[1458] _V. H._ i. 498.

[1459] Brewer, iii. 2. 1053.

[1460] Ibid. xiii. 2. 215.

[1461] Rymer, xiv. 609; Brewer, xiii. 2. 320.

[1462] _M. S. C._ ii. 3.

[1463] Ibid. ii. 4, 6, 8, 109, 114. Cawarden had had a lease of part of

the property on 4 April 1548.

[1464] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178.

[1465] Printed from _Journal_, 14, f. 129, as appendix to _Memoranda,

References, and Documents relating to the Royal Hospitals of the City

of London_ (1836).

[1466] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178. Portinari was a pensioner _c._ 1526

(Brewer, iv. 871), and he was aged 64 in 1572 (_M. S. C._ ii. 52). He

was a Florentine by birth and an engineer by profession (_Sp. P._ ii.

399; Winwood, i. 145).

[1467] _B. M. Lansd. MS._ 155, f. 80^v.

[1468] _M. S. C._ ii. 2, 5, 103, 127; Stowe (1598), i. 339; _Athenaeum_

(1886), ii. 91; Dasent, xxvi. 448; xxvii. 13.

[1469] In 1585 the Lord Mayor asked that the Blackfriars might

contribute to the musters (Stowe, ed. Strype, i. 3. 180). In 1588

and 1593 requisitions for a levy were sent to the chief officer, i.

e. the constable, and the inhabitants (Dasent, xv. 428; xxiv. 30).

But in 1589 similar action was taken through the Lord Mayor (Dasent,

xvii. 118). A local dispute was referred to Richard Young and another

Middlesex justice in 1591, with whom the Lord Mayor was joined because

a City company was involved (Dasent, xx. 245, 283). Young and others

again received the Council’s instructions, after they had heard the

inhabitants, on a building matter in 1591 (Dasent, xxi. 337). At a time

of danger in 1592 the keeping of a midsummer watch was committed to

Lord Cobham (Dasent, xxii. 551).

[1470] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 183; Dasent, iii. 235 (Letter of 14 March

1551 ‘to the Maiour of London to suffer the Lorde Cobham, the Lorde

Wardein, and others dwelling within the Blacke Freres t’enjoye their

liberties there’). The riot was put down by Sir Thomas Saunders, Sir

Henry Jerningham, and William More.

[1471] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 183.

[1472] Stowe, ed. Strype (1720), i. 3. 184. The Blackfriars papers

added by A. Munday in 1618 appear to be all notes and examinations

taken by Sir Thomas Saunders, who appealed to the Earl of Arundel for

support.

[1473] Dasent, viii. 240, 257.

[1474] Dasent, x. 429; xii. 19. Pending a decision the Lord Mayor was

directed ‘not to intermeddle in any cawse within the saide liberties,

savinge onlie for the punishment of fellons as heretofore he hath don’.

The report dated 27 Jan. 1580 is printed by Ingleby, 250, from the

Bridgewater MSS. It seems to be genuine. Collier does not print it,

although he mentions it (_New Facts_, 9) in connexion with a forged

Privy Council order which he dates 23 Dec. 1579. Wallace, ii. 22,

describes an unprinted statement of the City’s case, dated 27 Jan.

1579, in _Letter Book_ Z, f. 23^v.

[1475] Dasent, xv. 137; Stowe (1720), i. 3. 177.

[1476] This may be the undated petition relating both to the

Blackfriars and the Whitefriars in _B. M. Lansd. MS._ 155, f. 79^v.

[1477] Wallace, i. 174, from _Loseley MSS._, bundle 425.

[1478] _M. S. C._ ii. 124; cf. Dasent, xiii. 76.

[1479] Dasent, xxvi. 448. Lord Hunsdon and Sir John Fortescue, both

residents in or near the Blackfriars, sat on the commission with the

chief justices. Lady Russell records the want of a steward and bailiff

to keep order in 1597 (_Hatfield MSS._ vii. 298).

[1480] Dasent, xxvii. 13; xxx. 134, 149; cf. App. D, No. cxxvi.

[1481] W. de G. Birch, _Historical Charters and Constitutional

Documents of the City of London_, 142. James is said to have made the

City pay for the rebuilding of the Banqueting House (cf. ch. i) in

return for this extension of jurisdiction (Goodman, ii. 176). Collier,

_N. F._ 20, 22, 32, although ignorant of the charter, quotes documents

relating to the status of the Blackfriars in 1608, of which two at

least, a note of the interest of the players in the theatre and a

letter in their favour signed ‘H. S.’, are forgeries (Ingleby, 244,

246, 256).

[1482] _M. S. C._ ii. 66, 114; cf. Cawarden’s i. p.m. in Fry, _London

Inquisitiones Post Mortem_, i. 191.

[1483] The general lie of Blackfriars can be gathered from Stowe

(1598), i. 313; ii. 11, with the maps described in the _Bibl. Note_ to

ch. xvi, and the modern ordnance maps. The earlier maps are largely

picturesque, and notably place far too much of the precinct on the

east of Water Lane. But they seem to preserve certain details, such as

the arches over the north to south highway. The old lines of the roads

appear to have been preserved at the rebuilding after the great fire of

1666. I have added some details from other sources.

[1484] _M. S. C._ ii. 115.

[1485] The reconstructed map of London by Emery Walker in C. L.

Kingsford’s edition of Stowe gives this name in error to Water Lane.

[1486] The 1586 documents in Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178, state that the

prior held of the lord of St. John’s, ‘who did make the bridge at the

Thames’. Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 454, however, quotes a Declared Account of

1550 for ‘the ereccion and buyldynge ... of two bridges thone at the

Blackfreers and thother at the Temple’. Under Elizabeth the liberty

maintained the bridge as well as that at Bridewell (_Lansd. MS._ 155,

f. 80^v). The tenure from St. John’s is also alleged (1587) in Dasent,

xv. 137. It is rather curious that in an endorsement of the survey of

St. John’s in 1586–7 (Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 47) that house, although in

Clerkenwell, is described, perhaps by a slip, as in the Blackfriars.

[1487] _M. S. C._ ii. 115. For the ‘turngate’ cf. _M. S. C._ ii. 114;

Strype (1720), i. 3. 184. This, with the great gate, and the gates at

the Thames and Fleet bridges, made up the four gates of conventual

times. The gate, over which Shakespeare had a house, where Ireland Yard

debouches into St. Andrew’s Hill, was probably of later date.

[1488] _M. S. C._ ii. 6, 11, 109.

[1489] The upper gate is described in a lease as ‘a gate of the Citie

of London’ (_Loseley MS._ 1396, f. 44). It may have been a relic of the

pre-1276 wall. Its site is shown on the Ordnance map. The lower gate is

visible in the maps of Braun and Agas. It seems to have carried Charles

V’s gallery over the roadway to the guest-house.

[1490] _M. S. C._ ii. 9, 107, 110; Clapham, 64.

[1491] The details for the rest of this paragraph are mainly taken

from Crown surveys of 1548 and 1550 (_M. S. C._ ii. 6, 8), and from a

memorandum by Cawarden on the grants anterior to his own (_M. S. C._

ii. 1, 103), and Professor Feuillerat’s notes of the original patents

which illustrate this.

[1492] _M. S. C._ ii. 9, 107, 114; Clapham, 62; _London Inquisitiones

Post Mortem_, ii. 115.

[1493] Ibid. 9, 10, 112.

[1494] Ibid. 111, 113.

[1495] Ibid. 110; Clapham, 63.

[1496] Ibid. 10, 110, 114.

[1497] Ibid. 3.

[1498] Some vaulted fragments stood until 1900 at a spot which must

have been just east of the school-house. Possibly they formed part of

the provincial’s lodging. They are shown in a plan of _c._ 1670–80

(Clapham, 71), and their condition in 1900 was carefully recorded

(Clapham, 69, 70, 78). Only a fragment of wall is now _in situ_, just

north of what is now the west end of Ireland Yard, but appears on the

seventeenth-century plan as Cloister Court. It must, however, have run

out from the south-east corner of the cloister towards the east. The

name Cloister Court has now passed to a yard farther south.

[1499] Clapham, 68; cf. p. 486.

[1500] Clapham suggests, plausibly enough, that the description (_c._

1394) of a Dominican house in _Pierce the Ploughmans Crede_ (ed. Skeat,

_E. E. T. S._ 153–215) was based upon the London Blackfriars. The

following passages relate to the cloister and refectory.

Þanne kam i to þat cloister . & gaped abouten

Whouȝ it was pilered and peynt . & portred well clene,

All y-hyled wiþ leed . lowe to þe stones,

And y-paued wiþ peynt til . iche poynte after oþer;

With kundites of clene tyn . closed all aboute,

Wiþ lauoures of latun . louelyche y-greithed....

... Þanne was þe chaptire-hous wrouȝt . as a greet chirche,

Coruen and couered . and queyntliche entayled;

Wiþ semlich selure . y-set on lofte;

As a Parlement-hous . y-peynted aboute....

... Þanne ferd y into fraytour . and fond þere an oþer,

An halle for an heyȝ king . an housholde to holden,

Wiþ brode bordes aboute . y-benched wel clene,

Wiþ windowes of glas . wrouȝt as a Chirche....

... Chambers wiþ chymneyes . & Chapells gaie;

And kychens for an hyȝe kinge . in castells to holden,

And her dortour y-diȝte . wiþ dores ful stronge;

Fermery and fraitur . with fele mo houses,

And all strong ston wall . sterne opon heiþe,

Wiþ gaie garites & grete . & iche hole y-glased;

And oþere houses y-nowe . to herberwe þe queene.

[1501] _M. S. C._ ii. 1.

[1502] Ibid. 13, 115.

[1503] Ibid. 6, 8, gives the texts of two surveys (_a_) of the property

leased to Cawarden on 4 April 1548, (_b_) of that included in his grant

of 12 March 1550.

[1504] Ibid. 7, 12, 35; cf. p. 499.

[1505] _London Inquisitiones Post Mortem_, i. 191; cf. _M. S. C._ ii.

4, 12.

[1506] Stowe (1598), i. 341; _Athenaeum_ (1886), ii. 91; _M. S. C._ ii.

2, 127; Hennessy, 88; _Loseley MSS._

[1507] _M. S. C._ ii. 103.

[1508] Ibid. 92, 117.

[1509] Ibid. 21, 31, 92, 126.

[1510] Ibid. 21, 93, 119. They were let to Henry Knowles in 1565 and

had been earlier occupied by Roger Lygon, Lady Parr, and Sir Thomas

Saunders. Later Nicholas Saunders had them.

[1511] Ibid. 117, 124, 125, show Anthony Browne, probably, as tenant in

1560, Henry Lord Hunsdon, probably, in 1584 and 1585, and Ralph Bowes

in 1596.

[1512] Dasent, xxi. 402, gives a Privy Council letter of 18 August

1591 to the Lord Mayor requiring him to repair the supply pipe from

Clerkenwell; cf. p. 494.

[1513] (1548) ‘A Cuchin yarde, an owlde Cuchyn, an entre or passage

Ioyninge to the same, conteyninge in lengethe 84 fote, abuttinge to

the lane aforseide on the weste side, being in breddethe at that ende

68 fote, Abuttinge ageanste an owlde butery on the easte side, being

in breddethe at that ende 74 foote, Abuttinge to M^r Portynarys parler

nexte the lane on the Southe side, And to my lorde Cobhames brick

wall and garden on the Northe syde. An owlde buttery and an entrye or

passage with a greate stayre therin, with Sellers therunder, with a

hall place at the vpper ende of the stayre and an entere there to the

ffrater ouer the same buttery, all which conteyne in lengethe 36 foote

and in breddethe 95 foote, abuttinge to the cloyster on the Este side,

the Cuchin on the weste side, to the lorde Cobhams howse on the Northe

syde, and on the Sowthe side to a blynd parlour that my lorde warden

did clame.

A howse called the vpper frater conteyninge in lengethe 107 foote

and in breddethe 52 foote, abuttinge Sowthe and easte to my ladye

Kingestons howse and garden, Northe to a hall where the kinges revelles

lyes at this presente, and weste towardes the seide Duchie Chamber and

M^r Portynaryes howse.

[Sidenote: Memorandum my lorde warden clamethe the seide hall, parlour,

Cutchin and Chaumber.]

A hall and a parlour vnder the seide frater of the same lengethe

and breddethe, A litle Cuchen conteyning in lengethe 23 foote and

in breddethe 22 foote abuttinge to the aforseide lane on the weste,

towardes the seide parlour on the este, to M^r Portinarys howse on

the northe, and to a waye ledinge to my ladye Kingestons howse on the

southe, A litle Chamber with a voyde rome therunder, conteyning in

lengethe 26 fote, in breddeth 10 foote, abuttinge weste to the cuchin,

este to the parlour, northe to M^r Portinarys howse, and ye seid way to

my ladie Kingestons howse Sowthe, with 4 small Sellers or darke holes

therunder.

A voyde rome, beinge an entre towardes the lytle cytchin and colehowse,

conteyning in lengeth 30 fote and in breddethe 17 fote.

A Chamber called the Duchie Chaumber, with a darke loginge therunder,

conteyninge in lengthe 50 fote and in breddethe 16 foote, abuttinge

este ageanste the north ende of the seide ffrater, abuttinge weste on

M^r Portinaryes parlour ---- 66^s 8^d.’

(1550) ‘One Kitchyn yarde, an olde Kitchyn, an Entrie or passage

ioyneinge to the same, Conteineinge in lengthe 84 fote, abutinge to

the Lane aforesaid on the west side, beinge in bredethe at that ende

three score fowrtene fote, abutinge to M^r Portinareys parler next the

Lane on the southe side and to the Lord Cobham brickewall & gardeine

on the Northe side. One olde Butterie & a Entrie or passage with a

great staier therein, with Cellers therevnder, with a Hawle place at

the vpper ende of the staiers and a entrie there to the ffrater ouer

the same butterie, which all conteinethe in lengthe 95 fote and in

bredethe 36 fote, abuttinge to the Cloyster on thest side, the kitchyn

on the west side, to the Lorde Cobham howse on the northe side, and

on the southe side to a blinde parler that my Lord warden did Clayme.

One howse called the vpper ffrater conteinethe in Lengthe 107 fote and

in bredethe 52 fote, Abuttinge southe and est to the Ladie Kingston

howse and gardein, northe to a hawle where the Kinges Revelles

Liethe at theis presentes, and west towardes the Duchie Chamber and

M^r Portinareyes howse. A voide rome, beinge an Entrie towardes the

Litle Kitchyn & Cole howse, conteininge in Lengthe 30 fote and in

bredethe 17 fote. One Chamber called the Duchie chamber, with a darke

Lodginge there vnder, conteininge in Lengthe 50 fote and in bredethe

16 fote, abuttinge est agaynst the northe ende of the said ffrater,

and abuttinge west apon M^r Portinareys parler. All which premisses be

valued to be worthe by yere ---- iij^{li} vj^s viij^d.’

[1514] _M. S. C._ ii. 14, 24, 116, 117, 119, 120; cf. p. 482. The stone

gallery was removed in 1564.

[1515] Ibid. 13, 16, 115.

[1516] Ibid. 14, 16.

[1517] Ibid. 7, 11, ‘an entrye or passage with a greate stayre therin’

(1548, 1550), 21 ‘one entrye ledinge vnder parcell of the premysses

demysed from that end of the house of William More wherin John Horleye

his servaunt doth lodge’ (1560), 118, ‘the entre in the west ende

of the garden openyng into the same garden’ (1560), 31, ‘an entrye

leadynge from the sayde voyde ground into the sayd dwellynge howse or

tenement of the sayd Sir William More’ (1576), 63, ‘the dore entry way

voide ground and passage leadinge and vsed to and from the saide greate

yard nexte the saide Pipe Office’ (1596), 126, ‘the gate-house with

the appurtenances on the west side of the sayd monastery’ (1611), ‘the

great gate near the play-house’ (1617).

[1518] _M. S. C._ ii. 20.

[1519] Ibid. 14 (cf. 116), ‘vnius paris graduum ducentium a coquina

predicta vsque magnum claustrum’ (1546), 21, ‘the waye ledinge from the

house and garden of William More towards the Water Lane’, ‘one entrye

ledinge vnder parcell of the premysses demysed from the garden of

William More to the voide grounde’ (1560), 119.

[1520] Ibid. 16.

[1521] Ibid. 115.

[1522] Ibid. 27, 29.

[1523] The whole length of the Neville-Farrant holding is given in

1560 (_M. S. C._ ii. 20) as 157½ ft., and in 1576 (_M. S. C._ ii. 29)

as 156½ ft. As this included 37 ft. of the northern block, 119½ ft. or

120½ ft. seems to be left for the staircase and frater. The difference

between inside and outside measurements often causes confusion in old

surveys.

[1524] _M. S. C._ ii. 62, 119; cf. p. 504.

[1525] Ibid. 94.

[1526] Cf. p. 513.

[1527] _M. S. C._ ii. 105.

[1528] The room is described as ‘intrale seu le parlour’ in Cawarden’s

grant of 1550.

[1529] _M. S. C._ ii. 105, 124. There was yet another room under the

infirmary. One Kempe, an assign of Lady Kingston’s heir, tried to claim

the Parliament Chamber from Cawarden, on the strength of her grant of

the infirmary.

[1530] Cf. p. 504.

[1531] On Cheyne’s houses cf. p. 499.

[1532] _M. S. C._ ii. 42–51. This hall is doubtless the ground-floor

frater referred to in a document of _c_. 1562 (_M. S. C._ ii. 105).

[1533] Cf. p. 499. The ‘blinde parler that my Lord warden did clayme’

and ‘the litle kitchyn and cole howse’ are mentioned in the survey of

1550 to define the position of other parcels. But the hall and parlour

might be held to be covered by the grant of the ‘howse called the vpper

frater’, and I do not know what the ‘little tenement’ near that held by

Kirkham from Cheyne was, if it was not the little chamber and kitchen.

It is noteworthy that the disputed rooms, after being included, with

a note of Cheyne’s claim, in the survey of 1548, were left out of

Cawarden’s lease of the same year.

[1534] _M. S. C._ ii. 109.

[1535] Brewer, ii. 2. 1494.

[1536] _Tudor Revels_, 7.

[1537] Feuillerat, _Edw. and Mary_, 255; Wallace, i. 140.

[1538] _Athenaeum_ (1886), ii. 91.

[1539] Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 430; cf. _M. S. C._ ii. 120; Wallace, i. 192.

[1540] _M. S. C._ ii. 35. I do not know whether More deliberately

confused the Tents and Revels.

[1541] Ibid. 52.

[1542] Ibid. 105.

[1543] Ibid. 14, 116; _Hist. MSS._ vii. 603.

[1544] Ibid. 15.

[1545] Only an abstract of title at the date of the sale exists

(Barrett, _Apothecaries_, 46), but Apothecaries’ Hall occupies the site

of these rooms.

[1546] _M. S. C._ ii. 4, 9; Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 440. In 1552 Jane

Fremownte had succeeded Barnard (_M. S. C._ ii. 115), but she cannot

have had the whole of the original lodge, as her 4 ft. entry on Water

Lane is too small to have been the main access to the cloister.

Probably part had been granted to her neighbour, Sir George Harper. Nor

did all her holding pass to Cobham in 1554. Some of it was probably

added to the house on the north, which occupied the site of the old

church porch.

[1547] _M. S. C._ ii. 44, 53; cf. p. 502.

[1548] Ibid. 51, 121.

[1549] Ibid. 16.

[1550] Feuillerat, _Edw. and Mary_, 210, 230, 242, 301; _Eliz._ 103,

107.

[1551] _M. S. C._ ii. 118, ‘one other grete rome or vawte next the

ground next the entre in the west ende of the garden openyng into the

same garden wherin now the robes of the revelles do lye’ (Lease of 12

Feb. 1560).

[1552] _M. S. C._ ii. 19.

[1553] Cf. p. 489.

[1554] _M. S. C._ ii. 105, 118.

[1555] Ibid. 119, 120.

[1556] Wallace, i. 175.

[1557] _M. S. C._ ii. 119.

[1558] Ibid. 27; Wallace, i. 175.

[1559] Wallace, i. 175.

[1560] _M. S. C._ ii. 120.

[1561] Ibid. 27.

[1562] _Jahrbuch_, xlviii. 92; Wallace, i. 131.

[1563] Ibid. 93; _M. S. C._ ii. 28; Wallace, i. 132.

[1564] On the plays performed there, cf. chh. xii, xiii (Chapel,

Paul’s, Oxford’s). Collier appears to have been aware, probably from

the Lyly prologues and the reference in Gosson, _P. C._ 188, of the

existence of the earlier Blackfriars play-house, and to have dated it,

by a singular coincidence, in 1576. He knew nothing of the real facts,

but inferred (_H. E. D. P._ i. 219) that the undated petition of the

Blackfriars inhabitants, which is really of 1596, was of 1576, on the

strength of a reference in it to a banishment of the players from the

City, which an incorrect endorsement on a _Lansdowne MS._ (cf. App. D,

No. lxxv) had led him to place in 1575. This did not prevent him from

also assigning the petition, with a forged reply from the players, to

1596 (cf. p. 508). He proceeded to forge (_a_) an order dated 23 Dec.

1579 for the toleration of Leicester’s men at the Blackfriars (_New

Facts_, 9), and (_b_) a memorial by Shakespeare and others as Queen’s

men and Blackfriars ‘sharers’ in 1589 (_New Facts_, 11; cf. Ingleby,

244, 249).

[1565] Cf. ch. xii (Chapel).

[1566] _Jahrbuch_, xlviii. 99; Wallace, i. 152 (Will of Farrant, 30

Nov. 1580), 153 (Anne Farrant to More, 25 Dec. 1580), 154 (Leicester to

More, 19 Sept. 1581), 158 (Anne Farrant to Walsingham, _c._ 1583), 159

(Court of Common Pleas, _Farrant v. Hunnis_ and _Farrant v. Newman_,

1583–4), 160 (Court of Requests, _Newman and Hunnis v. Farrant_, 1584),

177 (Wolley to More, 13 Jan. 1587), 174 (Memoranda by More, _c._ 1587;

cf. Dasent, xv. 137).

[1567] _M. S. C._ ii. 123. More’s rental of 1584 includes £50 from

Hunsdon for the mansion house, £20 from Oxford, £8 from Lyly; that of

1585 the same three sums, all from Hunsdon. But the two smaller sums

represent twice Farrant’s rent, which was £14.

[1568] Kempe, 495; _M. S. C._ ii. 123; Wallace, i. 186 (More to

Hunsdon, 8 April 1586; Hunsdon to More, 27 April 1586; Hunsdon to More,

14 April 1590; More to Hunsdon, draft, 17 April 1590; More to Hunsdon,

18 April 1590). Did the Paul’s ‘boyes’ keep up connexion with the

Blackfriars by learning dancing and perhaps playing in Frith’s school?

[1569] _M. S. C._ ii. 61, 93, 94, 98.

[1570] Ibid. 123 (Skinner to More, 11 Oct. 1591).

[1571] Ibid. 50, 54.

[1572] This may have been Thomas Hale, Groom of the Tents, who was a

witness in the case (ibid. 44), or the Thomas Hall, musician, who in

1565 was sub-tenant of Frith’s garrets (ibid. 119).

[1573] Ibid. 35 (memorandum by More), 36 (award by arbitrators), 40

(depositions of More’s witnesses), 122 (notes of evidence by Pole’s

witnesses).

[1574] On Bonetti’s career as a fencer, cf. Wallace, i. 187; _M. S. C._

ii. 122; Reyher, 257; G. Silver, _Paradoxes of Defence_, 64.

[1575] _M. S. C._ ii. 56; Wallace, i. 188 (Willoughby to More, July

1584), 190.

[1576] Wallace, i. 189; _M. S. C._ ii. 122. I do not think the lease

of the fencing-school was in question between More and Bonetti. Both

Raleigh’s letter and the workmen’s petition imply house-building, not

mere internal repairs. Bonetti could have added no building to the

fencing-school except perhaps the kitchen which adjoined in 1596 (ibid.

61). But the western house had been extensively rebuilt by 1584.

[1577] Ibid. 55.

[1578] Ibid. 56. The whole description from ‘All w^{ch} six foote & a

halfe’ (l. 18) to ‘xxxix foote & viij inches’ (l. 29) is parenthetic, a

point which the punctuation obscures.

[1579] Cf. chh. ii, xiii (Chamberlain’s).

[1580] _M. S. C._ ii. 124; cf. p. 490.

[1581] Ibid. 62; cf. p. 504.

[1582] _M. S. C._ ii. 36, 47, 51, 122.

[1583] Ibid. 36, 38, 56 (‘the tenemente of Margrett Poole on the south

and weste’), 70, 77, 81, 85, 125. Here must have been the chamber

which Thomas Blagrave, finding the butler’s lodging too small, hired

of Parson Wythers, Cheyne’s servant, from 1552 to 1560, and which Pole

still had in 1572 (ibid. 53). But if it was strictly ‘adjoininge’ to

his house he must have had the ‘little kitchen’ as well as the ‘little

chamber’.

[1584] Ibid. 63, 71.

[1585] Ibid. 125. An unfortunate hiatus in a document (ibid. 70) leaves

it uncertain whether Tice occupied one of Mrs. Pole’s houses or More’s

enlarged ‘little kitchen’.

[1586] Ibid. 50.

[1587] Cf. p. 504.

[1588] Kempe, 496; Wallace, i. 195; _M. S. C._ ii. 125, misdated 1595.

The ‘other’ house was probably the mansion house, which was let to

Ralph Bowes on 3 March 1596 (cf. p. 497). Hunsdon died on 22 July 1596.

[1589] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 299, from enrolment in R. O.; _M. S. C._

ii. 60, from counterpart executed by Burbadge in _Loseley MS._ 348.

[1590] I suppose that this was the old lavatory. If so, probably

Burbadge’s use terminated when this became a glass-house in 1601; cf.

p. 506.

[1591] The account in Wallace, ii. 37, is not trustworthy; it assumes,

in lieu of the Duchy Chamber and staircase tower, a ‘north section’ of

the building 40 ft. from north to south.

[1592] Cf. p. 498.

[1593] Wallace, i. 196; ii. 38, is misleading here.

[1594] _M. S. C._ ii. 70.

[1595] Ibid. 76 (conveyance by Sir Richard Michelborne, George Pole,

and Charles Pole), 84 (conveyance by Richard and Elizabeth Mansell),

125.

[1596] _Variorum_, iii. 62; Birch, ii. 426.

[1597] H. R. Plomer, _The King’s Printing House under the Stuarts_ (_2

Library_ ii. 353).

[1598] _M. S. C._ ii. 83 (Recital of conveyance by trustees of Lady

Howard); cf. p. 512.

[1599] Ibid. 98 (Recital of lease in deed of sale of 1609).

[1600] Ibid. 93, ‘all that greate Vault or lowe roome adioyneing to

the said greate Garden lyeing and being at the south west end of the

said greate garden nowe vsed and imployed for a glassehowse’ (1609).

By 26 June 1601 (_M. S. C._ ii. 70) the way south of the kitchen yard

has become ‘the yard or way ... which leadeth towardes the glassehouse

nowe in the tenure of Sir Ierom Bowes’. Bowes had obtained a patent

for making drinking-glasses in 1592 and occupied a warehouse under the

church in 1597 (_D. N. B._). Dekker, _Newes from Hell_ (1606, _Works_,

ii. 97), says, ‘Like the Glass-house Furnace in Blacke-friers, the

bonefiers that are kept there neuer goe out’.

[1601] _M. S. C._ ii. 92 (Deed of Sale).

[1602] Ibid. 126. There is some confusion as to the position of Mrs.

Basil’s house. I think it was west of the gate-house.

[1603] Ibid. 88 (Deed of Sale, misdated 1602).

[1604] Ibid. 64.

[1605] Ibid. 83; _S. P. D. Jac. I_, viii. 18 (Grant to trustees for

Lady Kildare). An _inquisitio_ on Cobham’s Blackfriars property (_1

Jac. I_) appears to be amongst the Special Commissions and Returns in

the Exchequer (R. O. _Lists and Indexes_, xxxvii. 61).

[1606] C. R. B. Barrett, _History of the Society of Apothecaries_, 42.

The existing Hall dates from 1669–70. John Downes (cf. App. I, No. iii)

and Pepys, i. 336, record the use of the older building by Davenant for

plays at the Restoration. So Farrant’s tradition survived.

[1607] For text and discussion of bona fides cf. App. D, No. cvii.

Collier, having already assigned the document to 1576 (cf. p. 496),

uses it again for 1596 (_H. E. D. P._ i. 287). With it, in his first

edition (i. 297), he printed a reply, now in _S. P. D. Eliz._ cclx.

117, by Pope, Richard Burbadge, Heminges, Phillips, Shakespeare, Kempe,

Sly, and Tooley, on behalf of the players, which is palaeographically a

forgery (Ingleby, 289) and could not be genuine in substance, since it

refers to the Globe, which did not exist in 1596.

[1608] Cf. p. 511. Wallace, ii. 53, thinks this an error or invention

of the City in 1619, because the Privy Council registers ‘giving all

the official acts of that body, record no such order’. But the Privy

Council registers notoriously do not record all the official acts of

that body (cf. ch. ii). The petitioners of 1619 are not likely to have

invented the ‘petition and indorsemente’ of 1596 to which they appealed.

[1609] In the _Sharers Papers_ of 1635 (Halliwell-Phillipps, i.

317) Cuthbert and the other Burbadges then living say ‘now for the

Blackfriers, that is our inheritance; our father purchased it at

extreame rates, and made it into a play-house with great charge and

troble’. Further, Cuthbert was associated with Richard in buying

subsidiary property in 1601, 1610, 1612, and 1614 (cf. p. 505). But the

leases of 1600 and 1608 were by Richard alone, and under one of these

Cuthbert became his tenant.

[1610] Cf. p. 511.

[1611] Fleay, 211, 234, 240.

[1612] Cf. ch. xii.

[1613] Fleay, 224, 230, 245, 250. Evans maintained that the assignment

to Hawkins was absolute, to cover his liability under the bond to

Burbadge. But the court appears to have held that a reassignment was

intended, but that ‘the conveyance was never perfected and sealed’.

[1614] Wallace, ii. 89, from unpublished document; _Evans v. Kirkham_

in Fleay, 214.

[1615] Ibid. 235.

[1616] Ibid. 221, 231, 235, 246.

[1617] The Burbadges say in the _Sharers Papers_ of 1635, ‘the more to

strengthen the service, the boys daily wearing out, it was considered

that house would be as fit for ourselves, and so purchased the lease

remaining from Evans with our money, and placed men players, which were

Hemings, Condall, Shakspeare, etc.’. They also say that the players had

their shares ‘of us for nothing’. Very likely they paid no fine, but

they had to pay their quota towards rent. It is reasonable to infer

that Thomas Evans was a relative and nominee of Henry Evans. Kirkham’s

allegation in the 1612 litigation that Henry Evans had shared in the

Blackfriars profits during the past four years (Fleay, 225) was not

seriously contested.

[1618] Cf. ch. xiii. Collier (_New Facts_, 16) printed a document

professing to set out action taken by the City against scurrilities of

Kempe and Armin at Blackfriars in 1605. But this cannot be traced in

the City archives (S. Lee in _D. N. B._ s.v. Kempe), and the City did

not obtain control of the Blackfriars until 1608 (cf. p. 480). It is

probably a forgery.

[1619] Cf. vol. i, p. 357.

[1620] C. W. Wallace, _Advance Sheets from Shakespeare, the Globe, and

Blackfriars_ (p.p. 1909).

[1621] _Sharers Papers_ in Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 312. Collier,

_Alleyn Memoirs_, 105, conjectures that Alleyn bought Shakespeare’s

interest in April 1612, and it appears from G. F. Warner, _Dulwich

MSS._ 115, 172, 174, that he forged entries in documents relating

to other property of Alleyn’s in Blackfriars, as a support to this

conjecture.

[1622] Cf. p. 480.

[1623] Text in Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 311, and Harrison, iv. 323, from

City _Repertory_, xxxiv, f. 38^v. The two petitions of the officials

and inhabitants are in _M. S. C._ i. 90, from _Remembrancia_, v. 28,

29. They are undated, but can be identified from a recital in the

order. The officials allege ‘that whereas in November 1596 divers

both honorable persons and others then inhabiting the said precinct

made knowne to the Lordes and others of the privie Counsell, what

inconveniencies were likelie to fall vpon them, by a common Play-house

which was then preparinge to bee erected there, wherevpon their Honours

then forbadd the vse of the said howse for playes, as by the peticion

and indorsemente in aunswere thereof may appeare.... Nevertheles ...

the owner of the said play-house doth vnder the name of a private howse

(respectinge indeed private comoditie only) convert the said howse to

a publique play-house.’ They dwell on the inconvenience caused by the

congested streets and the difficulty of getting to church ‘the ordinary

passage for a great part of the precinct aforesaid being close by the

play house dore’.

[1624] Text in _M. S. C._ i. 280.

[1625] Text in Collier, i. 455, from _S. P. D. Car. I_, ccv. 32, where

it is accompanied by copies of the Privy Council order and letter of

22 June 1600 (App. D, No. cxxiv) and the City order of 21 Jan. 1619.

Probably the copy of the petition of Blackfriars inhabitants in 1596

(cf. p. 508), now in _S. P. D. Eliz._ cclx. 116, originally belonged to

this set of documents.

[1626] _M. S. C._ i. 386.

[1627] The report of the commissioners is printed by Collier, _New

Facts_, 27, and _H. E. D. P._ i. 477. It is confirmed by a memorandum

of Secretary Windebank in _S. P. D. Car. I_, ccli. p. 293, and I think

Ingleby, 304, is wrong in suspecting a forgery (cf. _M. S. C._ i. 386).

The commissioners allowed (_a_) £700 to Cuthbert and William Burbadge

for 14 years’ purchase of the rent of £50 reserved to them by lease,

(_b_) £1,134 for 14 years’ purchase of an interest in four tenements

rated at £75 and a piece of void ground to turn coaches at £6, (_c_)

£1,066 13_s._ 4_d._ for 100 marks apiece to 16 players for ‘the

interest that some of them haue by lease in the said Play-house, and in

respect of the shares which others haue in the benefits thereof’, and

for compensation for removal. Collier, _Reply_, 39, mentions but does

not print another document containing a summary of the players’ claim,

with notes by Buck. But Buck was long dead. A third valuation published

by Collier, in which Laz. Fletcher’s name occurs, is certainly a

forgery (Ingleby, 246).

[1628] _M. S. C._ i. 386.

[1629] Fleay, 211, 213. I suppose it was on this that Evans spent £11

0_s._ 2_d._ in Dec. 1603 (Wallace, ii. 89).

[1630] In _The Times_ of 12 Sept. 1906 Professor Wallace gives the

number of new suits as four; in _The Children of the Chapel at

Blackfriars_ (1908), 36, as twelve. Presumably the Court of Requests

suit of _Keysar v. Burbadge et al._, printed in _Nebraska University

Studies_, x. 336, is one of these.

[1631] Wallace, ii. 39, 40, 41, 43, 49.

[1632] Cf. p. 511.

[1633] _M. S. C._ ii. 31, ‘all the Leds couerynge the premysses’

(1576), 61, ‘the stone staires leadinge vpp vnto the Leades or route

over the saide seaven greate vpper romes oute of the saide seaven

greate vpper romes’ (1596).

[1634] Wallace, ii. 40.

[1635] Marston, _The Dutch Courtesan_, v. iii. 162.

[1636] Cf. p. 425.

[1637] R. Flecknoe, _Miscellania_ (1653), 141, ‘From thence passing

on to the Black-fryers, and seeing never a Play-bil on the Gate, no

Coaches on the place, nor Doorkeeper at the Play-house door, with his

Boxe like a Churchwarden, desiring you to remember the poor Players, I

cannot but say for Epilogue to all the Playes were ever acted there:

Poor House that in dayes of our Grand-sires,

Belongst unto the Mendiant Fryers:

And where so oft in our Fathers dayes

We have seen so many of Shakspears Playes,

So many of Johnsons, Beaumonts & Fletchers.’

[1638] I do not know what value to attach to a print in the Gardiner

collection, reproduced by Baker, 44, 78, as representing the theatre.

It shows a Renaissance façade, which can have been no part of the

mediaeval building. Adams, 197, reproduces a painting of mediaeval

fragments found in rebuilding _The Times_ in 1872, small ground-floor

rooms divided by entries. But _The Times_ must cover the site of

Hunsdon House as well as that of the theatre.

[1639] As an epilogue to this narrative and an example of how popular

history is written, I quote D. E. Oliver, _The English Stage_ (1912),

9, ‘Blackfriars House, a deserted monastery on the Thames side, was

granted by Edward VI in 1596 to the Court Players for their use

as a play-house, but it was not until the accession of Elizabeth

that it received official sanction as a recognized place of public

entertainment’.

[1640] Jonas, 132, however, quotes from the register of St. Dunstan’s,

Whitefriars, with the date 29 Sept. 1607, ‘Gerry out of the play-house

in the Friars buried’, which suggests use of the theatre before 1608.

The King’s Revels may well have started by 1607. He also quotes,

without date, ‘We present one play-house in the same precinct, not

fitting these to be now tolerable’.

[1641] I do not know why Adams, 312, identifies the play-house with a

cloister shown in Clapham’s plan. Surely it is more likely to have been

the hall also shown at the north-west corner.

[1642] _P. C. Acts_ (1613–14), 166. One Sturgis had leased a house and

garden from Sir Edward Gorge, and sublet the garden to ‘one Rossetoe

Kynman and others, who goe aboute to erecte a p[l]aye house thereupon’.

[1643] _M. S. C._ i. 91; cf. ch. xvii. The Blackfriars is still the

‘private house’ of the King’s men in the patent of 1619 issued to them

after this controversy.

[1644] It is true that, when the prentices took up Whitefriars for _The

Hog Hath Lost His Pearl_ in 1613, the admission _per bullettini_ is

said to have been ‘for a note of distinction from ordinary comedians’.

But the companies had no need to continue any special system of

admission after they had the protection of their patents; Dekker

(_vide_ p. 523) speaks of gatherers at private houses in 1609. After

the Restoration, ‘ballatine, or tickets sealed for all doors and boxes’

were introduced at the Duke’s Theatre in 1660 (R. W. Lowe, _Thomas

Betterton_, 75).

[1645] Lawrence, i. 230; cf. App. D, No. xxxii.

[1646] The earliest example is _The Troublesome Reign of King John_

(1591).

[1647] But ‘priuately’ is also used of strictly private performances on

the title-pages of _Caesar’s Revenge_ (1607) acted at Trinity College,

Oxford, and, later, W. Montague’s _Shepherd’s Paradise_ (1659) acted by

amateurs at Court.

[1648] T. M., _Black Book_ (1604), in Bullen, _Middleton_, viii.

42, ‘arch tobacco-taker of England ... upon stages both common and

private’; _Malcontent_ (1604), ind., ‘we may sit upon the stage at the

private house’; _Sophonisba_ (1606), _ad fin._, ‘it is printed only

as it was represented by youths, and after the fashion of the private

stage’; Dekker, _Gull’s Horn Book_ (cf. App. H), ‘Whether therefore

the gatherers of the publique or priuate Play-house stand to receiue

the afternoones rent’; Dekker, _Seven Deadly Sins_ (1606, _Works_, ii.

41), ‘All the Citty lookt like a priuate Play-house, when the windowes

are clapt downe’; _Roaring Girl_ (1611), ii. 1, ‘the private stage’s

audience, the twelve-penny stool gentlemen’; _Daborne to Henslowe_

(1613, _Henslowe Papers_, 79), ‘as good a play for your publique howse

as ever was playd’.

[1649] Cf. Wright (App. I).

[1650] Lawrence (_Fortnightly_, May 1916) has shown that the rebuilt

Fortune of 1623 and Red Bull of _c._ 1632 were probably roofed, and

Wright’s description confuses the two phases of these houses.

[1651] Chapman’s _Byron_ (1625) is said to have been acted ‘at the

Blacke-Friers and other publique Stages’, Heywood’s _English Traveller_

(1633), _A Maidenhead Well Lost_ (1634), and _Love’s Mistress_ (1636)

to have been ‘publikely acted’ at the Cockpit, and Shirley’s _Martyred

Soldier_ (1638) to have been acted ‘at the Private House in Drury Lane

and at other publicke Theaters’. This is exceptional terminology, but

shows the obsolescence of the distinction.

[1652] Cf. ch. xvi.

[1653] _Old Fortunatus_ (Rose, 1599), prol. 81, ‘this small

circumference’; _Warning for Fair Women_ (? Curtain, 1599), prol. 83,

88, ‘all this fair circuit ... this round’; _Hen. V_ (Curtain or Globe,

1599), prol. 11, ‘this cockpit ... this wooden O’; _E. M. O._ (Globe,

1599), prol. 199, epil. 4406, ‘this thronged round ... this faire-fild

Globe’; _Sejanus_ (Globe, 1603), comm. v, ‘the Globe’s fair ring’;

_Three English Brothers_ (Curtain or Red Bull, 1607), epil., ‘this

round circumference’; _Merry Devil of Edmonton_ (Globe, 1608), prol. 5,

‘this round’. On the other hand, _Whore of Babylon_ (Fortune, 1607),

prol. 1, ‘The charmes of Silence through this Square be throwne’.

[1654] Ordish, 12.

[1655] Before the Swan was built, Nashe wrote in _The Unfortunate

Traveller_ (1594), ‘I sawe a banketting house belonging to a merchant

that was the meruaile of the world.... It was builte round of green

marble like a Theater without’ (_Works_, ii. 282).

[1656] Cf. chh. iv, xvi (introd.).

[1657] _Atlantic Monthly_ (1906), xcvii. 369.

[1658] Kirkman also says in the preface to _The Wits_ (1672), ‘I

have seen the Red Bull Play-house, which was a large one’; but he is

referring, more certainly than Wright, to the rebuilt house.

[1659] Cf. Albright, 40; Lawrence, i. 12, and _E. S._ xxxii. 44.

[1660] There is a dot in Wheatley’s facsimile over the second

well-marked ‘r’ of the word ‘orchestra’. Is it possible that Van

Buchell misread it ‘orchestia’?

[1661] Cf. Brereton in _Homage_, 204.

[1662] Cf. ch. xvi.

[1663] The _Theatrum_ of Jonson’s 1616 Folio t.p. is oval, rather

than round, but it is safer to take this, in spite of its hut, as

representing Jonson’s notion of a classical theatre.

[1664] Cf. ch. xvi. Graves, 32, tries to minimize the structural

influence of inn-yards on the theatres, and even doubts whether the

actors preferred to act in these ‘rather than in the great halls’. But

I do not think that he makes much of a case. Had the inns, indeed,

‘great halls’ at all?

[1665] Gosson, _P. C._ (1582), ‘it is the fashion of youthes to go

first into the yarde, and to carry theire eye through every gallery’;

_Hamlet_, III. ii. 10, ‘tear a passion to tatters, to very rags, to

split the ears of the groundlings, who for the most part are capable

of nothing but inexplicable dumb-shows and noise’; Dekker, _G. H. B._

(1609), ‘your _Groundling_ and _Gallery-Commoner_ buyes his sport by

the penny ... neither are you to be hunted from thence, though the

Scar-crows in the yard hoot at you, hisse at you, spit at you, yea,

throw durt euen in your teeth’; _Bartholomew Fair_ (1614), ind. 51,

‘the vnderstanding Gentlemen o’ the ground here, ask’d my iudgement’,

59, 79; _The Hog Has Lost His Pearl_ (1614), prol.:

We may be pelted off for ought we know,

With apples, egges, or stones,

from thence belowe;

W. Fennor, _Descriptions_ (1616):

the understanding, grounded, men for their just reward,

Shall gape and gaze among the fools in the yard.

So later, _Vox Graculi_ (1623), ‘they will sit dryer in

the galleries then those who are the understanding men in the yard’;

Shirley, _The Changes_ (1632):

Many gentlemen

Are not, as in the days of understanding,

Now satisfied with a Jig;

Shirley, _The Doubtful Heir_ (1640), prol.:

No shews, no frisk and, what you most delight in,

Grave understanders, here’s no target-fighting.

[1666] _Proscenium_ is the proper classical word for the space in front

of the _scena_; cf. p. 539.

[1667] Albright has no justification for introducing into his

reconstruction of a typical Shakespearian stage the tapering, instead

of quadrangular, platform which characterizes the late engraving in

_The Wits_, and to a less degree those in _Roxana_ and _Messallina_.

[1668] Wegener, 125, collects examples of the use of traps. They

served, _inter alia_, for the representation of ‘hell-mouth’, which the

Elizabethan stage inherited from the miracle-plays (cf. p. 544), and

the space under the stage was known as ‘hell’; cf. Dekker, _News from

Hell_ (1606, _Works_, ii. 92, 139), ‘Mary the question is, in which of

the _Play-houses_ he [the Devil] would have performed his prize....

Hell being vnder euerie one of their _Stages_, the Players (if they

had owed him a spight) might with a false Trappe doore haue slipt him

downe, and there kept him, as a laughing stocke to al their yawning

spectators.... Tailors ... (as well as Plaiers) haue a hell of their

owne, (vnder their shop-board).’

[1669] Cf. Graves, 41. The register of the association of Masters of

Defence (_Sloane MS._ 2530; cf. extracts in A. Hutton, _The Sword and

the Centuries_, 259) records many ‘prizes’ played at theatres and

theatrical inns during the sixteenth century; cf. App. D, Nos. lx-lxii,

_Case is Altered_, II. vii. 28, ‘First they [maisters of defence] are

brought to the publicke _Theater_’, and for later periods Henslowe,

i. 98 (the Rose, 1598), the fatal contest at the Swan in 1602, and

Herbert, 47, 81. For acrobats cf. App. D, No. cxxiii, on the use of the

Swan by Peter Bromvill in 1600. Henslowe, i. 98, 106, records loans in

connexion with vaulting performances with a horse, perhaps at the Rose,

in 1598 and 1599 by John Haslett or Hassett, who was also paid for

court performances (App. B) in 1603 and 1608.

[1670] T. M. _Black Book_ (1604, Bullen, _Middleton_, viii. 7) opens

with _Lucifer ascending, as Prologue to his own Play_:

Now is hell landed here upon the earth,

When Lucifer, in limbs of burning gold,

Ascends the dusty theatre of the world,...

... my tortured spleen

Melts into mirthful humour at this fate,

That heaven is hung so high, drawn up so far,

And made so fast, nailed up with many a star;

And hell the very shop-board of the earth,...

... And now that I have vaulted up so high

Above the stage-rails of this earthen globe,

I must turn actor and join companies.

Rails are shown in the late _Roxana_ and _Messallina_ engravings of

indoor stages.

[1671] Cf. H. Logeman in _Anglia_, xix. 117.

[1672] Dekker, _G. H. B._ (1609), ‘on the very Rushes where the Commedy

is to daunce ... must our fethered _Estridge_ ... be planted’ ...

‘Salute all your gentle acquaintance, that are spred either on the

rushes, or on stooles about you ... take vp a rush, and tickle the

earnest eares of your fellow gallants’; _1 Hen. IV_, III. i. 214, ‘She

bids you on the wanton rushes lay you down’. In _The Gentleman Usher_

(_c. 1604_, Blackfriars), II. i. 72, ‘Enter Bassiolo with Servants,

with rushes and a carpet’, and Bassiolo says,

lay me ’em thus,

In fine smooth threaves; look you, sir, thus, in threaves.

Perhaps some tender lady will squat here,

And if some standing rush should chance to prick her,

She’d squeak, and spoil the songs that must be sung.’

[1673] Lawrence, i. 39, 161.

[1674] G. Harvey (1579, _Letter Book_, 67), ‘sum maltconceivid comedye

fitt for the Theater, or sum other paintid stage whereat thou and thy

liuely copesmates in London may lawghe ther mouthes and bellyes full

for pence or twoepence apeece’; Spenser, _Tears of the Muses_ (1591),

176, ‘That wont with comick sock to beautefie The painted Theaters’;

cf. Graves, 68. Coryat, i. 386, in 1608, found a Venice play-house

‘very beggarly and base in comparison of our stately Play-houses in

England: neyther can their Actors compare with us for apparell, shewes

and musicke’. So in _Case is Altered_, II. vii. 30, the plays in Utopia

(= England) are ‘set foorth with as much state as can be imagined’.

[1675] App. I; but cf. p. 524, n. 1.

[1676] _Malcontent_ (_1604_, Globe), ind., ‘Good sir, will you leave

the stage? I’ll help you to a private room’; cf. Sir J. Davies’

epigram, _infra_.

[1677] Wright, _Hist. Hist._ 407, ‘The prices were small (there being

no scenes)’.

[1678] L. Wager’s _Mary Magdalene_ (1566) has a prologue which says

that the actors will take ‘halfpence or pence’ from the audience,

but this was probably used by strolling actors and continues the

miracle-play tradition. At almost the same date, a jest in _Merry

Tales, Wittie Questions and Quick Answers_ (1567, Hazlitt, _Jest

Books_, i. 145) tells how men stood at the gate of a play at

Northumberland Place, ‘with a boxe (as the facion is) who toke of euery

persone that came in a peny or an half peny at the least’.

[1679] J. Mayne in _Jonsonus Virbius_ (1638):

So when thy Fox had ten times acted been,

Each day was first, but that ’twas cheaper seen;

And so thy Alchemist played o’er and o’er,

Was new o’ the stage, when ’twas not at the door.

[1680] G. Harvey (p. 530, _supra_); Lyly, _Pappe with an Hatchet_

(_Works_, iii. 408); cf. _Martin’s Month’s Mind_ (1589, App. C, No.

xl). Lodge, _Scillaes Metamorphosis_ (1589), will not ‘tie my pen to

Pennie-knaves delight’, and S. Rowlands, _Letting of Humour’s Blood in

the Head Vein_ (1600), bids poets not ‘To teach stage parrots speak for

penny pleasure’; cf. _Case is Altered_, I. i. 104, ‘Tut, giue me the

penny, giue me the peny, I care not for the Gentlemen, I, let me haue a

good ground’.

[1681] Cf. ch. xvi, introd. Field says in 1583 (App. C, No. xxxi),

‘Euery dore hath a payment, & euery gallerie maketh a yearely stipend’.

[1682] _E. M. O._ (1599), ind. 425, ‘Let me neuer liue to looke as

highe as the two-pennie roome, againe’; T. Garzoni, _Hospitall of

Incurable Fooles_ (tr. 1600), epist., ‘a Player that in speaking

an Epilogue makes loue to the two pennie roume for a plaudite’;

_Satiromastix_ (1602), epil. 2690, ‘Are you pleas’d?... if you be not,

by’th Lord Ile see you all--heere for your two pence a peice agen

before Ile loose your company.... Good night, my two-penny Tenants’;

_Mad World, my Masters_ (_c._ 1604–6), v. ii. 36, ‘some ... that ...

took a good conceit of their parts into th’ two-penny room’; _Woman

Hater_ (1607), prol. 5, ‘I do pronounce this, to the utter discomfort

of all two-penny Gallery men, you shall have no bawdery’; _Fleire_

(1607), ii. 30, ‘They (like your common players) let men come in for

twopence a peece’; Dekker, _News from Hell_ (1606, _Works_, ii. 96),

‘You may take him ... in the afternoones, in the twopeny roomes of a

Play-house, like a Puny, seated Cheeke by Iowle with a punke’, _Seven

Deadly Sins_ (1606, ii. 53), ‘_Sloth_ ... will come and sit in the

two-pennie galleries amongst the gentlemen, and see their knaveries

and their pastimes’, _The Dead Term_ (1608, iv. 55), ‘Players ...

prostitute themselues to the pleasures of euery two-penny drunken

Plebeian’, _Lanthorn and Candle-Light_ (1608, iii. 216), ‘Pay thy

twopence to a Player, in his gallerie maist thou sitte by a Harlot’,

_Raven’s Almanac_ (1609, iv. 184), ‘As if you sat in the moste

perspicuous place of the two-penny gallerie in a play-house’; _Roaring

Girl_ (1611), v. 1, ‘One of them is a nip; I took him once i’ the

two-penny gallerie at the Fortune’; &c., &c.

[1683] Dekker, _Seven Deadly Sins_ (1606, _Works_, ii. 53), ‘Their

houses smoakt euery after noone with Stinkards who were so glewed

together in crowdes with the steames of strong breath, that when

they came foorth, their faces lookt as if they had beene per boyld’,

_Raven’s Almanac_ (1609, iv. 194), ‘Hee shall be glad to play three

houres for two pence to the basest stinkard in London, whose breth

is stronger than garlicke, and able to poison all the twelve penny

roomes’, _Work for Armourers_ (1609, iv. 96), ‘tearme times, when

the Twopeny Clients and Peny Stinkards swarme together to heere the

Stagerites’; _vide_ n. 2, _infra_, and p. 534, n. 1.

[1684] _Satiromastix_ (1602), 1669, ‘a Gentleman or an honest Cittizen

shall not sit in your pennie-bench Theaters, with his Squirrell by his

side cracking nuttes ... but he shall be Satyr’d and Epigram’d vpon’;

T. M. _Black Book_ (1604), ‘penny-rooms at theatres’; T. M. _Ant and

Nightingale_ (1604), ‘stinkards sitting in the penny galleries of a

theatre, and yawning upon the players’; Dekker, _Gull’s Horn Book_

(1609, _Works_, ii. 208), ‘thou ... hast vouchsafed to be acquainted

with penny galleries’; _Wit Without Money_ (_c._ 1614), iv. 1, ‘break

in at plays like prentices for three a groat, and crack nuts with the

scholars in peny rooms again’.

[1685] A. Copley, _Wits, Fits and Fancies_ (1595; ed. 1614, p. 124),

tells of a man cast off by his brother, an actor, who sent him sixpence

in a sheet of paper, to show that, ‘though his brother had vowed not

in seven years to see him, yet he for his sixpence could come and see

him upon the stage at his pleasure’. If Platter’s 3_d._ was the highest

normal charge in the sixteenth century, the 6_d._ may represent a first

night’s charge.

[1686] Most of the allusions to 6_d._ charges relate to private houses

(cf. p. 556), but Beaumont’s grammar lecture (cf. ch. xxiii) gives

this price for the Bankside, and T. M. _Black Book_ (1604, Bullen,

_Middleton_, viii. 41) has ‘I give and bequeath to you Benedick

Bottomless, most deep cut-purse, all the benefit of ... the sixpenny

rooms in play-places, to cut, dive and nim’. Later, _The Actors

Remonstrance_ (1643) professes that the players will not admit into

their ‘sixpenny rooms those unwholesome enticing harlots that sit

there merely to be taken up by prentices or lawyers’ clerks’; cf.

Lawrence, i. 36, who thinks that the lord’s rooms became the sixpenny

rooms. For the 1_s._ charge, cf. p. 533, n. 1, and _Malcontent_ (1604),

ind. 63, ‘I say, any man that hath wit may censure, if he sit in the

twelve-penny room’; Dekker, _G. H. B._ (1609), ‘When at a new play you

take up the twelve-penny rome next the stage; (because the Lords and

you may seeme to be haile fellow wel-met) there draw forth this booke,

read alowd, laugh alowd, and play the _Antickes_, that all the garlike

mouthed stinkards may cry out, _Away with the fool_’; _Hen. VIII_

(_1613_), prol., ‘may see away their shilling’; Overbury, _Characters_

(ed. Rimbault, 154, _The Proud Man_), ‘If he have but twelvepence in ’s

purse he will give it for the best room in a play-house’.

[1687] They include women, and certainly look more like spectators than

actors or musicians.

[1688] E. Guilpin, _Skialetheia_ (1598), ep. 53:

See you him yonder, who sits o’re the stage,

With the Tobacco-pipe now at his mouth?

In _E. M. O._ (_1599_), 1390 (Q_{1}), Brisk is said to

speak of lords ‘as familiarlie as if hee had ... ta’ne tabacco with

them ouer the stage i’ the Lords roome’. Dekker-Wilkins, _Jests to

Make you Merry_ (1607, _Works_, ii. 292), has a jest of ‘one that sat

ouer the stage’ on a wench in the two-penny room. _Farmer-Chetham MS._

(seventeenth-century, ed. Grosart, i. 104) has an epigram on Spongus,

who ‘Plays at Primero over the stage’.

[1689] _Satiromastix_ (1602), 2612, ‘You must forsweare to venter

on the stage when your play is ended, and to exchange curtezies and

complements with gallants in the Lordes roomes’. The subject is well

discussed by Lawrence (i. 29), _The Situation of the Lords’ Room_.

[1690] Sir J. Davies, _Epigrams_ (prob. < 1596), ep. 28, _In Sillam_,

‘He that dares take Tobacco on the stage’; ep. 3, _In Rufum_:

Rufus the Courtier at the theatre

Leauing the best and most conspicuous place,

Doth either to the stage himselfe transfer,

Or through a grate doth show his doubtful face,

For that the clamorous frie of Innes of court

Filles vp the priuate roomes of greater prise:

And such a place where all may haue resort

He in his singularitie doth despise.

It is not, I think, sitting on the stage that is

satirized in J. Hall, _Virgedemiarum_ (1597), i. 3, but a performance

by illiterate amateurs on a ‘hired Stage’.

[1691] _C. Revels_ (_1601_), ind. 138:

‘3. Child ... Here I enter.

1. What, vpon the stage too?

2. Yes: and I step forth like one of the children, and ask you, Would

you have a Stool, Sir?

3. A Stoole Boy?

2. I Sir, if you’le giue me sixe Pence, I’le fetch you one.

3. For what I pray thee? what shall I doe with it?

2. O God Sir! will you betraye your Ignorance so much? why, throne your

selfe in state on the stage, as other Gentlemen vse Sir’;

_All Fools_ (_c. 1604_), prol. 30:

if our other audience see

You on the stage depart before we end,

Our wits go with you all and we are fools.

_Isle of Gulls_ (_1606_), ind., ‘But come boy, furnish us with

stools’.... ‘He [the author] is not on the stage amongst gallants

preparing a bespoke Plaudite’.

_K. B. P._ (_1607_), ind. 41:

_Wife below Rafe below._

_Wife._ Husband, shall I come vp husband?

_Citizen._ I cunny. Rafe helpe your mistresse this way: pray gentlemen

make her a little roome, I pray you sir lend me your hand to helpe vp

my wife.... Boy, let my wife and I haue a cupple stooles.... Come vp

Rafe.

It must not be assumed from this burlesque that women usually sat on

the stage, even at the private houses.

[1692] _What You Will_ (1602), ind., ‘Let’s place ourselves within the

curtains, for good faith the stage is so very little, we shall wrong

the general eye else very much’; _Faery Pastoral_ (1603), author’s

note, ‘If so be that the Properties of any of These, that be outward,

will not serue the turne by reason of concourse of the People on the

Stage, Then you may omit the sayd Properties’. In _Wily Beguiled_

(possibly a Paul’s play), 2021, comes the s. d. ‘Stands vpon a stoole’,

in a wood scene.

[1693] _E. M. O._ (_1599_), 585 (Q_{1}), ‘Sit o’ the stage and flout;

prouided, you haue a good suit’; 1784, ‘rich apparell ... takes

possession of your stage at your new play’; _A Mad World, my Masters_

(_c. 1604–6_), v. ii. 38, ‘The actors have been found i’ th’ morning

in a less compass than their stage, though it were ne’er so full of

gentlemen’; _Woman Hater_ (1607), i. 3, ‘All the Gallants on the stage

rise, vail to me, kiss their hand, offer me their places’. It is true

that _Roaring Girl_ (1611), ii. 1, has ‘the private stages audience,

the twelve-penny stool gentlemen’, but this may only point to a

higher price for a stool at the private house, and in any case cannot

outweigh the allusions of Davies and Jonson before the Blackfriars, or

probably Paul’s, were reopened, or T. M. _Black Book_ (1604, Bullen,

_Middleton_, viii. 42), ‘Barnaby Burning-glass, arch tobacco-taker of

England, in ordinaries, upon stages both common and private’; Dekker,

_G. H. B._ (1609), ‘Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique

or priuate Play-house stand to receiue the afternoones rent, let our

Gallant (hauing paid it) presently aduance himselfe vp to the Throne

of the Stage’ (cf. the whole passage on the procedure and advantages

of sitting on the stage, where Dekker clearly mingles traits of both

types of house, in App. H). Wallace, ii. 130, argues that the custom

was started at Blackfriars and was confined to the private houses, but

is hopelessly confuted by C. R. Baskervill in _M. P._ viii. 581.

[1694] _Malcontent_ (1604, Globe), ind.:

‘Enter W. Sly, a Tire-man following him with a stool.

_Tire-man._ Sir, the gentlemen will be angry if you sit here.

_Sly._ Why, we may sit upon the stage at the private house. Thou dost

not take me for a country gentleman, dost? dost think I fear hissing?...

_Lowin._ Good sir, will you leave the stage? I’ll help you to a private

room.

_Sly._ Come, coz, lets take some tobacco’;

_M. D’Olive_ (1606, Blackfriars), IV. ii. 173, ‘I’ll take up some other

fool for the Duke to employ: every ordinary affords fools enow; and

didst not see a pair of gallants sit not far hence like a couple of

bough-pots to make the room smell?’

[1695]

Yet, Grandee’s, would you were not come to grace

Our matter, with allowing vs no place.

Though you presume Satan a subtill thing,

And may haue heard hee’s worne in a thumbe-ring;

Doe not on these presumptions, force vs act,

In compasse of a cheese-trencher. This tract

Will ne’er admit our vice, because of yours.

Anone, who, worse than you, the fault endures

That your selues make? when you will thrust and spurne,

And knocke vs o’ the elbowes, and bid, turne;

As if, when wee had spoke, wee must be gone,

Or, till wee speake, must all runne in, to one,

Like the young adders, at the old ones mouth?

Would wee could stand due North; or had no South,

If that offend: or were Muscouy glasse,

That you might looke our Scenes through as they passe.

We know not how to affect you. If you’ll come

To see new Playes, pray you affoord vs roome.

[1696] Wallace, ii. 142.

[1697] Dekker, _G. H. B._ (1609), ‘You may ... haue a good stoole

for sixpence ... creepe from behind the Arras, with your Tripos or

three-footed stoole in one hand, and a teston mounted betweene a

forefinger and a thumbe in the other’; cf. pp. 535, n. 3, 536, n. 2.

[1698] Cf. ch. xx.

[1699] Godfrey (_Architectural Review_, xxiii. 239) has no authority

for his internal roofed staircases and landings in the narrow spaces

between the galleries and the sides of the stage.

[1700] Henslowe made a ‘penthowsse shed at the tyeringe howsse doore’

of the Rose in 1591. Doubtless the stage could also be reached from in

front; cf. the _K. B. P._ passage on p. 536.

[1701] Gosson, _P. C._ (1582, App. C, No. xxx), tells how youths are

wont ‘to go first into the yarde, and to carry theire eye through euery

gallery’ in search of attractive company; cf. p. 532.

[1702] Cf. p. 541, and ch. xi.

[1703] Peacham, however, may be merely versifying the story of the

choleric justice and the provincial audience which laughed when he

‘first peept out his head’ in Nashe, _Pierce Penilesse_ (_Works_, i.

188), and reading in a feature, in the process, of the stage as known

to himself; and the same applies to Davenant, _The Unfortunate Lovers_

(_c. 1638_), prol., on the play-goers of old times:

For they, he swears, to the theatre would come,

Ere they had din’d, to take up the best room;

There sit on benches, not adorn’d with mats,

And graciously did vail their high-crown’d hats

To every half-dress’d player, as he still

Through the hangings peeped to see how the house did fill.

For Caroline practice, cf. T. Goffe, _Careless

Shepherdess_ ind.:

I never saw Rheade peeping through the curtain,

But ravishing joy entered into my heart;

also Tatham’s prologue for the Fortune players, when they

moved to the Red Bull in 1640:

Forbear

Your wonted custom, banding tile and pear

Against our curtains, to allure us forth;

I pray, take notice, these are of more worth;

Pure Naples silk, not worsted.

I defer a full consideration of stage hangings to the

chapters on staging; cf. vol. iii, p. 78.

[1704] For the classical sense of _Scaena_, cf. the passage from

Vitruvius quoted in vol. iii, p. 3. Florio, _Dictionary_ (1598),

s.v. _Scena_, ‘a skaffold, a pavillion, or forepart of a theatre

where players make them readie, being trimmed with hangings, out of

which they enter upon the stage’, points to the identity of scene and

tire-house front. This structure has therefore precisely the double

function of the ‘domus’ of the court plays; cf. ch. xix. I owe the

quotation to Graves, 15, who adds, _The Englysshe Mancyne upon the

foure Cardynale Vertues_ (_c._ 1520), ‘a disgyser yt goeth into a

secret corner callyd a sene of the pleyinge place to chaunge his

rayment’, and Palsgrave, _Acolastus_ (1540), prol., ‘our scenes, that

is to saye, our places appoynted for our players to come forth of’.

The English ‘Mancyne’ is a translation, earlier than A. Barclay’s, of

Dominic Mancini’s _De Quatuor Virtutibus_ (1516), and the original

has only ‘Histrio, qui in scaenam vadit’. The notion of scena as not

a mere wall, but a shelter for performers, is mediaeval, and appears

to go back to an early definition from σκῆνος, a hut or tent, found,

e. g., side by side with the regular mediaeval misunderstanding of

the classical art of acting in Hugutius, _Liber Derivationum_, ‘Scena

est umbraculum siue locus obumbratus in theatro et cortinis coopertus

similis tabernaculis mercenariorum, quae sunt asseribus vel cortinis

opertae, et secundum hoc scena potest dici a scenos, quod est domus,

quae in modum domus erat constructa. In umbraculo latebant personae

larvatae, quae ad vocem recitatoris exigebantur ad gestus faciendos’;

cf. Herrmann, 280, W. Cloetta, _Komödie und Tragödie im Mittelalter_

(1890), 38; _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 208. It is revised on humanist lines

by Jodocus Badius Ascensius in the _Praenotamenta_ to his Terence of

1502, ‘Intra igitur theatrum ab una parte opposita spectatoribus erant

scenae et proscenia, id est loca lusoria ante scenas facta. Scenae

autem erant quaedam umbracula seu absconsoria, in quibus abscondebantur

lusores, donec exire deberent. Ante autem scenas erant quaedam

tabulata, in quibus personae qui exierant ludebant.’

[1705] The _Roxana_ engraving shows a projecting building at the back

of the stage, but this can hardly be regarded as throwing light upon

sixteenth-century structure.

[1706] _C. Revels_ (1601), ind. 160. The author is not ‘in the

Tiring-house, to prompt us aloud, stampe at the Booke-holder, sweare

for our Properties, cursse the poore Tire-man, rayle the Musique out

of tune’; _Bartholomew Fair_ (1614), ind. 8, ‘I am looking, lest the

_Poet_ heare me, or his man, Master Broome, behind the Arras....

Hee has (sirreuerence) kick’d me three, or foure times about the

Tyring-house, I thanke him, for but offering to putt in, with my

experience’; v. iii. 57, ‘I would be glad drinke with the young

company; which is the Tiring-house?’

[1707] _Every Woman in her Humour_, p. 354, ‘He would ... stamp and

stare (God blesse us,) like a play-house book-keeper when the actors

misse their entrance’; _R. J._ I. iv. 7,

Nor no without-book prologue, faintly spoke

After the prompter, for our entrance.

The actor’s signal for entrance was already his ‘cue’;

cf. _M. N. D._ III. i. 77, ‘And so every one according to his cue’;

_Isle of Gulls_, ii. 2, ‘you know your que’; ii. 3, ‘She hath entred

the Dutches iust at her que’.

[1708] _2 Ant. Mellida_, II. i. 30, ‘The tiring man hath not glued on

my beard half fast enough’. A tireman appears in the inductions to

_Malcontent_, ‘Enter W. Sly, a Tire-man following him with a stool’,

and to _What You Will_, ‘Enter Tire-man with lights’. ‘Steven the

tyerman’ of the Admiral’s in 1596 is probably the Steven Magett of

other entries by Henslowe (i. 31, 44, 45).

[1709] Speakers in the induction to _Bartholomew Fair_ (1614) are

the Booke-Holder and the Stage-Keeper, who ‘kept the _Stage_ in

Master _Tarletons_ time’, and whose work is ‘sweeping the _Stage_? or

gathering vp the broken apples for the beares within?’

[1710] The Fortune company, _c._ 1617 (_H. P._ 85), offer to employ a

dismissed ‘gatherer’ as ‘a nessessary atendaunt on the stage’ and to

mend garments. On 27 Dec. 1624 the Master of Revels (_Var._ iii. 112;

Herbert, 74) issued a warrant of protection for Nicholas Underhill,

Robert Pallant, John Rhodes, and eighteen others ‘all imployed by the

kings maiesties servantes in theire quallity of playinge as musitions

and other necessary attendantes’. In _Devil’s Charter_ (1607), 3016,

is the s. d. ‘Alexander vnbraced betwixt two Cardinalls in his study

looking vpon a booke, whilst a groome draweth the curtaine’. Is this

‘groom’ a character or an ‘attendant’? In any case attendants were

naturally, with musicians and even ‘gatherers’ (on whom cf. ch. xi),

used at need for supernumeraries; cf. the gatherers in the _Frederick

and Basilea_ plot (1597, _H. P._ 136) and _2 If You Know Not Me_

(1606), p. 297, ‘Enter ... the waits in sergeants’ gowns’. The long

list of men and boys in the procession at the end of _1 Tamar Cham_

(1602, _H. P._ 148) must have taxed all such resources. For the use

of boys as attendants, cf. _Bartholomew Fair_, V. iii. 65, ‘Ha’ you

none of your pretty impudent boyes, now; to bring stooles, fill

Tabacco, fetch Ale, and beg money, as they haue at other houses?’

Seventeenth-century gossip (_Centurie of Prayse_, 417) made Shakespeare

join the stage as a ‘serviture’.

[1711] Lawrence, i. 75, ii. 159; Wegener, 150; G. H. Cowling, _Music

on the Shakespearian Stage_, 29, 70, 80. I refer to Cowling and to E.

W. Naylor, _Shakespeare and Music_, for discussions of the instruments

used--drums, timbrels, bells (percussion instruments), sackbuts,

trumpets, horns (brass instruments), cornets, hautboys, recorders,

fifes (wood instruments), viols, lutes, citterns, pandores (string

instruments)--of such terms as ‘flourish’, ‘sennet’, ‘tucket’, ‘peal’,

‘alarum’, ‘consort’, and of other technical matters with which I am not

qualified to deal. The Admiral’s inventories of 1598 (_H. P._ 115, 116,

118) include ‘iij trumpettes and a drum, and a trebel viall, a basse

viall, a bandore, a sytteren ... j chyme of bells ... iij tymbrells ...

j sack-bute’.

[1712] _Malcontent_, ind. 89. The additions for the King’s are ‘to

entertain a little more time, and to abridge the not-received custom of

music in our theatre’. But ‘abridge’ only means shorten, and there are

s. ds. for music between the acts of _Sejanus_ (Globe, _1603_) and in

the plot of _Dead Man’s Fortune_ (Admiral’s, _c._ 1590, _H. P._ 133);

cf. Dekker, _Belman of London_ (1608, _Works_, iii. 76), ‘These were

appointed to be my Actes, in this goodly Theater, the musicke betweene,

were the Singers of the Wood’. But such evidence is rare, and Lawrence,

i. 75, and Cowling, 67, do not discriminate sufficiently the practice

of the public theatres from that of the private theatres on the one

hand and the early neo-classic court plays on the other. Here music is

an integral part of the _intermedii_ or dumb-shows, which are little

more than survivals in the full-blown public drama; cf. F. A. Foster in

_E. S._ xliv. 8, and _Hamlet_, III. ii. 13, ‘inexplicable dumb-shows’.

[1713] Cf. p. 551.

[1714] _Alphonsus_, prol., ‘after you haue sounded thrise, let Venus be

let downe from the top of the Stage’; Heywood, _Four Prentices_, prol.,

‘Do you not know that I am the prologue? Do you not see the long black

velvet coat upon my back? Have I not all the signs of the prologue

about me? Have you not sounded thrice?’; Dekker, _Satiromastix_,

epist., ‘In steed of the trumpets sounding thrice, before the play

begin, it shall not be amisse ... first to beholde this short Comedy of

Errors’; _G. H. B._ (cf. App. H), ‘untill the quaking prologue hath (by

rubbing) got cullor into his cheekes, and is ready to give the trumpets

their cue that hee’s upon point to enter’; _E. M. O._ (Q_{1}), 107,

‘Inductio, sono secundo’, 402, ‘Sound the third time. Enter Prologue’.

Jonson has a similar arrangement (F_{1}) in the private house plays

_Cynthia’s Revels_ and _Poetaster_, but probably the trumpets were

here replaced by more elaborate music; cf. _1 Ant. Mellida_, ind. 1,

‘the music will sound straight for entrance’; _What You Will_, ind. 1

(s. d.), ‘Before the music sounds for the Act’; _C. Revels_ (Q_{1}),

1435, ‘Like an unperfect Prologue, at third musique’. Surely this is

the origin of the ‘first’, ‘second’, and ‘third’ (or ‘curtain tune’)

music of the Restoration and eighteenth-century overtures, described

by Lawrence, ii. 155. Exceptionally the prologue in Percy’s _C. and C.

Errant_ is between the second and third sounding.

[1715] _Chaste Maid in Cheapside_, V. iv. 1 (s. d.), ‘There is a sad

song in the music-room’; cf. _Thracian Wonder_, IV. i. 182, ‘Pythia

speaks in the musick Room behind the Curtain’, 186, ‘Pythia above,

behind the curtains.’ But these, although early plays, are in late

prints, and the other examples of a music-room ‘above’ given by

Lawrence, i. 91, are Caroline. Jasper Mayne says of Jonson (1638,

_Jonsonus Virbius_), ‘Thou laid’st no sieges to the music-room’. My own

impression is that when the lord’s room over the tire-house was disused

by spectators (cf. p. 537) it became indifferently available for actors

and for music, and that here, rather than, as is possible, higher still

in the scenic wall, was the normal place for the seventeenth-century

music, when it was not needed elsewhere, or the space needed for

other purposes. The introduction of the high proscenium arch at the

Restoration caused difficulties, and various experiments were tried in

placing the music above (Lawrence, i. 91, 161; ii. 160; W. G. Keith,

_The Designs for the First Movable Scenery on the English Public Stage_

in _Burlington Magazine_, xxv. 29, 85), before the modern situation was

adopted.

[1716] Cf. ch. x.

[1717] _R. J._, prol. 12, ‘the two hours’ traffic of our stage’;

_Alchemist_, prol. 1, ‘these two short hours’; _Hen. VIII_, prol. 13,

‘two short hours’; _T. N. K._, prol. 28, ‘Sceanes ... worth two houres

travell’; Heywood, _Apology_, 11 (Beeston’s c. v.), ‘two houres well

spent’; _Barth. Fair_, ind., ‘the space of two hours and a half and

somewhat more’. Perhaps plays tended to grow shorter. Fenton (1574) and

Northbrooke (1577–8) give ‘two or three houres’, and Whetstone (1578)

three hours (cf. App. C), but Dekker (cf. p. 533, n. 3) seems to regard

three hours as an exceptionally long period.

[1718] Cotgrave, _French-English Dict._ (1611), s.v. Falot, ‘a cresset

light (such as they use in play-houses) made of ropes wreathed, pitched

and put into small and open cages of iron’; cf. Lawrence, ii. 13, who

thinks the cressets were part of the lighting of private houses. But

would they not smoke and smell badly, if used indoors? There is no

particular reason for translating the _lucernae_ of Christ Church hall

in 1566, with Schelling and Lawrence, as ‘cressets’.

[1719] Nashe (iii. 329), epist. to _Astrophel and Stella_ (1591),

‘here you shal find a paper stage streud with pearle, an artificial

heau’n to ouershadow the faire frame’; _Wagnerbook_ (1594, cf. ch.

xx), ‘Now aboue all was there the gay Clowdes vsque quaque adorned

with the heavenly firmament, and often spotted with golden teares

which men callen Stars. There was liuely portrayed the whole Imperiall

Army of the faire heauenly inhabitauntes’; _Birth of Hercules_ (1597

<), i. 1, s. d., ‘Ad comoediae magnificentiam apprime conferet ut

coelum Histrionium sit luna et stellis perspicue distinctum’; Heywood,

_Apology_ (_c. 1608_), 34, of the Roman theatre, ‘the covering of the

stage, which we call the heavens’; Cotgrave, _Dict._ (1611), s.v.

_Volerie_, ‘a place over a stage, which we call the heavens’. The same

word was used for the state over a throne; cf. Cotgrave, s.v. _Dais_,

‘a cloth of estate, canopie, or Heaven, that stands over the heads of

Princes thrones’. Graves, 24, gives examples of heavens used in Tudor

pageants. It is to be noted that the ‘heavens’ and ‘hell’ (cf. p. 528)

of a theatre continue characteristic features of mediaeval staging (cf.

_Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 86, 137, 142); cf. _All Fools_, prol. 1:

The fortune of a stage (like Fortunes selfe)

Amazeth greatest judgments; and none knowes

The hidden causes of those strange effects

That rise from this Hell, or fall from this Heaven.

The theory of J. Corbin in _Century_ (1911), 267, that

the heavens was a mere _velarium_ or cloud of canvas thrown out from

the hut, will not fit the evidence; cf. Lawrence, ii. 6.

[1720] Cf. vol. iii, p. 78. Is this, or the hut, the ‘garret’ of R.

M.’s _A Player_ (cf. p. 546)?

[1721] I do not now regard as tenable my suggestion in _The Stage

of the Globe_ (_Stratford Town Shakespeare_, x. 351) that De Witt

represented as outstanding columns what were really mere pilasters in

the tire-house wall.

[1722] Kempe, _Nine Days Wonder_, 6, ‘I remembred one of them to be

a noted Cut-purse, such a one as we tye to a poast on our stage, for

all people to wonder at, when at a play they are taken pilfring’; cf.

_Nobody and Somebody_, 1893,

_Somebody_

Once pickt a pocket in this Play-house yard,

Was hoysted on the stage, and shamd about it;

also ch. xx, p. 75; ch. xxi, pp. 108, 141.

[1723] For criticism of the drawing of the heavens and hut, cf. Graves,

22, and Brereton in _Homage_, 204.

[1724] Henslowe paid in 1595 for ‘mackinge the throne in the heuenes’

at the Rose; cf. R. M., _Micrologia_ (1629), in Morley, _Character

Writings_, 285, _A Player_, ‘If his action prefigure passion, he raves,

rages, and protests much by his painted heavens, and seems in the

height of this fit ready to pull Jove out of the garret where perchance

he lies leaning on his elbows, or is employed to make squibs and

crackers to grace the play’. Wegener, 133, gives examples of the use of

machines; for the throne, cf. vol. iii, p. 77.

[1725] Field (1583, App. C, No. xxxi), ‘Those flagges of defiance

against God’; Vennar’s apology (1614) for _England’s Joy_ (1602, cf.

ch. xxiii). ‘The report of gentlemen and gentlewomens actions, being

indeed the flagge to our theatre, was not meerely falcification’; _A

Mad World, my Masters_ (1604–6), I. i. 38, III. iii. 143, ‘’Tis Lent in

your cheeks; the flag’s down’.... ‘The hair about the hat is as good as

a flag upo’ th’ pole, at a common play-house, to waft company’; Dekker,

_Raven’s Almanac_ (1609, _Works_, iv. 210), ‘Another ciuill warre doe

I finde will fal betweene players.... For it is thought that Flag will

be aduanced (as it were in mortall defiance against Flag)’; _Work for

Armourers_ (1609, _Works_, iv. 96), ‘Play-houses stand ... the dores

locked vp, the flagges ... taken down’; _Curtain-Drawer of the World_

(1612), ‘Each play-house advanceth his flag in the aire, whither

quickly at the waving thereof are summoned whole troops of men, women,

and children’. The maps regularly show flags on the theatres. The Globe

fire in 1613 ‘did not spare the silken flagg’ (cf. p. 421). Heywood,

_Apology_, 22, mistranslates Ovid’s ‘Tunc neque marmoreo pendebant vela

theatro’ as:

In those days from the marble house did waive

No sail, no silken flag, no ensign brave.

[1726] Cf. p. 542; _Cynthia’s Revels_, ind., where the boys struggle

for the cloak; _Woman Hater_, prol. 1, ‘Gentlemen, Inductions are out

of date, and a Prologue in Verse, is as stale as a black Velvet Cloak,

and a Bay Garland’; _Birth of Hercules_ (1597 <), prol. 5, ‘Thepilogue

is in fashion; prologues no more’; and much later. _Coronation_, prol.

4,

he

That with a little Beard, a long black Cloak,

With a starch’d face, and supple leg hath spoke

Before the plays the twelvemonth.

The prologue appears to be a composite figure, partly

representing the poet, and deriving also in part from the presenter

of dumb-shows, in part from the Chorus of neo-classic tragedy, and in

part from the ‘exposytour in doctorys wede’, developed by miracle-plays

and moralities out of the Augustine of the _Prophetae_; cf. _Mediaeval

Stage_, ii. 52, 72, 153, 417, 423, 426, 429, 448; F. A. Foster in

_E. S._ xliv. 13; F. Lüders, _Prolog und Epilog bei Shakespeare_

(_Sh.-Jahrbuch_, v. 274); Creizenach, 275. The short dramatic

inductions, often introducing actors _in propria persona_, favoured

by Jonson, Marston, and others about the beginning of the seventeenth

century, attempt to give new life to a waning convention.

[1727] Cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 141, 156. Drums and trumpets were

used as advertisements in the city at any rate until 1587 (App. C, Nos.

xvii, xxxi, xxxviii), and were traditional in the provinces up to the

middle of the eighteenth century (Lawrence, ii. 58). Parolles tells

us (_All’s Well_, IV. iii. 298) that Captain Dumain ‘has led the drum

before the English tragedians’. Henslowe (i. 118) bought a drum and two

trumpets for the Admiral’s ‘when to go into the contry’ in Feb. 1600.

In _Histriomastix_, ii. 80, ‘One of them steppes on the Crosse, and

cryes, A Play’.

[1728] H. Moseley, pref. verses to F_{1} of Beaumont and Fletcher

(1647):

As after th’ Epilogue there comes some one

To tell spectators what shall next be shown;

So here am I.

This is, of course, only Caroline evidence; for the

continuance of the practice after the Restoration, cf. Lawrence, ii.

187.

[1729] _Grindal to Cecil_ (1564, App. D, No. xv), ‘these Histriones,

common playours who now daylye, butt speciallye on holydayes, sett vp

bylles’; _Merry Tales, &c._ (1567; cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Vennar), ‘billes

... vpon postes about London’; Northbrooke (1577, App. C, No. xvi),

‘they use to set vp their billes vpon postes certain dayes before’;

Gosson, _S. A._ (1579, App. C, No. xxii), 44, ‘If players can ...

proclame it in their billes, and make it good in theaters’; Rankins

(1587, App. C, No. xxxviii), ‘sticking of their bills in London’;

Marston, _Scourge of Villainy_ (Bullen, iii. 302), ‘Go read each post,

view what is play’d to-day’; _Histriomastix_, v. 69, ‘Text-bills must

now be turned to iron bills’; _Warning for Fair Women_, (> 1599):

’Tis you have kept the Theatres so long,

Painted in play-bills upon every post.

That I am scorned of the multitude.

Wither, _Abuses Stript and Whipt_ (1613), ii. 2:

But, by the way, a Bill he doth espy,

Which showes theres acted some new Comedy.

In _Bartholomew Fair_, v. iii. 6, Cokes ‘reads the Bill’

of the motion; cf. Lawrence (ii. 55), _The Origin of the Theatre

Programme_.

[1730] _Devil an Ass_, I. iv. 43, ‘Hee giues him the Play-bill’.

[1731] Arber, ii. 477; iii. 575.

[1732] _Henslowe Papers_, 106.

[1733] Lawrence, ii. 240.

[1734] Jonson, in printing plays, and following him the editors of

the Beaumont and Fletcher F_{1} often give the scene and the actors’

names, and casts appear in _Duchess of Malfi_ (1623). But these are not

necessarily taken from any documents put before the audiences.

[1735] Lawrence, ii. 154; cf. the stipulation in Burbadge’s lease (p.

387), and W. Fennor, _Compter’s Commonwealth_ (1617), 8, ‘he that first

comes in is first seated, like those that come to see playes’.

[1736] Cf. p. 540 (Tatham), and the notices of Hentzner and Platter

(ch. xvi, introd.). In _K. B. P._ the wife comes with her pockets full

of sweetmeats, which she bestows upon the actors, liquorice (i. 77),

green ginger (ii. 279), sugar-candy (ii. 366), and her husband brings

beer (iii. 631). The liquorice would open Ralph’s pipes; cf. ch. xii

(Westminster) and _C. Revels_, ind. 215, ‘I would thou hadst some sugar

candyed, to sweeten thy mouth’; Overbury, _Characters_ (ed. Rimbault,

113, _A Puny-Clarke_), ‘Hee eats ginger-bread at a play-house’.

[1737] Cf. pp. 534, 536 and Hentzner (ch. xvi, introd.); _C. Revels_,

ind. 122, ‘I haue my three sorts of Tabacco, in my Pocket, my light by

me’; _K. B. P._ i. 224, ‘Fie, this stinking Tobacco kils men, would

there were none in _England_, now I pray Gentlemen, what good does this

stinking Tobacco? do you nothing, I warrant you make chimnies a your

faces’; Dekker, _G. H. B._, ‘By sitting on the stage, you may ... get

your match lighted’; _Scornful Lady_, I. ii. 52, ‘They wear swords to

reach fire at a play’; _Sir Giles Goosecap_, IV. ii. 87 (street-scene),

‘By this fire, they do, my lord’. Burn, 84, cites a note by Sir J.

Caesar in _Lansd. MS._ 160, p. 302, of a speech by James in a Star

Chamber case of 1613, in which he advised gentlemen of the Temple not

to frequent plays, whence the smoke of tobacco and the presence of

painted ladies should deter them.

[1738] W. Fennor, _Descriptions_ (1616), ‘I suppose this Pamphlet will

hap into your hands before a Play begin, with the importunate clamour

of “Buy a new Booke!” by some needy companion that will be glad to

furnish you with worke for a turned teaster’. Dekker, _G. H. B._ (cf.

App. H), recommends cards.

[1739] _V. P._ xiv. 593, 599, records a charge against the ambassador

Foscarini (1611–15) of pursuing a woman, and ‘sometimes attending the

public comedies and standing among the people on the chance of seeing

her’. Foscarini said he only went three or four times to the play and

that the archduke’s ambassador and his wife did the same. It was given

in evidence that the ambassador Giustiniani (Dec. 1605–Oct. 1608) went

with the French ambassador and his wife to see _Pericles_ at a cost

of 20 crowns. This must have been at the Globe. For the presence of

harlots, cf. pp. 534, 535; vol. i, p. 255.

[1740] Dekker, _G. H. B._ (1609, _Works_, ii. 201), ‘you can neither

shake our _Comick Theater_ with your stinking breath of hisses, nor

raise it with the thunder-claps of your hands’ (cf. also App. H); _Isle

of Gulls_, ind., ’Tis growne into a custome at playes if anyone rise

(especially of any fashionable sort) about what serious busines soeuer,

the rest thinking it in dislike of the play, tho he neuer thinks it,

cry “Mew! by Jesus, vilde!” and leaue the poore hartlesse children to

speake their Epilogue to the emptie seates’. Later a Gent. says, ‘See

it be baudy, or by the light I and all my friends will hisse’, and the

Prologue replies, ‘You shoulde not deale gentlemanlike with us els’; E.

Guilpin, _Skialetheia_ (1598), prol. to Sat., ‘It is the grand hisse to

a filthy play’; _Roaring Girl_, prol., ‘If that he finds not here, he

mews at it’; _T. and C._, epil.:

my fear is this,

Some galled goose of Winchester would hiss;

_Downfall of Robin Hood_, _ad fin._:

if I fail in this,

Then let my pains be baffled with a hiss;

_Devil an Ass_, III. v. 41:

If I could but see a piece...

Come but to one act, and I did not care--

But to be seene to rise, and goe away,

To vex the Players, and to punish their _Poet_--

Keepe him in awe!

[1741] _Isle of Gulls_, ind., ‘a prepared company of gallants to

aplaud his iests and grace out his play’; _Histriomastix_, ii. 137,

‘_Belch._’ ‘What’s an Ingle? _Posthaste._ One whose hands are hard as

battle doors with clapping at baldness’. For the special use of ‘ingle’

(= ‘intimate’) in the sense of a patron of players, cf. _Poetaster_,

I. ii. 18, ‘What! shall I have my sonne a stager now? an enghle for

players? a gull? a rooke? a shot-clogge? to make suppers, and bee

laught at?’

[1742] Cf. p. 547, n. 1.

[1743] _K. to K. a Knave_ (1594), _ad fin._; _Looking-Glass_, 2282;

_Locrine_, 2276; _2 Hen. IV_, epil. 35, ‘And so kneele down before

you; but indeed, to pray for the Queene’; _Two Wise Men and All the

Rest Fools_ (1619), epil., ‘It resteth that we render you very humble

and hearty thanks, and that all our hearts pray for the king and his

family’s enduring happiness, and our country’s perpetual welfare. _Si

placet, plaudite_’; cf. ch. xxii.

[1744] Cf. ch. x.

[1745] _M. N. D._ v. i. 360, ‘Will it please you to see the epilogue,

or to hear a Bergomask dance between two of our company?’; _Much Ado_,

v. i. 130, ‘Strike vp, pipers. _Dance_’; _A. Y. L._ V. iv. 182.

[1746] Cf. ch. xiii (Leicester’s).

[1747] Murray, ii. 206, 293, 304, 367, ‘upon the Q. players at the

dancing on the rop’ (1590, Bridgnorth), ‘vnto the Torkey Tumblers’

(1589–90, Ipswich), ‘to certen playars, playinge uppon ropes at the

Crosse Keyes’ (1590, Leicester), ‘to the Quenes men when the Turke

wente vpon roppes at Newhall’ (22 April 1590, Norwich); _Coventry Corp.

MS._ A 7 (b), ‘the Queens players & the turk’ (1589–90, Coventry);

cf. Nashe, _Epistle to Strange Newes_ (1592, _Works_, i. 262), ‘Say I

am as verie a Turke as hee that three yeeres ago ranne vpon ropes’. A

Gloucester payment of 1594–5 for ‘a wagon in the pageant for the Turke’

(Murray, ii. 285) may or may not refer to the acrobat of 1590.

[1748] Cf. ch. xiv.

[1749] Both Hentzner (1598) and Platter (1599) describe it; cf. ch.

xvi, introd. Platter saw it at both the Globe and the Curtain, where

it was ‘Englisch unndt Irlendisch’. Von Wedel also describes something

very much like a well-developed jig after a baiting on the Bankside in

1584 (cf. ch. xvi, Hope).

[1750] Gosson, _P. C._ (1582; cf. App. C, No. xxx), ‘daunsing of

gigges’; _Much Ado_, II. i. 78, ‘Wooing ... is hot and hasty, like a

Scotch jig, and full as fantastical’; _Hamlet_, III. ii. 132, ‘O God,

your only jig-maker’; _E. M. O._ (Q_{1}), 1147, ‘a thing studied, and

rehearst as ordinarily at his comming from hawking, or hunting, as

a Iigge after a play’; _Jack Drum_, i. 404, ‘as the Iigge is cal’d

for when the play is done’; R. Knolles, _Six Bookes of a Commonweal_

(1606), 645, ‘Now adayes they put at the end of euerie Tragedie (as

poyson into meat) a comedie or jigge’ (translating Bodin’s ‘obscoena

quadam fabula turpissimis ac sordidissimis narrationibus condita’);

Cotgrave (1611), ‘Farce ... also, the Iyg at the end of an Enterlude,

wherein some pretie knauerie is acted’; Dekker, _A Strange Horse Race_

(1613, _Works_, iii. 340), ‘As I haue often seene, after the finishing

of some worthy Tragedy, or Catastrophe in the open Theaters, that the

sceane after the Epilogue hath been more blacke (about a nasty bawdy

jigge) then the most horrid sceane in the play was: The stinkards

speaking all things, yet no man understanding any thing’; cf. the late

Shirley allusion on p. 528. The term is sometimes more loosely used.

In _James IV_, 82, 88, 620, 636, 661, 666, 673, 1116, the speakers of

the Induction call the main action a jig; cf. _1 Tamburlaine_, prol. 1,

‘iygging vaines of riming mother wits’. Swaen (_Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xlvi.

122) points out that a tune known as _The Cobler’s Jig_ would fit the

dialogue song by cobblers in _Locrine_, 569. Naylor, 124, gives some

account of jig tunes and derives the term from _giga_, an instrument of

the fiddle type.

[1751] Cf. the quotation from _K. B. P._ on p. 557, and ch. v.

[1752] Tarlton and Kempe (cf. ch. xv) are spoken of as acting in

‘merriments’. I doubt whether anything more technical is meant than

a farcical episode in a play, perhaps helped out with such ‘gags’ as

_Hamlet_, III. ii. 42, deprecates.

[1753] Arber, ii. 297, 298, 571, 600, 601, 669, 670, 671; iii. 49, 50,

‘a newe Northerne Jigge’ (5 Jan. 1591), ‘the seconde parte of the gigge

betwene Rowland and the Sexton’ (16 Dec. 1591), ‘the thirde and last

parte of Kempes Jigge’ (28 Dec. 1591), ‘a merrie newe Jigge betwene

Jenkin the Collier and Nansie’ (14 Jan. 1592), ‘a plesant newe Jigge

of the broome-man’, ascribed in the margin to Kempe (16 Jan. 1595), ‘a

pleasant Jigge betwene a tincker and a Clowne’ (4 Feb. 1595), ‘a ballad

of Cuttinge George and his hostis beinge a Jigge’ (17 Feb. 1595),

‘Master Kempes Newe Jigge of the kitchen stuffe woman’ (2 May 1595),

‘Phillips his gigg of the slyppers’ (26 May 1595), ‘a pretie newe Jigge

betwene Ffrancis the gentleman Richard the farmer and theire wyves’

(14 Oct. 1595), and ‘Kemps newe Jygge betwixt a Souldiour and a Miser

and Sym the clown’ (21 Oct. 1595); cf. ch. xv (Tarlton). Creizenach,

312, cites a list of jig titles by Hoenig in _Anzeiger für deutsches

Altertum_, xxii. 304.

[1754] _Have With You to Saffron Walden_ (_Works_, iii. 114).

[1755] Henslowe, i. 70, 82.

[1756] E. Guilpin, _Skialetheia_, Sat. v.

[1757] App. D, No. cl; cf. the quotation from Dekker, _supra_;

_Hamlet_, II. ii. 522, of Polonius, ‘He ’s for a jig or a tale of

bawdry, or he sleeps’; Wither, _Abuses Stript and Whipt_ (1613), ii.

3, ‘a Curtaine Iigge, a Libell, or a Ballet’. Possibly the Middlesex

order has a bearing on the curious variant in the Epistle to Jonson’s

_Alchemist_ (1612), where some copies lament ‘the concupiscence of

jigges and daunces’, others of ‘daunces and antikes’.

[1758] _The Black Man_ is in Kirkman’s _The Wits_ (1672), and _Singing

Simpkin_ is ascribed in undated texts to the Caroline Robert Cox,

but a tune of this name was known in Basle in 1592, and a German jig

of 1620 seems to be a translation; cf. Herz, 132; F. Bolte, _Die

Singspiele der englischen Komödianten und ihrer Nachfolger_ (1893,

_Theatergeschichtliche Forschungen_, vii); W. J. Lawrence (_T. L. S._ 3

July 1919).

[1759] A. Clark, _Shirburn Ballads_, 244 (cf. S. R. list, _supra_, s.

a. 1595), ‘M^r Attowel’s Jigge: betweene Francis, a Gentleman; Richard,

a farmer; and their wives’. It is in four scenes, sung respectively to

the tunes of ‘Walsingham’, ‘The Jewishe Dance’, ‘Buggle-boe’, and ‘Goe

from my windo’. In _Roxburghe Ballads_, i. 201; ii. 101, are ‘Clod’s

Carroll, a proper new jigg’, and ‘A mery new Jigge’. Collier’s ‘Jigge

of a Horse Loade of Fooles’ (_New Facts_, 18; cf. Halliwell, _Tarlton_,

xx) is probably a fake.

[1760] Clark, 354, from _Bodl. Rawlinson Poet. MS._ 185 (_c._ 1590), ‘A

proper new ballett, intituled Rowland’s god-sonne’. It is to the tune

of ‘Loth to departe’. Nashe, _Summer’s Last Will and Testament_, 76,

mentions this jig. Two parts of a ‘Rowlandes godson moralised’ were

entered in S. R. on 18 and 29 April 1592. Rowland is not a character,

and numerous German allusions to and adaptations of a jig beginning ‘Oh

neighbour Rowland’ (Herz, 134) have probably some other original. A

‘Roland and the Sexton’ is in the S. R. list, _supra_. A verse dialogue

in _Alleyn Papers_, 8, mentions ‘bonny Rowland’ and is probably a jig

of his cycle; another (p. 29) does not read to me like a jig.

[1761] Cf. ch. xv (Tarlton, Wilson) and Nashe, _Pierce Penilesse_

(_Works_, i. 244), ‘the queint Comaedians of our time, That when their

Play is doone, do fal to ryme’. Armin’s (q.v.) _Quips Upon Questions_

(1600) are probably themes, or based upon the conception of themes. A

theme is introduced in _Histriomastix_, ii. 293. The Lord sets it:

Your poetts and your pottes

Are knit in true-love knots,

and a sixteen-line ‘song extempore’ by Posthaste follows.

The verses on ‘theames’ in Gascoigne’s _Posies_ (ed. Cunliffe, 62) are

not, I think, improvisations.

[1762] Smith, _Commedia dell’ Arte_, 175; cf. M. J. Wolff, _Shakespeare

und die Commedia dell’ arte_ (_Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xlvi. 1).

[1763] _C. is A._ II. vii. 36, of the players in Utopia (England),

‘_Sebastian._ And how are their plaies? as ours are? extemporall?

_Valentine._ O no! all premeditated things’. The references of

Whetstone, _Heptameron_ (1582), _Sp. Tragedy_, IV. i. 163, Middleton,

_Spanish Gypsy_, IV. ii. 38, are specifically to French and Italian

practice, and so too, presumably, _A. C._ v. ii. 216, ‘The quick

comedians Extemporally will stage us’. The interpretation of Hamlet,

II. ii. 420, ‘For the law of writ and the liberty, these are the only

men’, is open, but Falstaff says in _1 Hen. IV_, II. iv. 309, ‘Shall we

have a play extempore?’

[1764] Hamlet, III. ii. 42; cf. _John a Kent and John a Cumber_, iii,

_ad fin._, ‘One of us Johns must play beside the book’.

[1765] In _K. B. P._, ind. 94, where Ralph ‘should have playd

Jeronimo with a Shooemaker for a wager’; _Ratseis Ghost_ (1605,

Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 326), ‘I durst venture all the mony in my

purse on thy head to play Hamlet with him for a wager’; Dekker, _Jests

to Make You Merrie_ (1607, _Works_, ii. 282), ‘A paire of players,

growing into an emulous contention of one anothers worth, refusde to

put themselves to a day of hearing (as any Players would haue done)

but stood onely vpon their good parts’; cf. ch. xvi (Fortune), ch. xv

(Alleyn).

[1766] Cf. ch. xi, p. 371.

[1767] _2 Ant. Mellida_, prol., ‘within this round ... this ring’; cf.

p. 536. _Fawn_ (1604–6), prol., has ‘this fair-filled room’, but the

play was transferred to Paul’s from Blackfriars.

[1768] For the existence of tiring-houses in private theatres, cf.

inductions to _Jack Drum’s Entertainment_ (Paul’s) and _C. Revels_

(Blackfriars).

[1769] Cf. ch. xvii.

[1770] _Dutch Courtesan_ (_c. 1603_, Blackfriars), V. iii. 162, ‘my

very fine Heliconian gallants, and you my worshipful friends in the

middle region’.

[1771] Cf. Wright (App. I). For the origin of the term, cf. the c. v.

of L. Digges to Shakespeare’s _Poems_ (1640):

Let but Beatrice

And Benedicke be seene, loe in a trice

The cockpit, galleries, boxes, are all full,

To hear Malvoglio that crosse-garterd gull.

[1772] Dekker, _G. H. B._ (cf. App. H), with its mingling of ‘public’

and ‘private’ features, cannot be relied on. The _Roxana_ and _Wits_

engravings show spectators ‘over the stage’, but cannot be treated as

evidence for the private houses. The _Messallina_ engraving only shows

a window closed by curtains.

[1773] Cf. p. 556, _infra._

[1774] _1 Ant. Mellida_ (Paul’s), prol., ‘select and most respected

auditors’; _What You Will_ (Paul’s), ind., ‘the female presence, the

genteletza, the women’; _Jack Drum’s Entertainment_ (Paul’s), ind.,

‘this choise selected influence’. But it was still mixed enough; cf.

Jonson’s c. v. to _Faithful Shepherdess_ (Revels, _c._ 1608–9):

The wise and many-headed bench that sits

Upon the life and death of plays and wits--

Composed of gamester, captain, knight, knight’s man,

Lady or pusill that wears mask or fan,

Velvet or taffata cap, rank’d in the dark

With the shop’s foreman, or some such brave spark,

That may judge for his sixpence.

[1775] Cf. chh. i, x, and _M. L. R._ ii. 12.

[1776] Jonson, _supra_; _Mich. Term_ (_c._ 1606, Paul’s), ‘sixpenny

fees all the year long’; Otho of Hesse-Cassel (1611, Whitefriars),

‘hier kostet der eingang einen halben schilling nur, da an andern orten

wohl eine halbe kron’; _Scornful Lady_ (1613–16,? Whitefriars), IV. i.

238, ‘I ... can see a play For eighteen-pence again: I can, my lady’;

_Wit Without Money_ (? 1614, Whitefriars), i. 1, ‘And who extoled

you in the halfcrown boxes, where you might sit and muster all the

beauties’. So later, Jonson, _Magnetic Lady_ (_1632_, Blackfriars),

ind., ‘the faeces or grounds of your people, that sit in the oblique

caves and wedges of your house, your sinful sixpenny mechanicks’. I am

rather puzzled by Percy, _C. and C. Errant_, ‘Poules steeple stands in

the place it did before; and twopence is the price for the going into

a newe play there’. Even in 1589 (cf. p. 532) the price at Paul’s was

4_d._ according to a Marprelate tract, and William Darrell in that year

paid 6_d._ (Hall, _Society in Elizabethan Age_, 211).

[1777] In _Isle of Gulls_ (1606, Blackfriars), ind., a Gent. can only

see an act or two out, for ‘I lay in bed till past three a clock, slept

out my dinner and my stomache will toule to supper afore fiue’. Otho of

Hesse-Cassel (1611) says that the Whitefriars plays were at three, and

from Michaelmas to Easter only. Percy, on the other hand (cf. ch. xii),

says that the Paul’s boys were not allowed to begin before four, after

prayers, and the gates of Paul’s shut at six. So, too, _Ram Alley_

(King’s Revels), epil., ‘Thus two hours have brought to end’. Gerschow

in 1602 (cf. ch. xii) says that the Chapel acted once a week; cf.

_Eastward Hoe_ (1605, Blackfriars), epil., ‘May this attract you hither

once a week’.

[1778] Dekker, _Seven Deadly Sins_ (1606, Works, ii. 41), ‘All the

Citty lookt like a priuate Play-house, when the windowes are clapt

downe, as if some _Nocturnall_, or dismal _Tragedy_ were presently to

be acted’.

[1779] _What You Will_ (1601, Paul’s), ‘Enter Atticus, Doricus, and

Philomuse, they sit a good while on the stage before the Candles are

lighted.... Enter Tier-man with lights’; _Mich. Term_ (1607, Paul’s),

‘Ours [terms] haue but sixpenny fees all the year long, yet we dispatch

you in two hours without demur: your suits hang not long here after

candles be lighted’; _Faithful Shepherdess_ (1608–9, Blackfriars),

Beaumont’s c. v., ‘Some like, if the wax lights be new that day’. Otho

of Hesse-Cassel (1611) says that the Whitefriars plays were ‘nur bei

lichtern’. Later we have G. Wither, _Fair Virtue_ (1622), 1781:

those lamps which at a play

Are set up to light the day;

Lenton, _The Young Gallants Whirligig_ (1629):

spangled, rare perfumed attires,

Which once so glister’d at the torchy Friars.

Cf. Lawrence (ii. 1), _Light and Darkness in the Elizabethan Theatre_;

also _E. S._ xlviii. 213.

[1780] Cf. ch. xii; and for evidence of inter-act music, Lawrence, i.

81; Cowling, 68. Papers on _Early Elizabethan Stage Music_ in _Musical

Antiquary_ (Oct. 1909, Jan. 1913) show the origin of the musical

tradition in the earlier boy companies; for its seventeenth-century

development, cf. Wallace, ii. 114.

[1781] _Faithful Shepherdess_ (1608–9, Blackfriars), Beaumont’s c. v.:

Nor wants there those who, as the boy doth dance

Between the acts, will censure the whole play.

In _K. B. P._ (1607, Blackfriars) a boy dances after Acts i and iii,

and the citizens comment, ‘I will haue him dance _Fading_; _Fading_

is a fine Iigge’. After Act ii there are fiddlers. After Act iv Ralph

intervenes with a May Day speech.

[1782] _2 Ant. Mellida_, V. i. 50, ‘Andrugio’s ghost is placed betwixt

the music-houses’; _Faery Pastoral_, s. ds., ‘Highest aloft and on

the Top of the Musick Tree the Title The Faery Pastoral. Beneath him

pind on Post of the Tree The Scene Eluida Forest Lowest of all ouer

the Canopie ΝΑΠΑΙΤΒΟΔΑΙΟΝ or Faery Chappell’.... ‘Here they shutt both

into the Canopie Fane or Trophey’; _Cuck Queenes and Cuckolds Errants_,

prol. by Tarlton, ‘standing at entrance of the doore and right vnder

the Beame I think Graves, 14, rightly explains ‘Trophey’ as ‘arch’,

on the analogy of its use for a triumphal arch in Dekker, _Coronation

Pageant_ (1603). The only other use of ‘canopy’ for a structural part

of a theatre seems to be in _Sophonisba_, iv. 1, ‘Play softly within

the canopy’.... ‘Syphax hasteneth within the canopy, as to Sophonisba’s

bed’. This is a Blackfriars play, but it might conceivably have been

written for Paul’s.

Transcriber’s Notes:

1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been

corrected silently.

2. Where necessary, original spelling has been retained.

3. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the

original.

4. Hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have been

retained as in the original.

5. Some words seem to have been written as one word, e.g.

thexecutor. These have been retained as in the original.

6. Superscripts are represented using the caret character, e.g.

D^r. or X^{xx}.

7. Italics are shown as _xxx_.