222] Ch. xxiii (Vennar).
[1223] _E. S._ xliii. 342.
[1224] Act v, sc. i.
[1225] P. Norman, _The Accounts of the Overseers of the Poor of Paris
Garden, 1608–71_ (1901, _Surrey Arch. Colls._ xvi. 55), from _Addl.
MS._ 34, 110, and again by C. W. Wallace as a new discovery in _E. S._
xliii. 390. The amounts are £4 6_s._ 8_d._ in 1611, £5 3_s._ 4_d._ in
1612, £5 5_s._ in 1613, £3 0_s._ 10_d._ in 1614, 19_s._ 2_d._ in 1615,
and £3 19_s._ 4_d._ in 1621.
[1226] It can hardly have been open at the time of the Watermen’s
petition early in 1614 (cf. p. 370).
[1227] Herbert, 63; _Variorum_, iii. 56. Rendle, in _Antiquarian
Magazine_, vii. 211, notes a ‘licence for T. B. and three assistants
to make shows of Italian motion, at the Prince’s Arms, or the Swan’ in
1623; cf. Herbert, 47.
[1228] Cf. p. 376.
[1229] _N. U. S._ xiii. 279; cf. p. 399.
[1230] Wallace, in _The Times_ (1914), ‘Ac de et in vna domo de novo
edificata cum gardino eidem pertinenti in parochia S^{ci} Salvatoris
praedicta in comitatu Surria praedicta in occupacione Willielmi
Shakespeare et aliorum’.
[1231] Cf. p. 364.
[1232] A rather fantastic argument of Ordish, 85, for the Curtain on
the ground of the martial character of the neighbourhood is answered by
Murray, i. 99.
[1233] _E. M. O._ 4368.
[1234] _O. v. H._ l. 110.
[1235] _O. v. H._ l. 99; _W. v. H._ 313.
[1236] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317.
[1237] _W. v. H._ 314.
[1238] _Century_ (Aug. 1910), 508; cf. p. 424.
[1239] _W. v. H._ 314.
[1240] _O. v. H._ l. 194.
[1241] _W. v. H._ 319.
[1242] Ibid. 317. Wallace dates the admission of Condell in 1610, but
this seems to be an error.
[1243] _O. v. H._ l. 97; _W. v. H._ 321.
[1244] Rye, 61, from _Relation_ of Hans Jacob Wurmsser von Vendenheym,
‘Lundi 30 [April 1610] S. E. [Prince Lewis Frederick of Württemberg]
alla au Globe, lieu ordinaire ou l’on joue les Commedies, y fut
representé l’histoire du More de Venise’; cf. p. 369 on visit of Prince
of Hesse-Cassel in 1611.
[1245] _W. v. H._ 320.
[1246] Stowe, 926. Jonas, 104, cites another record of the date from A.
Hopten, _A Concordancy of Yeares_ (1615).
[1247] Birch, _James_, i. 253.
[1248] L. Pearsall Smith, _Letters of Wotton_, ii. 32.
[1249] Winwood, iii. 469.
[1250] Arber, iii. 528, ‘Simon Stafford ... a ballad called the sodayne
Burninge of the Globe on the Bankside in the Play tyme on Saint Peters
day last 1613’; ‘Edward White ... a doleful ballad of the general
ouerthrowe of the famous theater on the Banksyde called the Globe &c. by
William Parrat’.
[1251] Halliwell-Phillipps, _Outlines_, i. 310, ‘from a manuscript
of the early part of the seventeenth century, of unquestionable
authenticity, preserved in the library of Sir Mathew Wilson, Bart., of
Eshton Hall, co. York’. The Eshton Hall collection, originally formed
by John Hopkinson in 1660, has recently been sold, with the verses, to
Mr. G. D. Smith of New York. The ‘Sonnett’ was first printed [by Joseph
Haslewood] in _The Gentleman’s Magazine_ (1816), lxxxvi. 114, ‘from an
old manuscript volume of poems and therefrom by Collier, i. 371, and
Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 225.
[1252] _Taylors Water-Works_ (1614), reprinted as _The Sculler_ (1630,
_Works_, 515), ep. 22 of 3rd series.
[1253] _Underwoods_, lxii, written later than the Fortune fire of 9
Dec. 1621.
[1254] _Histriomastix_, 556.
[1255] Birch, _James I_, i. 329.
[1256] Cf. p. 374.
[1257] _W. v. H._ 320.
[1258] Ibid. 321.
[1259] A later statement by Shank in the _Sharers Papers_ puts it at
£1,400. Heminges describes Witter’s ‘parte’ by a slip as one-sixth
instead of one-seventh of the moiety. If the £120 was one-twelfth of
the total cost, his figure (£1,440) would agree with that of Shank.
Professor Wallace says in _The Times_ of 2 Oct. 1909, ‘This amount is
in fact excessive.... I have other contemporary documents showing the
cost was far less than £1,400.’
[1260] _W. v. H._ 323; Wallace in _The Times_ (1914).
[1261] _O. v. H._ ll. 245 sqq.
[1262] Lambert, _Shakespeare Documents_, 87.
[1263] _W. v. H._ 323.
[1264] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 312.
[1265] Cf. ch. xi. There was a much rougher type of audience at the
Globe; cf. Shirley, _Prologue at the Globe, to his Comedy called ‘The
Doubtful Heir’, which should have been presented at the Blackfriars_,
quoted in _Variorum_, iii. 69.
[1266] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars).
[1267] Wallace in _The Times_ (1914). Bodley seems to have acquired
a dubious title to hold the land in his own right in 1608, raised a
fine of £20 for recognizing the players’ lease in 1609, and a fine of
£2 on Heminges for leave to build his taphouse in 1615. Matthew Brend
recovered the property through the Court of Wards, after the end of his
minority, in 1622.
[1268] Rendle, _Bankside_, xvii, from _Southwark Vestry Papers_. Brend
was knighted in 1622.
[1269] Cf. p. 374. Wallace, in _The Times_ (1914), makes Matthew
Brend’s lease end on 25 Dec. Yet he puts the destruction after the
expiration of the lease.
[1270] Stowe, _Survey_, ii. 58.
[1271] Martin, 158.
[1272] Stopes, _Burbage_, 196; Martin, 169; from _Close Roll, 3 Car.
I_, pt. 23, m. 22.
[1273] Martin, 174.
[1274] A. Hayward, _Autobiography of Mrs. Piozzi_, ii. 33.
[1275] _History of St. Saviour’s_ (1795), 231.
[1276] T. Pennant, _London_ (1791), 60, ‘A little west of S. Mary
Overies (in a place still called Globe Alley) stood the Globe.... I
have been told that the door was very lately standing’; Concanen and
Morgan, 224, ‘Several of the neighbouring inhabitants remember these
premises being wholly taken down about fifty years ago, having remained
for many years in a very ruinous state: avoided by the young and
superstitious as a place haunted by those imaginary beings called evil
spirits’.
[1277] Martin, 165, 177. It is probably a mere coincidence that John
Knowles held a garden next the Globe site in 1599.
[1278] Rendle, _Bankside_, xix; _Antiquarian_, viii. 216.
[1279] Chalmers, _Apology_ (1797), 114, ‘I maintain, that the Globe
was situated on the Bank, within eighty paces of the river, which has
since receded from its former limits; that the Globe stood on the site
of John Whatley’s windmill, which is at present used for grinding
colours; as I was assured by an intelligent manager of Barclay’s
brewhouse, which covers, in its ample range, part of Globe Alley;
and that Whatley’s wind mill stands due south from the western side
of Queenhythe by the compass, which I set for the express purpose of
ascertaining the relative bearings of the windmill to the opposite
objects on the Thames’; W. Wilson, _History and Antiquities of
Dissenting Churches_ (1814), iv. 148, 175, ‘In former days there stood
here [in Globe Alley] a theatre called the “Globe”.... Near to this
place stood the meeting-house.... Its dissolution took place about the
year 1752.... It is at present used for warehousing goods. A mill was
also erected over it for the purpose of grinding bones’; R. Wilkinson,
_Londina Illustrata_ (1819), i. 135, ‘Upon the disuse of the theatre,
its site ... was formed into a meeting-house.... Afterwards a mill
was erected here to grind bones; and it is at present appropriated
for the purpose of grinding stones and similar materials’. The plan,
however, which accompanies Wilkinson’s text, assigns the theatre to an
improbable site some way west of the meeting-house. The Globe Alley
meeting-house was built in 1672; it appears in a list of 1683, and is
marked on Rocque’s map of 1746 on Rendle’s favourite site. Wilson only
says the meeting-house was near the Globe; Wilkinson identifies the
sites. Chalmers mentions the windmill, but not the meeting-house. I may
add that a line drawn south from the west of Queenhithe would pass west
of any possible site for the Globe. Malone’s ‘nearly opposite to Friday
Street, Cheapside’ (_Variorum_, iii. 63) can also only be approximate.
[1280] Cf. facsimile from token-book in Martin, 157.
[1281] Concanen and Morgan, _History of St. Saviour’s_ (1795), 224,
‘It was situated in what is now called Maid lane; the north side and
building adjoining, extending from the west side of Counter-alley to
the north side of the passage leading to Mr. Brook’s cooperage; on
the east side beyond the end of Globe-alley, including the ground on
which stood the late parish workhouse, and from thence continuing
to the south end of Mr. Brook’s passage. Under this building was
Fountain-alley, leading from Horseshoe-alley into Castle-lane.’ This
account appears to make the site extend farther north than Dr. Martin
allows for, right up, indeed, to Maid Lane.
[1282] Plan of 1810 in R. Taylor, _Londina Illustrata_, ii. (1825) 136;
plan of 1818 in Taylor, _Annals of St. Mary Overy_ (1833), 140.
[1283] Martin, 171. One cannot lay much stress upon hearsay locations
of the site by employees of the brewery (Martin, 183), or the discovery
of underground staging still farther south than Dr. Martin’s site on a
spot which in 1599 must have been well within Winchester Park (Martin,
201), or of a stone inscribed ‘[T]heayter’, just south of Globe Alley
(Martin, 184).
[1284] Martin, 164.
[1285] A Clink poor relief assessment of 1609 (Collier, _Alleyn
Memoirs_, 91; Warner, 49) shows two names, each assessed for ‘halfe the
parke’; this would hardly be the Bishop’s. The token-books also show
persons resident in the park, but here the order of the entries points
to a locality south of Maiden Lane, near the gate of the Bishop’s Park
(_11 N. Q._ xii. 143).
[1286] Wallace in _The Times_ (1914). Dr. Martin explains (_11 N. Q._
xii. 161) that, in order to conduct their patrons from Bankside to the
play-house south of Maiden Lane, ‘the owners of the Globe had erected a
bridge over the ditches and quagmire of Maid Lane’.
[1287] Dr. Wallace says that all these records were made by the
Commissioners ‘in dealing with the property of Brend and others on the
north side’ of Maiden Lane. But there is no reference to ‘the north
side’ in the actual record. Bingham had, and Sellers may have had, more
than one plot in the neighbourhood.
[1288] Cf. p. 379.
[1289] _R. I. B. A. Journal_, 3rd series, xvii. 26.
[1290] Halliwell-Phillipps (_Calendar of Shakespeare Rarities_, 81)
had a document of 1653 concerning a sewer ‘in Maide Lane nere the
place where the Globe play-house lately stood’, which he considered as
establishing the exact locality of the theatre. It is probably now in
America.
[1291] Cf. p. 436.
[1292] I ought not to have suggested in _The Stage of the Globe_, 356,
that the first Globe might have been rectangular.
[1293] _Variorum_, iii. 67.
[1294] _Henslowe Papers_, 14; Henslowe, ii. 56.
[1295] _Henslowe Papers_, 16.
[1296] Ibid. 25.
[1297] Ibid. 108.
[1298] Printed by W. W. Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 4, from _Dulwich
Muniments_, 22; also in _Variorum_, iii. 338, and Halliwell-Phillipps,
_Illustrations_, 81; _Outlines_, i. 304.
[1299] _Quarterly Review_, ccviii. 442; _Architectural Review_,
xxiii. 239. Models by Mr. Godfrey are at the Columbia and Illinois
Universities (Adams, 277). M. W. Sampson has pointed out in _M. L. N._
for June 1915 (cited by Adams, 279) that the passage in _The Roaring
Girl_ (1611), i. 1, where Sir Alexander Weargrave displays his house to
his friends, is really a description of the Fortune when ‘Within one
square a thousand heads are laid’.
[1300] _Henslowe Papers_, 25.
[1301] Ibid. 11.
[1302] App. D, Nos. cxvii, cxviii, cxxi, cxxii, cxxiv.
[1303] Cf. ch. viii and App. D, No. cl.
[1304] _Henslowe Papers_, 110.
[1305] Cf. ch. xi.
[1306] _Henslowe Papers_, 64.
[1307] Ibid. 25.
[1308] Ibid. 27.
[1309] Birch, _James I_, ii. 270.
[1310] Cf. ch. xi.
[1311] Birch, _James I_, ii. 280.
[1312] Young, ii. 225.
[1313] _Henslowe Papers_, 28.
[1314] Cf. App. I. It is this second house that is represented as a
small angular flagged building in the ‘Ryther’ maps.
[1315] _Fortnightly Review_ (May 1916).
[1316] W. J. Lawrence in _Archiv_ (1914), 301; cf. p. 520.
[1317] Adams, 284, gives the history of the Fortune during 1621–49.
[1318] A Boar’s Head on the Bankside, which belonged to Henslowe in
1604 and previously to Alleyn (Henslowe, ii. 30), was apparently not an
inn.
[1319] E. Gayton, _Pleasant Notes upon Don Quixot_ (1654), 277, ‘Sir
John of famous memory; not he of the Boares Head in Eastcheap’. Neither
the text nor the stage-directions of _Henry IV_ name the Boar’s Head;
but the references to Eastcheap (_1 Hen. IV_, I. ii. 145, 176; II. iv.
16, 485; _2 Hen. IV_, II. i. 76; II. ii. 161) are sufficient, and when
Prince Hal asks (_2 Hen. IV_, II. ii. 159) ‘Doth the old boar feed
in the old frank?’, Bardolph answers, ‘At the old place, my lord, in
Eastcheap’. Doll Tearsheet (II. iv. 250) calls Falstaff a ‘whoreson
little tidy Bartholomew boar-pig’.
[1320] Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 258. Harben, 88, however, suggests that
the name was transferred to this house from another on the north side
of Great Eastcheap in St. Clement’s.
[1321] Stowe, _Survey_, i. 126; ii. 72. I suppose the inn is identical
with the ‘Blue Bore Inne’ marked by Ogilby (1677). The site is at No.
30 on the north of Aldgate High Street (Harben, 87).
[1322] Dasent, vi. 168.
[1323] App. D, No. cxxx. The description of this letter in the _Index
to Remembrancia_, 355, as referring to ‘the Boar’s Head in Eastcheap’
has proved misleading.
[1324] App. D, Nos. cxxv, cxxix, cxxxv.
[1325] Cf. ch. xiii (Anne’s).
[1326] Adams, 17; cf. ch. xiii (Duke of York’s). The further suggestion
of Adams, 8, that Rawlidge in 1628 (cf. p. 360) wrote ‘Whitefriars’
for ‘Whitechapel’ is less plausible. Rawlidge is only dealing with
play-houses within the City.
[1327] Adams, 17, identifies the site with Boar’s Head Yard, between
Middlesex Street and Goulston Street, Whitechapel. But this is the
house of 1557 (v. _supra_) within the liberties. Rocque (1746) shows
an oval site, just east of Church Lane and south of the church of St.
Mary, Whitechapel, which rather suggests an amphitheatre, but may be
merely a churchyard.
[1328] _Henslowe Papers_, 59.
[1329] Cf. p. 374.
[1330] The section is reproduced in Adams, 294.
[1331] Not the mercer Stone who sold stuffs to the Admiral’s in 1601
and 1602 (Henslowe, ii. 313); he was doubtless William Stone (Knt. in
1604).
[1332] _W. v. H._ 296. Professor Wallace has confused this 1_s._ 6_d._
with the profits of Woodford’s seventh, and thinks that a gatherer got
one-eighteenth of the receipts.
[1333] I think the inference is that the gallery profits were divided
in the proportion of seven-eighteenths to the housekeepers and
eleven-eighteenths to the players.
[1334] No order seems to have been made as to the gatherer’s place.
[1335] _Knight of the Burning Pestle_, IV. i. 43.
[1336] _Travels of the Three Brothers_ (ed. Bullen, p. 88).
[1337] Dekker, _Works_, iv. 97; cf. p. 367.
[1338] Jeaffreson, ii. 64, 86.
[1339] Wither, _Abuses Stript and Whipt_ (1613), i. 1,
‘His poetry is such as he can cull
From plays he heard at Curtain or at Bull’;
_Albumazar_, II. i. 16, ‘Then will I confound her with
compliments drawn from the plays I see at the Fortune and Red Bull,
where I learn all the words I speak and understand not’; Gayton, 24,
‘I have heard that the poets of the Fortune and Red Bull had always
a mouth-measure for their actors (who were terrible tear-throats)
and made their lines proportionable to their compass, which were
sesquipedales, a foot and a half’.
[1340] Collier, _Memoirs of Alleyn_, 107; _D. N. B._ s.v. Alleyn. The
_Diary_ (Young, ii. 51) runs:
‘Oct. 1, 1617. I came to London in the coach and went to the red Bull.
2^d.
Oct. 3. I went to the red bull and ℞ for the younger brother but 3. 6.
4, water 4^d.’
_The Younger Brother_ was entered in the Stationers’
Register in 1653, but is not extant.
[1341] Heywood, _Pleasant Dialogues and Dramas_, 247.
[1342] Adams, 300.
[1343] Prynne, _Epistle_ to _Histriomastix_ (1633); W. C., _London’s
Lamentation for her Sins_ (1625), ‘Yet even then, Oh Lord, were the
theatres magnified and enlarged’.
[1344] _Fortnightly Review_ (May 1916).
[1345] Cf. App. I.
[1346] Cf. ch. xviii, _Bibl. Note_.
[1347] _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 250; cf. i. 53, 68, 72; ii. 244 (Durham
Priory), 246 (Thetford Priory), 247 (Winchester College), 248
(Magdalen, Oxford).
[1348] Strutt, _Sports and Pastimes_ (ed. Cox), 195.
[1349] Rendle, _Old Southwark_, f. p., 31.
[1350] It is also, although unnamed, in Smith’s drawing of 1588, but
that is probably based on Agas.
[1351] William Fitzstephen (_c._ 1170–82) in J. C. Robertson,
_Materials for the History of Becket_ (R. S.), iii. 11, ‘In hieme
singulis feré festis ante prandium ... pingues tauri cornipetae, seu
ursi immanes, cum objectis depugnant canibus’.
[1352] Erasmus, _Adagia_, 3354, ‘Sed intolerabilius est quod apud
Britannos complures alunt greges ursorum ad saltationem, animal
vorax et maleficum’. I owe the correct reference to Mr. P. S. Allen.
Presumably ‘greges’ is no more than ‘numbers’.
[1353] Collier, i. 42, from _Harl. MS._ 433.
[1354] _Egerton MS._ 2623, f. 11. Collier, who owned this document,
or some other modern, has substituted the name of John Dorrington.
A copy, exemplified for Morgan Pope on 18 Nov. 1585, is at Dulwich;
cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 1. Long became steward of Paris Garden in 1536
(Kingsford, 159).
[1355] Collier, i. 194, from list of fees payable by the Treasurer of
the Chamber in 1571 (_Cotton MS._ Vesp. C. xiv), ‘keapers of Beares and
Mastives, iij. Item to Mathew Becke, Sergeaunte of the beares, for his
wages per ann. 12^l 10^s 7½^d. Item to Symon Powlter, yoman, per ann.
14^l 6^s 3^d. Item to Richard Darryngton M^r and kepar of the bandogges
and mastives, per ann. 21^l 5^s 10^d’. Similarly, the Treasurer’s
_Declared Account_ for 1594–5 (_Pipe Roll_, 542) shows a total payment
to keepers of Bears and Mastiffs of £48 12_s._ 8½_d._ There is an error
in one or other entry of 10_s._
[1356] The Privy Council Acts record warrants _inter alia_ to Ralph in
1574 (Dasent, viii. 257), Thomas in 1576, 1577, 1578, 1579, and 1580
(ix. 121, 153, 335; x. 148; xi. 70, 392), Ralph in 1581 (xii. 321), and
Edward in 1581 and 1582 (xiii. 115, 311). Edward Bowes seems to have
held the Keepership of Dogs, but disclaimed having a fee of £15 17_s._
4_d._ at the subsidy of 1588 (_M. S. C._ i. 355).
[1357] Earlier licensees were William Payne and Simon Powlter (> 1574).
Wistow (_c._ 1575), John Napton, Morgan Pope (_c._ 1585–7), Thomas
Burnaby (_c._ 1590–4), and perhaps others; cf. p. 464; Wallace in _The
Times_ (1914); Kingsford, 171–8.
[1358] _Alleyn Memoirs_, 213; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 4.
[1359] Henslowe, i. 71. Some payments of June 1597 on account of a
privy seal and a patent for Alleyn (Henslowe, i. 200) may relate to
this.
[1360] _Henslowe Papers_, 98. Possibly an undated letter from Arthur
Langworth to Alleyn (_Henslowe Papers_, 99), in which he refers to
Bowes’s illness and protests against a charge of not giving Alleyn
sufficient help in procuring some ‘place’, relates to this. But it is
allusive and obscure.
[1361] _S. P. D. Eliz._ cclxviii. 18; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 12.
[1362] Probably Bowes had also held this keepership with his
Mastership, as he was drawing a fee from the Chamber in 1596 (Henslowe,
i. 128).
[1363] Muniment 19 in the _Dulwich MSS._ is a warrant of 24 Nov. 1599
by Meade to a deputy; cf. Henslowe, ii. 38. A list of fees _c._ 1600
in _Henslowe Papers_, 108, shows, under the general heading ‘Parris
garden’, only two keeperships, instead of the three of 1571, that of
Bears at £12 8_s._ 1½_d._, and that of Mastiffs at £21 5_s._ 10½_d._
[1364] _Henslowe Papers_, 12; cf. Henslowe, ii. 37.
[1365] Receipts by or on behalf of Dorrington dated Jan. and April
1602 are in _Henslowe Papers_, 101; Henslowe, i. 212. Each is for a
quarter’s ‘rent’ of £10, and the earlier is specified as ‘for the
commissyon for the Bear-garden’. A letter of May 1600 from Dorrington
to Henslowe asking him and Meade to have the ‘games’ ready for Court
is in _Henslowe Papers_, 100. In 1603 Henslowe spent 16_s._ 4_d._ ‘for
sewinge at the cort’, on petitions to Dorrington, the Lord Chamberlain,
and the Council, the drawing of two licences, and ‘our warent for
baytynge’ (_Henslowe Papers_, 109). I think that from 1603, if not
earlier, he had a regular appointment as deputy to Dorrington. On 18
April 1604 he received the Treasurer of the Chamber’s reward as ‘Deputy
Master of the Game’.
[1366] _Alleyn Memoirs_, 213; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 4.
[1367] _S. P. D. Jac. I, 1603–10_, p. 134.
[1368] _Henslowe Papers_, 101; _S. P. D. Jac. I_, x, p. 167. It appears
from a memorandum of Alleyn’s in _Henslowe Papers_, 107, that he paid
£250 for his share.
[1369] _Henslowe Papers_, 104.
[1370] This is recited in a warrant to one of their deputies in
_Henslowe Papers_, 18.
[1371] Henslowe, ii. 38. Dr. Greg gives many interesting details of the
business, and of the relations of the Masters with their agents, for
which I have not space. Others, of Bowes’s time, are in Dasent, ix. 9;
xiii. 101.
[1372] _Sydney Papers_, ii. 194 (12 May 1600), ‘This day she appointes
to see a Frenchman doe feates upon a rope, in the Conduit court. To
morrow she hath commanded the beares, the bull and the ape to be baited
in the tiltyard. Upon Wednesday she will have solemn dawncing’; cf.
_Epicoene_, iii. 1, ‘Were you ever so much as look’d upon by a lord or
a lady, before I married you, but on the Easter or Whitsun-holidays?
and then out at the banqueting-house window, when Ned Whiting or George
Stone were at the stake?’ George Stone was killed during the visit of
Christian of Denmark in 1606 (_H. P._ 105). The Court practice was
followed by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. Payments to the bearward of
Paris Garden for pastime showed at the Conduit Heads are in Harrison,
iv. 322.
[1373] Machyn, 198.
[1374] Ibid. 270; Nichols, _Eliz._ i. 305; ii. 469; Walsingham,
_Journal_, 42; Boississe, i. 345. There is a spirited description of a
baiting before Elizabeth at Kenilworth on 14 July 1575 in _Laneham’s
Letter_ (Furnivall, _Captain Cox_, 17); but I do not suppose that these
were the London bears. Leicester, whose cognizance was the bear and
ragged staff, doubtless kept his own ursine establishment.
[1375] Rye, 123.
[1376] _Pipe Office Declared Account_, 543, m. 194.
[1377] Stowe, _Annales_ (1615), 835, 865, 895.
[1378] Translated by F. Madden in _Archaeologia_, xxiii. 354.
[1379] Machyn, 198.
[1380] Translated by G. von Bülow in _2 Transactions of Royal Hist.
Soc._ ix. 230, from a manuscript in the possession of Graf von der
Osten at Plathe, Pomerania. I add for the sake of completeness the
following lines from the _Hodoeporica_ (1568, ed. 2, 1575), 224, of N.
Chytraeus, whose visit was probably _c._ 1565–7:
Opposita in Tamesis ripa, longa area paruis
Distincta aspicitur tectis, vbi magna canum vis
Vrsorumque alitur diuersarumque ferarum,
Quae canibus commissae Anglis spectacula praebent,
Hospitibusque nouis, vincti dum praelia miscent,
Luctantes aut ungue fero, vel dentibus uncis.
[1381] Cf. ch. xviii.
[1382] Translated in Rye, 45.
[1383] Cf. p. 362.
[1384] Hentzner, 196; cf. p. 363.
[1385] G. Binz in _Anglia_, xxii. 460, ‘Man pfleget auch alle Sontag
vnndt mittwochen zu Londen, yenseits desz wassers den Berenhatz zu
halten.... Der Schauplatz ist in die Ründe gebauwen, sind oben herumb
viel geng, darauf man zusicht, vnden am boden vnder dem heiteren
Himmel ist es nicht besetzet. Da bande man in mitten desz platzes
einen grossen Beeren an ein stock am langen seil an.... Wie wir die
stegen hinunter kamen, gungen wir hinder den schauwplatz, besahen die
Englischen docken, deren bey 120 in einem bezirk beysamen, yedoch
yetwederer in einem sonderbahren ställin an einer kettin angeheftet
wahren.’
[1386] _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 382.
[1387] G. von Bülow in _2 Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc._ vi. 16,
‘16 Sept. Auf den Nachmittag haben wir den Bär u. Stierhetze zugesehen
... wohlmehr as 200 Hünde an selbigem Ort in einem besonderen Häuslein
unterhalten’.
[1388] Rye, 61.
[1389] Rye, 133.
[1390] _Englische Studien_, xiv. 440.
[1391] _Epigram_ xliii:
Publius, student at the common law,
Oft leaves his books, and for his recreation,
To Paris Garden doth himself withdraw,
Where he is ravished with such delectation,
As down among the bears and dogs he goes;
Where, whilst he skipping cries, ‘To head! to head!’
His satin doublet and his velvet hose
Are all with spittle from above bespread:
When he is like his father’s country hall,
Stinking with dogs and muted all with hawks;
And rightly on him too this filth doth fall,
Which for such filthy sports his books forsakes,
Leaving old Ployden, Dyer, Brooke alone,
To see old Harry Hunks, and Sacarson.
[1392] _Merry Wives_, I. i. 306.
[1393] Dekker, _Work for Armourers_ (1609, _Works_, iv. 98), ‘At length
a blind bear was tied to the stake, and instead of baiting him with
dogs, a company of creatures that had the shapes of men and faces of
Christians (being either colliers, carters, or watermen) took the
office of beadles upon them, and whipped Monsieur Hunkes till the blood
ran down his old shoulders’.
[1394] _Coryats Crudities_ (1611), i. 114, ‘Hunks of the Beare-garden
to be feared if he be nigh on’.
[1395] Cf. p. 453. Nashe, _Strange News_ (1592, _Works_, i. 281, also
names ‘great Ned’ and adds ‘Harry of Tame’. In 1590 Burnaby had at the
Bear Garden ‘Tom Hunckes’, ‘Whitinge’, ‘Harry of Tame’, three other
bears, three bulls, a horse, an ape. A ‘great’ bear was worth £8 or
£10, a bull £4 or £5 (Kingsford, 175).
[1396] _Puritan_, iii. 5, ‘How many dogs do you think I had upon me?...
almost as many as George Stone, the bear; three at once’.
[1397] _Henslowe Papers_, 106.
[1398] _Copley Accounts_, s. a. 1575, in _Collectanea Genealogica et
Topographica_, viii. 253, ‘Gyven to the master of Paryshe Garden his
man for goynge with Thos. Sharples into Barmensy Street to see certen
mastyve dogges’.
[1399] R. Crowley, _One and thyrtye Epigrammes_ (1550, ed. E. E. T.
S.), 381:
And yet me thynke those men be mooste foles of all,
Whose store of money is but verye smale,
And yet euerye Sondaye they will surely spende
One peny or two, the bearwardes lyuyng to mende.
At Paryse garden, eche Sundaye, a man shall not fayle
To fynde two or thre hundredes for the bearwardes vaile.
One halpenye a piece they vse for to giue,
When some haue no more in their purse, I belieue;
Jonson, _Execration upon Vulcan_ (_Works_, iii. 322):
a threatning to the bears,
And that accursed ground, the Paris-garden;
Taylor, _Bull, Bear and Horse_ (1638):
And that we have obtained again the game,
Our Paris Garden flag proclaims the same.
Cf. Sir John Davies’ lines already quoted; also Dekker,
ii. 125 (_News from Hell_), iv. 109 (_Work for Armourers_), &c., &c.
[1400] Stowe, _Annales_, 695.
[1401] _Henslowe Papers_, 15, 104. Miss Dormer Harris kindly tells me
that the Coventry Corporation rewarded the ‘Bearward of palace Garden’
in 1576–7.
[1402] Cf. p. 411.
[1403] Malone, _Variorum_, xix. 483; Rendle, _Bankside_, iii;
_Antiquarian_, vii. 277; Ordish, 128.
[1404] _Annales Monasterii de Bermundseia_, s. a. 1113 (Luard,
_Annales Monastici_, iii. 432), ‘Hoc anno Robertus Marmion dedit
hidam de Wideflete cum molendino et aliis pertinentibus suis monachis
de Bermundeseye’; _Register of Hospital of St. John_, s. a. 1420
(_Monasticon Anglicanum_, vi. 819), ‘Haec sunt statuta et ordinationes
concernentia locum privilegiatum vocatum Parishgardyn, alias dictum
Wideflete, sive Wiles, cum pertinentiis, facta per Johannem nuper
Ducem Bedfordiae, firmarium ibidem, anno Domini mccc[c]xx’ [Rules for
a sanctuary, with a dominus, senescallus, ballivus, constabularius,
and societas, follow]; _Liber Fundatorum of St. John_ (ibid. vi. 832),
‘Molendina de Wideflete cum gardino vocato Parish-gardin ... tenentur
de Abbate de Barmondesey’ (1434). Kingsford, 157, traces the manor
through Bermondsey priory, the Templars, and St. John’s Hospital to the
Crown in 1536.
[1405] Blount, _Glossographia_ (ed. 4, 1674), 469, quotes _Close Roll,
16 Rich. II_, dorso ii. Kingsford, 156, translates the writ, which
is abstracted (Sharpe, _Letter Book H_, 392), ‘Writ to the Mayor
and Sheriffs to proclaim ordinances made in the last Parliament at
Winchester to the effect that the laystall or latrine (fimarium sive
sterquilinium) on the bank of the Thames near the house of Robert de
Parys be removed, and a house be built on its site for the use of
butchers, where they may cut up their offal and take it in boats to
mid-stream and cast it into the water at ebb-tide.... Witness the King
at Westminster 21 Feb. 16 Rich. II’. The ordinance is recorded in _Rot.
Parl._ iii. 306.
[1406] _Index to Remembrancia_, 478.
[1407] Brewer, xxi. 2. 88, ‘a licence for Thomas Fluddie, yeoman of
your Majesty’s bears, to bait and make pastime with your Graces bears
at the accustomed place at London, called the Stewes, notwithstanding
the proclamation’ (Sept. 1546); Machyn, 78, ‘The sam day [9 Dec. 1554]
at after-non was a bere-beytyn on the Banke syde, and ther the grett
blynd bere broke losse, and in ronnyng away he chakt a servyng man by
the calff of the lege, and bytt a gret pesse away, and after by the
hokyll-bone, that within iij days after he ded’.
[1408] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_ (ed. 1846), v. 388. Collier, iii.
94, cites ‘a book of the expenses of the Northumberland family’ to the
effect that the earl went to Paris Garden to behold the bear-baiting in
1525–6. Ordish, 129, criticizes this on the ground that the statement
is not in the _Northumberland Household Book_ printed by Percy. It was
in fact a different book, from which Collier, i. 86, gives entries,
of which one is of boat-hire from and to ‘Parys gardyn’. But there is
nothing about bear-baiting.
[1409] _Account of Treasurer of Chamber_, s. a. 1515 (Brewer, ii.
1466), ‘Hen. Anesley, conveying the King’s barge from Greenwich to
Parys Garden, 16^d’.
[1410] Ordish, 127.
[1411] In _Shaw v. Langley_ (1597) the Swan is described as ‘in the
oulde Parrisgardin’, although there is no specific mention of baiting
(_E. S._ xliii. 345, 355).
[1412] Fleetwood, writing to Burghley on 13 July 1578 (Rendle,
_Antiquarian_, vii. 274, from _S. P. D. Eliz._ cxxv. 21), describes
intrigues of the French ambassador ‘on the Thames side behind Paris
Garden toward Lambeth, in the fields ... I got a skuller to Paris
Garden, but the place was dark and shadowed with trees, that one man
cannot see another unless they have _lynceos oculos_ or els cattes
eys, shewing how admirable a place it was for such doings. The place
is that boowre of conspiracies, it is the college of male cownsell....
There be certain _virgulta_ or eightes of willows set by the Thames
near that place; they grow now exceeding thick, and a notable covert
for confederates to shrowd in; a milkmade lately did see the French
ambassador land in that _virgulta_’.
[1413] The ring, without a name, is also shown in Smith’s drawing
(1588), but this is probably based on one of the maps.
[1414] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 57, from _Exchequer Depositions, 18
Jac. I_. The depositions also mention a bull-house built in a dog-yard,
a bear-house, a hay-house, a pond for the bears to wash in, and a pond
for dead dogs. Kingsford, 175, gives fuller extracts.
[1415] Stowe, _Survey_, ii. 54. A short passage in i. 95 adds nothing.
[1416] Stowe (1615), 695.
[1417] Halliwell, _Dr. Dee’s Diary_ (C. S.), 18; App. C, No. xxxi; App.
D, No. lxiv. The ballad of which four stanzas are given by Collier, i.
244, is presumably a forgery.
[1418] More, _Works_ (ed. 1557), 208, ‘This is much like as at Beuerlay
late, whan much of the people beyng at a bere baytyng, the church
fell sodeinly down at euensonge tyme, and ouer whelmed some that than
were in it: a good felow, that after herde the tale tolde, “lo”, quod
he, “now maie you see what it is to be at euensong whan ye should be
at the bere baytynge”. How be it, the hurt was not ther in beinge at
euensonge, but in that the churche was falsely wrought’.
[1419] App. D, No. lxx.
[1420] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 57.
[1421] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 57; _Bankside_, xxx, with map.
[1422] The tithes were for ‘the bear garden and for the ground
adjoining to the same where the dogs are’ (Rendle, _Bankside_, v).
It was for Morgan Pope that Bowes’s patent as Master of the Game was
exemplified in 1585; cf. p. 450.
[1423] Henslowe, ii. 25, from _Egerton MS._ 2623, f. 13, and _Dulwich
MS._ iv. 21.
[1424] Henslowe, i. 71, ‘Ano do 1595 the xxviij^{th} of Novembere
Reseved of M^r Henslow the day and yeare abov written the som of syx
poundes of curant mony of England and is in part of a mor som [yf he
the sayd] by twyxt the sayd Phillyp Henslow and me consaning a bargen
of the beargarden I say Reseved vj^{ll}. By me John Mavlthouse. Wittnes
I E Alley.’ I take the words in square brackets, which are cancelled
in the diary, to represent ‘if he proceed’. In Henslowe, i. 43, are
further receipts for 40_s._ ‘in part of the bargen for the tenymentes
on the bankes syd’ in Dec. 1595, and sums of £10, £20, and £4 for
unspecified purposes in Jan. and Feb. 1596. Kingsford, 177, gives the
date of Henslowe’s purchase.
[1425] Henslowe, i. 209; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 109.
[1426] Henslowe, ii. 25.
[1427] _Henslowe Papers_, 107. I agree with Dr. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 30,
39) that it is difficult to see what a lease from Thomas Garland to
Henslowe and Alleyn in 1608 of a close called Long Slip or Long Meadow
in Lambeth can have had to do with the baiting. But Alleyn added the
word ‘Bear-garden’ to the original endorsement ‘M^r Garlands lece’
(_Henslowe Papers_, 12). Perhaps the land was used for some subsidiary
purpose in connexion with the Garden.
[1428] _Henslowe Papers_, 110; _Architectural Review_, xlvii. 152.
[1429] Full text in _Alleyn Memoirs_, 78; abstract in _Henslowe
Papers_, 102.
[1430] Henslowe, i. 214; cf. p. 189 (_supra_).
[1431] Cf. p. 458.
[1432] Cf. ch. xviii.
[1433] _Henslowe Papers_, 19, from Dulwich Muniment 49; also printed in
_Variorum_, iii. 343. Muniment 50 is Katherens’ bond, and Muniment 51
a sub-contract of 8 Sept. 1613 with John Browne, bricklayer, to do the
brickwork for £80.
[1434] Cf. p. 370.
[1435] Taylor, _Works_ (1630), 304, with a reply by Fennor and
rejoinder by Taylor. Incidentally Taylor mentions the arras of the
theatre and the tiles with which it was covered.
[1436] The Southwark vestry order of 1 May 1598 (App. D, No. cxv) seems
to connect him with ‘play-houses’, but I doubt whether anything but the
bear garden is meant.
[1437] Cf. _Satiromastix_, 1247, ‘Th’ast a breath as sweet as the Rose
that growes by the Beare-Garden’.
[1438] _Alleyn Memoirs_, 159.
[1439] Ordish, 235. No date can be assigned to _A North Countrey Song_
in _Wit and Drollery_ (1656):
When I’se come there [to Paris Garden], I was in a rage,
I rayl’d on him that kept the Beares,
Instead of a Stake was suffered a Stage,
And in Hunkes his house a crue of Players.
[1440] Collier, iii. 102.
[1441] Cf. p. 375.
[1442] Ordish, 244. A Bearsfoot Alley shown farther to the east by
Rocque (1746) may derive from one of the earlier baiting-places.
[1443] C. W. Wallace in _The Times_ (30 April 1914), ‘We present John
Wardner William Sellors and all the land holders or their tenantes that
holde anie landes gardeines ground or tenementes abbutting vpon the
common sewer leadinge from Sellors gardin to the beare garden to cast
clense and scoure their and euerie one of their seuerall partes of the
common sewer by Candlemas nexte vpon paine of euerie pole then vndone
... ij^s’.
[1444] Cf. p. 458.
[1445] E. Hake, _Newes out of Poules Churchyarde_ (1579), Sat. v:
What else but gaine and money gote
Maintaines each Saboth day
The bayting of the Beare and Bull?
What brings this brutish play?
Many of the attacks on plays (App. C) also refer to
baiting.
[1446] App. D, No. lxxxiv.
[1447] App. D, No. cxxxii.
[1448] ‘In the late quenes tyme fre libertie was permited with
owt restrainte to bayght them which now is tacken a way frome vs
especiallye one the Sondayes in the after none after devine service
which was the cheffest meanes and benefit to the place’; cf. p. 452.
[1449] Cf. p. 375.
[1450] _Henslowe Papers_, 88, 125.
[1451] Printed in _M. S. C._ i. 277, from _P. R. 13 Jac. I_, pt. 20;
also by Collier, i. 381, and Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 46, from the Signet
Bill, misdescribed as the Privy Seal, of 31 May.
[1452] Cf. App. D, No. clvii.
[1453] Cf. App. D, No. clx. Collier, i. 384, without giving his
authority, says that the Corporation reported the carrying out of this
mandate ‘before three days had elapsed’.
[1454] Shaw. ii. 107. Sir Thomas Saunders had the same lodgings _c._
1551 (cf. p. 478, n. 4; _M. S. C._ ii. 120).
[1455] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars); _M. S. C._ ii. 93, 110, 120.
[1456] W. P. Baildon, _Black Books of Lincoln’s Inn_, iv. 263; C. F. R.
Palmer, _The Friar-Preachers of Holborn, London_ (_Reliquary_, xvii.
33, 75).
[1457] Stowe, _Survey_, i. 9, 27, 40, 64, 339; ii. 14, 44, 89; (1720)
i. 3. 177; Halle, ii. 150; Nicolas, _Acts of Privy Council_, _passim_;
_Rot. Parl._ v. 171; Clapham, 58; _V. H._ i. 498; Brewer, iv. 2483;
Riley, _Memorials of London_, 90; Baldwin, 154, 261, 355, 358, 499;
Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, i. 426, ‘for the ease of resorting of the
Lordys that are withinne the toun’.